Publication

Non-proliferation is now an accepted norm in international security and international relations. Most countries perceive global nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation as being inseparable in principle, although there is disagreement among countries on the ultimate objective of non-proliferation. Most countries generally want non-proliferation to be a transitional arrangement before total nuclear disarmament, which at present is a desirable though distant goal. The classical bargain for balancing the two has tilted in favour of non-proliferation.

• Rajiv Nayan |
• July 2011 |
• Strategic Analysis

The historical baggage weighing on the Russo-Afghan relationship is apparently in the process of being jettisoned. The two countries have been cautiously reaching out and engaging each other for quite some time now. Afghan President Hamid Karzai's state visit to Moscow on 20–21 January 2011 – the first by an Afghan head of state in more than two decades – could be perceived as a major step forward.

• Vishal Chandra |
• July 2011 |
• Strategic Analysis

The pro-democracy uprisings in West Asia began with Tunisia, where the dictator Zine El Abidine Ben Ali fled the country in a dramatic fashion and found refuge in Jeddah, his new home in exile in Saudi Arabia. The Tunisian revolt had a dramatic impact on Egypt, where a non-violent uprising, brewing for some years, sought the removal of the regime of Hosni Mubarak, president for 28 years. While the movement for change in Egypt was still underway, a pro-democracy revolt erupted in Bahrain, which became the first country in the Gulf whose people sought a fundamental political transformation.

• Atul Aneja |
• July 2011 |
• Strategic Analysis

The 'Cheonan' incident has prodded and expedited the strategic comeback of the US in East Asia. The US offer to mediate the territorial disputes over islands and seabed minerals in the South China Sea at the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) meeting in July 2010 has provoked harsh criticism from the Chinese. This US diplomatic move appears to be a premeditated one to substantially diminish the influence of China in the region, to re-secure its own strategic forward military presence and to signal that it is not yet time for China to acquire absolute control over this critical waterway.

• Preeti Nalwa |
• July 2011 |
• Strategic Analysis

The success of high-level talks between India and Pakistan would depend on how the media shape popular opinion in the two countries and popular support to take the relationship forward.

• Shamshad A. Khan |
• June 29, 2011 |
• IDSA Comments

Though Pakistan and Afghanistan still continue to be embroiled in religious and ethnic conflict, the rest of South Asia appears keen to check and go beyond such tendencies.

• Anand Kumar |
• June 20, 2011 |
• IDSA Comments

Under the November 2010 statement issued by India and the United States, India is committed to take only one step: harmonizing its export controls with those of all the four multilateral export controls regimes.

• Rajiv Nayan |
• June 18, 2011 |
• IDSA Comments

If the Army withers away then a fragmentation of Pakistan into a ‘Lebanonized’ state would become inevitable.

• P. K. Upadhyay |
• June 17, 2011 |
• IDSA Comments

Given the reluctance of Nepal’s political parties to further extend the term of the Constituent Assembly, lack of progress in implementing the five-point deal will result in the CA becoming defunct by the end of August.

• Uddhab Pyakurel |
• June 17, 2011 |
• IDSA Comments

This Brief elaborates the principles that need to be followed to evolve a criteria-based approach to enable India to join the NSG as a full member and contribute materially and substantially to a future non-proliferation regime that will be acceptable to the international community as a whole.

• G. Balachandran |
• June 16, 2011 |
• Issue Brief