Title | Date | Author | Time | Event | Body | Research Area | Topics | File attachments | Image |
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Special Address - Obama's Visit and its implication: Subtext China, Japan, Pakistan? | December 01, 2010 | 1600 hrs | Speeches and Lectures |
Venue: Conference Room 205, IDSA Speaker: Professor V. P. Dutt |
East Asia | ||||
Revisiting the Debate on Autonomy of Jammu and Kashmir | December 24, 2010 | Arpita Anant | 1030 to 1300 hrs | Fellows' Seminar |
Venue: Room No. 5, IDSA Chairperson: Shri Dhirendra Singh |
Terrorism & Internal Security | |||
Is Reintegration and Reconciliation a Way Forward in Afghanistan? | December 10, 2010 | Vishal Chandra | Fellows' Seminar |
Chair: Mr. Rana Banerji PresentationThe principle theme of the paper is that “the idea of national reconciliation and integration per se as a precursor to much desired stability in Afghanistan, however fragile it may be, cannot be denied”. The main conclusions of the paper are as follows:
External Discussant 1: Dr. Gulshan SachdevaDr. Gulshan Sachdeva highlighted the following points with respect to the presentation:
External Discussant 2: Prof. Anwar AlamThe following were the suggestions given by Prof. Anwar Alam:
Internal Discussant 1: Col. Ali Ahmed (retd.)
Internal Discussant 2: Dr. Ashok Behuria:
Floor discussion:The following points were made by the audience:
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South Asia | ||||
Special Address - Dr. Lora Saalman on China and India: Divergence, Similarity and Symmetry in Security Concerns | November 15, 2010 | Speeches and Lectures |
Dr. Lora Saalman, a Beijing-based associate in the Nuclear Policy Program at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, has focused her research on Chinese nuclear weapon and nonproliferation policies and Sino-Indian strategic relations. Her presentation at the IDSA focused on the convergence and divergence of Chinese and Indian security concerns in land-based, naval, aerospace and nuclear arenas, with findings derived from extensive textual research and interviews with the academic, scientific and military communities in both China and India. The talk centered mainly on security concerns between India and China, derived from both quantitative and qualitative analysis based on perceptions of India within China, and vice versa, and how they have changed over the period from 1991 to 2009. Dr. Saalman found that over time, the trend line curved upwards on a quantitative scale, peaking in 2001 during President Bill Clinton's visit to India, and the lifting of the 1998 nuclear-test sanctions in 2001, and again in 2005, on the announcement of the US-India nuclear deal. Conclusively, there has been a definite increase in interest in India within China. In analyzing and comparing content from Chinese and Indian security journals, there has been a strong interest in China within India, whereas in Chinese security journals, the focus has been mainly on two areas - naval concerns within China pertaining to India, and on the air force. These are also the two arenas in which some Chinese specialists feel India can be comparable or even surpass China in the future. Dr. Saalman's research separates out three distinct areas of research and analysts in both countries - the military strategists, the scientists, and the academics. In terms of divergence, it was observed that military strategists in China and India tended to focus on two areas, namely the navy and the army. Separately, in China, there was much more focus on Indian naval developments, aircraft carriers, and nuclear submarines (that may give India second strike capabilities in the future), whereas in India, attention was centered on land-based systems on the borders. It was noted that on the Indian side, there has also been much focus on Chinese cooperation on missiles and weapons technology, mainly with Pakistan, while Chinese concerns revolve around the ability of Indian forces to gain military training and engage in military and maritime exercises. In analyzing gathered data, Dr Saalman applied social psychology theory to attempt to supplement her analysis of Indian and Chinese perceptions of each other. The theories and ideas used included: 2. Overconfidence Phenomenon and Victim Mentality - China is seen as being on the overconfident side and India in the latter category, with respect to what it faced during the 1962 border conflict with China. 3. Hidden and Expressed Attitudes - China's conspicuous focus on the Indian navy is more of a hidden concern, and not expressed as much in public, while in India, many military and naval officers were found to be dismissive of ideas such as the String of Pearls concept, or future conflict. Also, secondhand bias plays a key role in the interaction between the two countries - research work on both sides has relied to a great extent on US analyses of developments between China and India. 4. Fundamental Attribution Error - Actors tend to externalize their motivations for events, while attributing others’ similar actions to innate causes. In applying this to the case at hand, on acquiring (for example) aircraft carriers or nuclear submarines, though both countries pursue this, each side would attribute the others' action to arrogance and the drive to be a regional hegemon. 5. Relative Deprivation - Both countries’ dependence (up until sanctions on India were lifted) on Russian and Israeli imports resulted in indigenization and reverse engineering. 6. Realistic Group Conflict theory – This applies well to the Indian Ocean situation; with limited resources, the chances for future conflict grow. In linking these perceptions to practice, Dr Saalman proposed recommendations that recognize there is less asymmetry at sea than at the border, particularly given the challenges of distance, shipping and the U.S. role that China faces. As such, stronger cooperation between the two countries in the naval realm may be possible. She suggested this could take many forms, including establishing a regularized forum for security cooperation, energy shipments, and tsunami relief, or greater engagement in a sea-based version of “Hand-in-Hand” military exercises to confront mutual concerns on piracy. Similarities between the two countries converge on the areas of aviation and aerospace. Some Chinese technical journals for instance were found to contain miscellaneous references to developments in Indian systems. Dr Saalman also pointed out the use of slogans by China, such as "Great Power Dream" when referring to India - the idea that India in making pursuits towards the future in terms of military modernization is aiming towards becoming a great power. In terms of perception, China has in the past evaluated India's actions at the border from a very instrumental view. But increasingly, India's role at the border is being seen as tending towards heightened militarization, drawing hostile rhetoric from China on what India's future intentions are. Dr Saalman also emphasized that though it is not admitted, both sides have regularly engaged in behaviour that has escalatory potential. But it is important to note that, on the technical side there has been cooperation between China and India, as seen in 2002 and 2006 in the space arena. However, most of this cooperation has been in the form of MOUs, and have lacked any concrete measures. She noted that there are many other areas of potential cooperation between the two countries. Keeping in mind the sensitivities in this relationship, Dr Saalman recommended joint studies and discussions on air power, space power, space policy dialogue, space navigation, and non-interference rules for satellites, some of which occur between the United States and China on a regular basis. On the role of academic analysts in both countries, Dr Saalman's study inferred that both sides predominantly focus on nuclear issues. There is most symmetry in the overarching attention paid to nuclear issues in the two academic communities. On the Chinese side, the US-India strategic relationship is given recurring attention. On the Indian side, the issue of nuclear status stood out - the idea that China had conferred upon it early on that it is a nuclear power, a status that had been denied to India, tying into the concept of relative deprivation mentioned earlier. Dr Saalman also stressed the importance of interaction on definitions of technical terms relating especially to nuclear arsenals, nuclear energy or nuclear security. She recommended the possibility of adoption of a joint glossary by China and India, much like the one established for use by Chinese and US scientists and experts. In drawing an analogy with the US-Soviet relationship, she pointed out that the most engagement between the two countries took place at times of increasing hostilities. Peaking tensions are fertile ground for confidence building and arms control measures to be adopted. The speaker hoped that the takeaway from the talk was that "perceptions can often trump reality". The Chinese side has for too long being dismissive of Indian threat assessments, whereas India has had a tendency to be too dismissive of China's legitimate interests. Also, there is an academic, science and military imbalance. In engaging with each other, there tends to be a schism caused by the varied backgrounds that participants in dialogue come from, with the Indian side usually consisting of more people from military backgrounds, while the Chinese side is composed mainly of academics. The recommendation here is to initiate more military to military, scientists to scientists, and academic to academic meetings, to facilitate better understanding. With respect to dialogue on the Track 1, Track 1.5 and Track 2 levels, Dr Saalman pointed out that although there is a significant amount of Track 1 negotiations between China and India, in agreement with general perception, the bilateral relationship can gain much more from engagements on the Track 1.5 and Track 2 levels as well (possibly in the form of multilevel, multilateral forums and negotiation simulations, as has been done with the Council for Security Cooperation in the Asia Pacific (CSCAP)). This can contribute largely to reducing second hand bias, and more importantly, initiate practice and engagement between China and India. Mr. Sisodia concluded Dr. Saalman’s extremely insightful presentation by observing that the study is an apt example of academic research being able to deliver policy implications as well – an encouraging reminder to the IDSA research community. He noted that there is significant practical value in this study in terms of managing India’s relationship with China, and potential future discussions could also touch upon the impact of the strengthening Indo-US partnership on Indo-Chinese relations. Report prepared by Princy Marin George, Research Assistant, Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi |
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The Indian Advocacy of Internationalism in the Nehru Years | November 19, 2010 | S. Kalyanaraman | Fellows' Seminar |
SummaryAs the title suggests, the paper examines one of the significant aspects of Indian foreign policy which was greatly influenced by Nehru’s ideas on internationalism. The purpose of the paper is to explore how this idea of internationalism evolved during the freedom struggle and made a passage thereon to be a part of independent India’s foreign policy. Nehru’s aim in advocating the principles of internationalism was to realise the creation of the ideal of One World centred on the United Nations which represented the world community. Keeping this in mind, he crafted independent India’s foreign policy composed of five elements: opposition to colonialism, imperialism and racialism; concept of non-alignment vis-à-vis the two Cold War blocs to preserve Asia in particular as an ‘area of peace’; prevent internationalization of conflict; disarmament; and peaceful co-existence as embodied in the Panchsheel agreement for the evolution of a peaceful and co-operative international order, thus paving the way for realising the ideal of One World. These elements became the framework through which the foreign policy of India was conducted, mostly connected and identified with ‘non-alignment’. The author clearly expresses that all these elements including non-alignment were designed for the realization of the ideal of One World. The paper is composed of four sections. First the paper discusses the origins of Indian internationalism and how it emerged as an integral part of the expression of Indian nationalism, particularly from the 1920s. This had much to do with the developments within Asia in this period. ‘Anti-imperialism’ and ‘solidarity’ with colonised states as well as the idea of ‘Asianism’ were an integral part of the views of the Congress on foreign affairs. This was entwined with the goal of attaining independence and the call for co-operation among nations fighting imperialism. Hence, Congress and Nehru expressed a commitment to the goals of anti-imperialism and nationalism along with internationalism. Here the paper points to the Congress policy of India not becoming a party to an imperialist war or being forced into one, thus suggesting the direction of independent India’s foreign relations. These ideas and principles became the key pillars of Indian foreign policy after independence. The second section focuses on the dilemma that Indian nationalists faced in terms of reconciling their demand for independence from British imperialism with the internationalist responsibility of opposing Nazism, Fascism and Militarism, and how they sought to reconcile the two, particularly in the Quit India Resolution. The Quit India Resolution clearly expressed the Indian approach of internationalism in terms of anti-imperialism, anti-racialism and freedom for all peoples, particularly in Asia; the idea of free nations joining together to form the future UN; the importance of the UN serving as the mainstay of a new international order, a world federation that would work for the common good of all humanity; and global disarmament. Section three discusses the idea of Pan-Asianism, which provided the backdrop for independent India’s emphasis on Asian solidarity vis-á-vis European imperialism. Nehru’s thoughts in this regard were articulated in his works, proposing the formation of an “Asiatic Federation of Nations”. The outcome of these ideas, along with those of the Congress and other Indian thinkers, was the idea of rallying all Asian countries to promote peace and fashion a normative international order by supporting the UN. This was to lead in the direction of realising the ideal of One World. Section four parses through select speeches of Nehru to demonstrate the internationalist framework that guided Indian foreign policy during the Nehru years and argues that the above mentioned ideals, ideas, and goals were incorporated since Nehru’s incumbency as Prime Minister in the interim government. Anti-imperialism and non-alignment were a result of the expression of Indian nationalism from the 1920s. This was put to practice along with others: prevention of internationalization of conflict; disarmament; and peaceful co-existence. These elements were incorporated in the wake of developments in Asia—SEATO and CENTO alliances in Asia, war in the Korean Peninsula, etc.—which portended possibilities of a world war. The fact that all these elements were an integral part of a unified conception of internationalism and of the imperative of nudging the world towards the ideal of One World centred on the United Nations is clearly evident in Nehru’s speech at the UN General Assembly on 20 Dec. 1956, wherein he emphasised the significance of UN as representing the world community and how the Cold War and arms race were impediments to realising the ideal of One World. The paper ends by noting that internationalism was replaced by national interest in subsequent years due to the security concerns faced by India. The paper gives a normative conclusion that national power should be married with the ideals of internationalism. External DiscussantProf. Pusphesh Pant: Extolled the paper in terms of the relevance of the subject. However suggestions were made in terms of: the need to contextualize, and on the paper being Nehru-centric. It was pointed out that the time-line dates back much before the Nehruvian period regarding internationalism. Also there were thinkers within India who had similar or contending views on internationalism. Bearing in mind the age of Nehru, with regard to his earlier works, the importance of periodization or framing of exact time-lines on Nehru’s advocacy was stressed upon. Thirdly, there were movements like the Khilafat which went beyond Pan-Asianism. Fourth, it was to be noted that Nehru was not a complete idealist. He was practical on matters like the Sino-Indian border issue, Tibet etc. Fifth, the need to clarify the context in which internationalism was defined in the paper; Asian solidarity or Afro-Asian solidarity or world solidarity. Internal DiscussantsV. Krishnappa: Commended that the author had included Nehru’s advocacy of a global order as the latter could foresee the world in terms of global networks in play. This was important from the strategic as well as the national interest perspective. With regard to the time-line of Nehru’s advocacy, suggestions were made that it could be located within contemporary representations of Nehru. One of the comments was on how Pan-Asianism could be reconciled with internationalism when materialism had taken over Asia. Dr. Rajaram Panda: Reiterated the need for the timeline and contextualisation. He mentioned his reservation regarding the use of phrase -‘surrender of sovereignty’. The paper would also benefit if detailed analysis was made on the role played by India in the Korean War. Inclusion of events like the Japanese victory over China; Tagore’s dialogue with the Japanese philosopher Okakura Tenshin on Asian identity; possibilities of atomic war and Japanese annexation of Korea, were all imperative. Stress was laid on the need to clarify the context of Pan-Asianism and also the need to categorize the regions of Asia. As it was pointed out in the paper on possibilities of a third World War with regard to Asian developments viz., Indo-China War and Korean War, the significance of the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis which brought the world to the brink of a world war needs to be included in this context as well. Suggestion was made on the need to mention Radha Binod Bihari Pal’s dissenting judgment at the International Military Tribunal for the Far East and how this judgment boosted the morale of the Japanese after their defeat in WW-II. Lastly, as the conclusion was abrupt, he suggested that the paper would need more elaboration. General DiscussionSeveral comments were made in terms of the paper being a framework of Nehru’s ideas. Nehru, Tagore, Gandhi were personalities of their own. The 1920s were different from the 1930s and Nehru’s views on internationalism were not necessarily shared by his colleagues. Nevertheless, Congress was led to a great degree by Nehru. Differentiation has to be made between Nehru the thinker and Nehru the statesman. As the world is coming close to Nehru/Gandhi ideals, especially with Obama advocating a world without nuclear weapons, the need for reviving these themes highlighted in the paper was significant. Chair’s SummaryProf. Sumit Ganguly: Noted that changes and comments suggested were vast and hence a book in the making would be a good idea. Prof. Ganguly made three organisational comments: one, on sections being far too long and thus the need to break them further into sections, secondly the usefulness of having clearer time-lines or historical periodization, and finally the conclusion being compressed and abrupt. He also made substantive comments: whether there was even the prospect of UN during 1942 when the Quit India Resolution was pronounced. Discussion and themes are not connected, but descriptive. For instance, India’s role in the Korean War needs to be more detailed. Importance to be given to India-China agreement on Tibet as it was a pivotal movement. This should lead and continue the debate on Nehru’s stand. Thirdly, there is a highly idealized view on Pan-Asianism between pages 14 to 17 which evaporates after the war. No mention of the viciousness of Japan is made. Fourth, one should note, as Prof. Pant said, that Nehru was in the Ahmednagar prison without access to material and news. Nevertheless, he brilliantly prophesized that Britain would not stand up to Hitler. This suggests that Nehru was not an idealist as he was made out to be. Report prepared by Joyce Sabina Lobo, Research Assistant at IDSA. |
Military Affairs | ||||
IDSA-PRIO Conference on Climate Change: Political and Security Implications in South Asia | November 22, 2010 to November 23, 2010 | Conference |
Venue: Hotel Himalaya, Kathmandu This conference intends to examine the interface between state security, societal or human security, and climate change in South Asia. While establishing direct causal correlation between climate change (environmental degradation/marginalization) and conflict/insecurity is contentious and problematic, one cannot completely dismiss the potential consequences. As global warming impacts on glaciers, waterways, oceans and weather patterns, there has been a growing realisation that climate change as a global and transboundary challenge can only be addressed by enhanced regional cooperation and knowledge sharing across countries. Event ReportThe Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA), New Delhi and the International Peace Research Institute of Oslo (PRIO) organised a two-day conference on “Climate Change: Political and Security Implications in South Asia” in Kathmandu beginning November 22, 2010. The conference centred on four broad themes: the interface between climate change and security; impact of climate change on water resources; climate change and scarcity; and the role of regional cooperation in addressing climate change issues. The conference was attended by scholars and experts from India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bangladesh, Maldives, Sri Lanka, Norway and the UK. The Ambassador of India to Nepal, H.E. Rakesh Sood, in his inaugural address, emphasised the potential adverse impact of climate change for South Asian countries. He highlighted that climate change, as a transboundary issue, could unite people and encourage cooperation and collaboration in place of competition. He dwelt upon the ongoing cooperation between India and Nepal on environmental issues pointing that India had “offered to expand bilateral cooperation in the technical, legal and policy fields related to climate and environment sciences, including by offering additional training slots for Nepali scientists in Indian institutions.” He further added, “Development of our shared water resources in a mutually beneficial manner offers one of the most demonstrable and effective means of addressing the shared problems of climate change between India and Nepal.” Delivering his keynote address, former foreign and finance minister of Nepal, Dr. Ram Sharan Mahat talked about the urgent need for sustainable development in South Asia. He said that developing countries face the challenge of balancing economic development in a sustainable way without damaging the environment. He observed that at the present the developmental path is impacting adversely climate change. Session IIn the session ‘Interconnections between Climate Change and Security’, three papers were presented with Janani Vivekananda from International Alert as the chair. In the Q&A session, some participants suggested the urgent need for cooperation between China and India on water and river issues. It was also pointed out that there is also a need for river basin and food security cooperation in the region. Session IIThis session looked at ‘Climate change and water resources’ and was chaired by PK Gautam. Four papers were presented. In the Q&A session, some participants observed that glacier melt in the Himalayas is uncertain including the IPCC data on it. Not much research or studies are undertaken except for a few studies by ICIMOD. The point on India being a middle riparian was emphasised. Riparian treaties in South Asia need to be revisited with new hydrological data and findings and a need for moving towards a multilateral approach. A discussion on Indo-Nepal water treaties came about, with many agreeing that treaties between the two have not been successful because of the politicisation the issue in Nepal. Session IIIThe Session ‘Climate Change and Scarcity’ had three presentations. Ashok Jaitly, TERI, chaired the session. Before the Q&A session, the chair observed that the efficiency level of utilising water is very poor in South Asia. There is an urgent need for encouraging multilateral, inter-disciplinary and collaborative research on water and climate change in South Asia. Water has the potential of both promoting conflict and cooperation. Some participants expressed the view that large dams may not be possible in Nepal, instead small-to-medium dams should be constructed at the foothills of Himalayas. Session IVThe session focused on ‘Climate Change and Regional Cooperation’. Four papers were presented and the session was chaired by Shebonti Ray Dadwal, IDSA. During the Q&A session some participants observed that China’s growth is an enigma for everyone. Participants from Pakistan commented that there is a water shortage in Indus due to diversion of water by India. Indian participants argued that empirical evidence does not say so. It was also viewed that China will prefer to settle its water disputes bilaterally rather than at the multilateral level. The Chair concluded that the following steps are necessary to tackle climate change and water disputes in South Asia.
Report prepared by Dr. Nihar Nayak, Associate Fellow, Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi. ProgrammeDay 1: Monday, November 22, 2010Inaugural Session: 9.30-10.15 am Arvind Gupta, Lal Bahadur Shastri Chair, IDSA Session 1: 10.30-13.00 Interconnections between Climate Change and SecurityIn this session, the speakers will explain the environment-conflict nexus. PRIO researcher Halvard Buhaug will make a presentation based on the PRIO/Uppsala database and GSI models to explore three potentially harmful climate change related issues: food/agricultural production; increase in natural disasters, and rising sea-levels. This session will give an overview of research on climate change and security, focusing on studies that have tried to establish multivariate assessment of land degradation, freshwater scarcity, population density, and deforestation to incidences of civil war. Likewise the interconnectedness and vulnerability of food-energy-water (FEW) to the overall impact of climate change, which has assumed high salience in South Asia. Chair: Janani Vivekananda, International Alert Speakers: Session II: 14.00-16.30 Climate change and water resourcesThe one possible mechanism that connects climate change firmly to human security is dwindling resources, and nothing can be more significant in this regard than water resources. As climate change, population and economic activities converge on the issue of water availability, the sharing of water across transboundary water courses will be critical. In the Indian subcontinent, despite various bilateral water treaties, riparian politics is emerging as an important issue. In future the existing treaties will be tested with new sets of upper-lower riparian dynamics, often intensified by claims of ‘absolute sovereign territory’ vs. ‘absolute integrity of the river’. What will be these new dynamics and how will river basin cooperation cope with the new challenges? This session will help give inputs to policy-makers on effective conflict prevention strategies on water basins. Chair: Åshild Kolås, PRIO Speakers: Day 2: Tuesday 23 November, 2010Session III: 10.00-12.30 Climate Change and ScarcityDebates about the consequences of climate change often imply increased stresses regarding assumed future deficiencies in certain public and private goods deemed to be 'scarce' – either currently so or projected. Examples in South Asia include groundwater aquifers, arable land, glacial and river runoff, food supply chains and other complex systems. However, it is still unclear what the potential social, strategic, and political implications of these shifts may be, and how the still unknown scale of climate change will alter modes of production. This panel is designed to illustrate both conventional and novel ways to re-conceptualize ‘scarcity’ dialogues as an opportunity for technological innovation and re-organization of private/public priorities from those that incentivize and subsidize consumption and competition to those that instead encourage conservation and cooperation. Chair: Wilson John, Observer Research Foundation (ORF) Speakers Session IV: 14.00-16.30 Climate Change and Regional CooperationIn South Asia, climate change may exacerbate natural disasters such as flooding and drought, which highlights the importance of regional cooperation in areas such as disaster preparedness and river basin water management. This concluding session of the conference asks the speakers to reflect on the effectiveness of current policy mechanisms and frameworks for cooperation, what new cooperative mechanisms addressing such challenges might look like, and through which institutional frameworks they might be developed. Chair: Shebonti Ray Dadwal Speakers: |
Non-Traditional Security | |||||
IDSA International Workshop on India's National Strategy | December 20, 2010 to December 23, 2010 | Workshop |
Venue: Seminar Hall No 1, IDSA |
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Lithuanian Parliamentary Delegates visit IDSA | November 16, 2010 | 1000 hrs | Round Table |
Venue: Room 005, IDSA Members of Parliament of the Republic of Lithuania visited the IDSA to engage in a discussion on a range of issues viz., neighbourhood relations, regional issues, regional organisations, trade, etc. This was the first Lithuanian parliamentary delegation to India. While calling the visit to India “historical”, the Deputy Speaker of the Lithuanian Parliament, Mr. Algis Kaseta rightly pointed out that “economic and cultural ties between the two countries become more meaningful when political and parliamentary ties are strengthened”. The members of the delegation gave their perspective on Lithuania’s positive relations with its neighbours and on the regional issues relating to Ukraine, Georgia, Russia, etc. One of the issues of common interest to both India and Lithuania was Afghanistan—where the latter has stationed its special forces. Lithuania has contributed both financial and human resources and in the civilian sector it has a provincial construction team, while India has contributed to the development of Afghanistan. Ms. Purushottam reiterated that India believes in building institutions in the form of construction, health, transport, etc. Similarly Dr. Meena Singh Roy emphasised that apart from capacity building, Indian involvement is also in terms of imparting training to Afghan police and security forces though India does not have any military presence in Afghanistan. On a positive note, the delegates welcomed and urged India to have a presence in the Lithuanian economy. They urged that India should participate in the transport corridor, apart from other areas—IT and logistics. The Deputy Speaker urged that think tanks, including IDSA, should look into the prospects of increasing investment in the Baltics. The delegation was happy to list their approval for India’s bid for a permanent UNSC seat. During the interactive session, IDSA experts on South Asia, South-East Asia and East Asia enlightened the delegates on India’s relations with its neighbours, on the recent developments within the Asian region, and how India positively contributes to regional security and stability. Mr. R.N. Das termed China as a challenge and not a threat to Indian foreign policy. Dr. Meena S. Roy emphasised that the Central Asian region is strategically important from the political point of view, though India has to increase its economic interaction. India continues to have multi-dimensional relations with the Central Asian region. Dr. Roy also said that India’s relations with Iran were also strategic in terms of being country-specific, its dependence on energy resources, and as a gateway to the Central Asian states. Dr. Udai Bhanu Singh stressed that the move towards democracy by Myanmar was important as it was the only South-east Asian state to share borders with India. This gave a boost to India’s ‘look east’ policy. He also emphasised the point that India needed to pay the necessary attention to countries like Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam. Dr. Pankaj Jha discussed developments in other South-east Asian states like Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, etc. and their relations with India. Dr. Nihar Nayak spoke on the national integration process and current the state of affairs in Nepal. These developments along with border security problems due to Maoist insurgency have considerable ramifications for India. Giving an overview, Brig. (Retd.) Rumel Dahiya emphasised India's responsible conduct of relations with its neighbours and emphasised the importance of granting the neighbours most favored nation status. The interaction was insightful, with both the delegates and the experts from IDSA learning a lot about each other’s views on regional issues and relations. Report prepared by Joyce Sabina Lobo, Research Assistant, Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi. |
Eurasia & West Asia | ||||
Special Address - Role of Small countries in a Globalised World | November 16, 2010 | Speeches and Lectures |
Venue: Seminar Hall-I Dr. Aurelia Frick is one of the current cabinet ministers of the Liechtenstein government that was elected in the March 2009 Parliamentary elections. She currently holds the portfolio of Ministries of Justice, Foreign Affairs and Cultural Affairs. Her presentation at the IDSA was on the role of small countries in a globalised world, by focussing on Liechtenstein as an exemple. To give a better insight into how small countries add value to the international community, Dr. Frick began with a brief introduction about Liechtenstein. The independent principality of Liechtenstein is located in central Europe and bordered on the east by Austria and on the south, west, and north by Switzerland. Along with Uzbekistan in Central Asia, Liechtenstein is one of the only two doubly landlocked countries in the world (bounded by other land-locked countries only). It is the fourth smallest country in the world, with a total area of only 160 square kilometres, inhabited currently by a population of 36,000. Despite being small in area and population, it has succeeded in political and economic spheres, among others. Dr. Frick explained as to why Liechtenstein has done well. First of all, she said, Liechtenstein has high political stability and a continuing political system. Despite its move from a complete hereditary constitutional monarchy to a parliamentary system with a constitutional monarch (called the Prince), the transition has been smooth. They have struck a good balance between the constitutional monarchy and the parliamentary system, wherein the Prince acts as a stabilising and mediating factor thus contributing to political stability. The Prince deals with foreign relations and one of the successful efforts was Liechtenstein’s successful entry as a member state of the UN in 1990. Apart from being only known for stamps, castles, and as a tax haven, Dr. Frick highlighted that Liechtenstein has high culture and a strong industry sector. It has developed a prosperous, highly industrialized free-enterprise economy and boasts a financial service sector as well as a living standard which compares favourably with those of the urban areas of Liechtenstein's large European neighbours. In India itself Liechtenstein industries have created 800 jobs. They provide annually 33,000 jobs within their country, of whom 17,000 are foreigners commuting into Liechtenstein. She drove home the point as to how a small country plays a significant role in the world by stating that a country with 36,000 people provides for 60,000 jobs worldwide. Dr. Frick emphasised the fact that Liechtenstein industries focus primarily on producing high-tech or niche products. Their success in this field is also due to the fact that industries invest 8 per cent in research and development. Liechtenstein has carved a niche for itself in the world economy as a small-scale producer of precision manufactures like optical lenses, dental products, high-vacuum pumps, heating equipment, electron microscopes, electronic measuring and control devices, steel bolts, knitting machines, and textiles. These industries are all export based. Other important industries are in pharmaceuticals, electronics, ceramics, and metal manufacturing. The largest industrial companies in Liechtenstein are Hilti (construction services), Balzers (electro-optical coatings), Hilcona (frozen foods), and Ivoclar-Vivadent (dental medical technology). Around 48 per cent of the labour force is engaged in industry, trade, and construction. Industry contributes 39 per cent of the GDP, with 42.2 per cent of the total workforce; financial services 31 per cent of GDP with 17 per cent of the total workforce; and general services 23 per cent of GDP with 38.9 per cent of the total workforce. In terms of being an offshore financial centre, the Liechtenstein Declaration commits to global standards as developed by the OECD and steps up its participation in international efforts to counteract non-compliance with foreign tax laws. During the recent economic crisis, Liechtenstein did not face major problems in its economic performance. For instance, its banks did not need state support. Liechtenstein has very low unemployment, i.e., 2.5 per cent, which rose up to only 3.5 per cent during the recent economic crisis. Here, Dr. Frick said that, free trade agreements came in the way of the catastrophe. So she emphasised the need to have free trade agreements with other states. Liechtenstein has 22 agreements in this respect. Also, as Liechtenstein has a small domestic market, it depends on exports and relies on clients from foreign markets. Therefore it joined EFTA in 1991 and the European Economic Area (EEA) Agreement in 1995 to achieve its economic objectives. With regard to foreign relations, Dr. Frick stressed that Liechtenstein aims to build good and peaceful relations with other countries, while maintaining its sovereignty. It endeavours to enhance relations with strong and visible partners, like India. In this regard, Liechtenstein (as part of EFTA - European Free Trade Association) had participated in the fifth round of India-EFTA broad based Trade and Investment Agreement ministerial negotiations. It is a member of important international organizations like the UN, OSCE, EFTA, WTO, and ICC. It has always maintained friendly relations with Switzerland. In 1924, the Customs Treaty between Liechtenstein and Switzerland entered into force wherein the Swiss franc was adopted as the official currency as it was considered a strong currency for Lichtenstein’s economy. On a multi-lateral platform Liechtenstein focuses on core areas. Dr. Frick illustrated this point by saying that Liechtenstein is a strong supporter of the International Criminal Court and thus takes a very active role in the Assembly of States Parties of the ICC. Ambassador Wenaweser served as the Chairman of the Special Working Group on the Crime of Aggression, which was mandated to develop proposals for a definition of the crime of aggression. Thus in this manner, it seeks to and works for small core or niche areas in order to be visible within international platforms. And so in its small way it wants to bring equilibrium to international security. Ms. Smita Purushottam concluded by commending Dr. Frick’s extremely insightful presentation by explaining how small countries play significant roles in the world through the example of Liechtenstein. She ended on the note that Lichtenstein has indeed created not only a niche in manufacturing industries, but also a niche and important link in world politics. Report prepared by Joyce Sabina Lobo, Research Assistant, IDSA |
Eurasia & West Asia | |||||
India, China and Japan: where are we going to land? | November 09, 2010 | 1030 hrs | Conference |
Venue: Committee Room #205, IDSA Speaker: Prof. H.Yamaguchi, |
East Asia |