Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses
मनोहर पर्रिकर रक्षा अध्ययन एवं विश्लेषण संस्थान

Publication

Taliban’s “Contact Commission”: Three Years Later

Looking beyond high optics associated with the return (often the deportation) of members of the former Afghan Republic to the country, the Contact Commission set up by the Taliban regime in 2022 comes across as a strategic move to present itself as a conciliatory and legitimate state entity on one hand and undercut the support base of the fragmented exiled political opposition on the other. This is best manifest in the fact that the Taliban has opened a pathway for exiled political opposition and former civil and military personnel to return to the country but without yielding any political space or making any provision to integrate the returnees into its governing structures. The commission’s efforts are stymied by violations of the ‘general amnesty’ announced for members of the former regime, lack of employment avenues for the educated non-Taliban workforce, and the ban on higher education for girls and work opportunities for women. In such a scenario, the commission cannot bridge the divide between the regime and the exiled or returnee Afghans, unless the regime itself acts as a bridge connecting diverse ethnicities and identities that make up the Afghan Nation.

Pakistan’s Outreach to Bangladesh: An Analysis

With the fall of the Sheikh Hasina government on 5 August 2024, a newfound warmth in Pakistan–Bangladesh relations has come to the fore. On 7 August 2024, Pakistan issued a statement expressing solidarity with the people of Bangladesh (Momand Citation2024). Pakistanis who had once termed the separation of East Pakistan as ‘good riddance’ have suddenly become euphoric. There is a sudden spurt in interaction among diplomats, politicians and military officials and reported flow of even ammunitions and other defence material, suggesting the growing level of trust between the two countries.

Power Geostructure in East Asia: Sub-Regional Shifts and Strategic Implications (1992–2023)

The East Asian subregion has undergone profound transformations in its national power distribution since the end of the Second World War and especially, during the post-Cold War period. Several countries in the region, previously underdeveloped, have managed to emerge as powers of global relevance, while in the 21st century some of these same powers are declining or facing challenges to maintain their power. In a subregion of crucial strategic importance, these changes demand an analysis and update of the national power dynamics in East Asia.

India’s Participation in the Quad: From Hesitation to Proactivity

The ‘Indo-Pacific’ region has become one of the epicentres of global issues, with the emergence of multilateral mechanisms such as the ‘Quadrilateral Security Dialogue’ (Quad). This group comprises Australia, India, Japan and the United States of America. India is considered to be the ‘weakest link’ in the Quad. However, this is only partially true. The authors of this article are of the view that, being the only country in the group that is not a formal US ally, India’s participation in Quad has been ‘different’ rather than ‘weak’ – moving from being hesitant to being more proactive, while maintaining its strategic autonomy.

Regional Organizations and Maritime Dispute Resolution: Challenges in ASEAN and the Baltic Sea

Academic research demonstrates that regional organizations have great influence in resolving maritime conflicts, as its members are immediately affected by contention in the region. However, regional organizations also face challenges stemming from the organization’s own mechanism, capacity, and role which reduces the regional organization’s active role in preventing and resolving conflicts. This article examines the case of the Baltic Sea and South China Sea regions, specifically, comparing, analysing challenges in maritime conflict resolution between the ASEAN and CBSS.

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