Publication - MP-IDSA

Israel’s Strategic Priorities in Post-Assad Syria

Israel’s July 2025 military intervention in Syria is motivated by an attempt to preserve the post-December 2024 territorial security status quo.

ECOWAS Leadership Transition: Between Symbolism and Substance

ECOWAS can reassert its role as a central driver of West Africa’s economic integration and political stability with sustained political will and coordinated policy implementation.

The Trump Administration and Alliance Burden Sharing

President Donald Trump’s transactional approach to alliance burden sharing has resulted in US alliance partners increasing their contributions for collective defence requirements.

Myanmar’s Rare Earth Elements: Conflict Dynamics and Supply Chains

Amid the civil war, Myanmar’s rare earth elements have become a flashpoint for regional and global resource politics.

The Israel–Iran War and the Nuclear Factor

The Israel–Iran War has raised serious questions regarding the credibility of the IAEA and highlighted structural deficiencies in the NPT.

Defence Diplomacy through the Prism of Soft Power: US–India Defence Partnership

India’s Defence Minister, Rajnath Singh’s mention of the term ‘Defence Diplomacy’ (DD) during his address at the Commander’s conference in April 2024,1 and its discussion in the Indian Defence Diplomacy: A Handbook published by India’s premier Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA) in 2021,2 underscore its increasing traction in New Delhi’s policy circles. Even earlier in 2020, India’s External Affairs Minister, Dr S. Jaishankar had chosen to speak on the relationship between defence and diplomacy at the Second Manohar Parrikar Memorial Lecture.

Guiding Principles of Indo-US Strategic Partnership: Strategic Autonomy or Strategic Interest?

The Indo-US strategic partnership has been a long project that is soon going to be a quarter of a century old. While the Kickleighter Proposal of 1991 sowed the seeds of this partnership, their germination began with the March 2000 visit to India by the US President Bill Clinton. From 1991 till Clinton’s visit, there were good beginnings and unexpected pitfalls that prevented the growth of the strategic partnership. The most serious pitfall was, of course, India’s decision to go nuclear in 1998, and the Clinton Administration’s resolve to impose sanctions on India.

The Race for Tech Supremacy between US and China: Implications for the World, US and India

The unravelling race for tech supremacy, as a microcosm of the macro trade war between US and China, can be depicted as Tech Race 2.0. In some ways, this is akin to the Space Race that unfolded between the US and the erstwhile USSR in the 1950s and 1960s, which eventually turned in favour of the US, given its fundamentals being firmly grounded in democracy, freedom of speech and robust innovation and business ecosystems. Since China shares some of the key elements that the Soviet Union had, it is likely that history can be repeated provided the US is fully aware of the challenges emanating from China and takes necessary steps by investing in the state-of-the-art technologies. The implications of the US losing the race could be far-reaching not only for the US, but also for the entire global order built on the liberal principles and values. The same is applicable for India since it shares a border with China and the border conflict continues to persist. Therefore, it is imperative to save the global community from the dangers of authoritarian leaders and countries winning the race.

Balancing Strategic Partnerships and Sovereignty: The Impact of Technology Transfer Concerns on India–US Defence Cooperation

India–US defence cooperation has grown significantly, driven by shared interests in the Indo-Pacific region. However, technology transfer remains problematic due to India’s focus on strategic autonomy and US concerns over intellectual property and export controls. This article investigates the same within the context of Defence Technology and Trade Initiative (DTTI), exploring how technology transfer concerns affect joint defence efforts and the development of advanced military system. It also examines US regulatory restrictions, such as International Traffic in Arms Regulations (ITAR), and their impact on technology sharing. Additionally, the article considers India’s ‘Make in India’ and ‘Atmanirbhar Bharat’ initiatives, which sometimes conflict with US technology protection expectations. The article suggests solutions, including flexible bilateral agreements and enhanced trust-building, to balance strategic partnerships with national sovereignty, aiming to resolve technology transfer issues and maximise the potential of India–US defence collaboration in the Indo-Pacific region.

India–US Defence Cooperation: Opportunity to Achieve Technological Superiority for Indian Armed Forces

Over the years, India has set up comprehensive infrastructure for the manufacture of defence equipment. Although considerable growth has taken place in indigenous capabilities, India is largely dependent on foreign technologies for the high-tech equipment. However, despite Transfer of Technology from foreign countries, the development of indigenous technologies has met with limited success. In the last two decades, India’s relations with the US have become stronger and India has been designated by the US as a ‘Major Defence Partner’. There have been a number of agreements between the two countries for collaborations in various fields including defence technologies, with iCET being the most promising initiative. This provides India with an excellent opportunity to achieve technological excellence with collaboration and co-development with the US. However, there are many challenges which may be an impediment to such development. This article examines India’s need for technology transfer, track record of technology transfers from the US, analyses the current agreements, identifies opportunities and challenges and recommends a way forward.