The foreign policy establishment can justifiably feel upbeat with the results of the Modi-Trump meeting, which have been most gratifying especially given the uncertainties in the run-up to the visit.
With changing times and the growing profile of India in the international system, there is a need for a change in the structure and process of recruitment into this very important service.
India’s current Prime Minister Narendra Modi is often touted as India’s Deng Xiaoping, expected to lead the country on a path of economic reform and accelerated growth.1 While Modi rose to power on an economic mandate, it is his foreign policy that has received the most attention in the media. Modi has been criticised by the media, the public and the opposition parties for taking several overseas trips in his short tenure in office.
The US Pivot and Indian Foreign Policy is based on the premise of the ascendance of Chinese power and relative decline of the United States (US) on the world stage causing transition of power in international politics. Considering China’s assertive behaviour, this power transition is unlikely to be peaceful inducing uncertainty in the system. By using the term ‘balance of power’ in the title itself, the authors seem to have suggested an emerging bipolar world order with the US and China being the two poles in the near future.
This backgrounder explores three issues: the strategic significance of the South Pacific for India, the advantages that India enjoys over China in the region, and the status of India’s relationship with Papua New Guinea in the light of the recent visit by President Mukherjee.
Ceding PoK as part of a settlement does not comport with India’s national and strategic interests, especially in terms of dealing with the challenge posed by China-Pakistan collaboration.
There is a conscious effort on the part of India to re-energise the INSTC. However, sustaining the momentum achieved remains a major challenge before the member countries of the North-South connectivity project.