Leveraging public diplomacy and cultural diplomacy is key to enable India graduate from being a regional power in South Asia to a great power in the Asia-Pacific.
Given the sensitivity attached to defence-related FDI, each investment should be subject to wider review and impact analysis following which the FDI percentage could be determined varying between zero and 100 per cent.
An anti-nuclear movement in India would remain largely a marginal movement with sporadic spurts depending on the issue at hand, the site in question and the political parties involved.
With India’s security apparatus once again standing exposed and the security overhaul envisaged after 26/11 being still a work in progress, it is time for some harsh introspection.
The recent activities of SIMI as well as its suspected links with groups like the Popular Front of India and the Karnataka Forum for Dignity and even the Indian Mujahideen suggest that it is regrouping to undertake terrorist attacks in different parts of India.
Although on the ground the areas of conflict are specific and do not cover the entire landmass as a map would indicate, the incoherence of the state’s response makes it appear that India is at war with itself.
Much has been written about terrorism and counterterrorism as forms of communication, but such analyses are usually jettisoned in the arena of “breaking news alerts” and real-time reporting.
Non-proliferation is now an accepted norm in international security and international relations. Most countries perceive global nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation as being inseparable in principle, although there is disagreement among countries on the ultimate objective of non-proliferation. Most countries generally want non-proliferation to be a transitional arrangement before total nuclear disarmament, which at present is a desirable though distant goal. The classical bargain for balancing the two has tilted in favour of non-proliferation.
