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Title	Date	Author	Time	Event	Body	Research Area	Topics	File attachments	Image
Framing of Nationalism in Nepal's Radical Communist Movement: The India Factor	November 29, 2013	Post Bahadur Basnet	1030 to 1300 hrs	Fellows' Seminar	Chairperson: Brig Rumel Dahiya, SM (Retd) External Discussants: Ambassador Deb Mukherji and Ms Akashnya Shah Internal Discussants: Dr Anand Kumar and Dr Anshuman Behera Mr Post Bhadur Basnet, SAARC Visiting Fellow from Nepal presented his paper titled “Framing of Nationalism in Nepal’s Radical Communist Movement: The Indian Factor” on 29 November 2013. The paper argues that the Maoists used “negative nationalism”, based on anti-Indian sentiments, as one of the key “revolutionary” strategies during the insurgency. The same band of nationalism continues to feature in the radical communist discourse, though it seems to have lost much of its appeal among the masses during the course of democratic politics in which the Maoists willingly participated since 2005. The genesis of anti-Indianism goes back to the days of the formation of Nepali state. The 1950 treaty, which aimed to bring Nepal under the security sphere of India that possibly checked the import of communism to Nepal from China, has been a major irritant for the communists. India’s security concern requires an India-friendly regime in Nepal and thus India is seen to be meddling in the internal affairs of the country and favouring some actors over the others, which is viewed as external interference in Nepal’s internal politics and leads to anti-India sentiments amongst the Nepalese people. Moreover, “not-to-be-an-Indian” is one of the key features in the identity formation process in Nepal. All these features collectively offered a fertile ground to the political actors to manufacture and exploit anti–India sentiments to their benefit over the years. During the monarchy period, the king was successful in sustaining his regime by instigating anti-Indianism and gathering the support of the communists. Once the relationship between the monarchy and the communists was broken, there was a regime change in Nepal. With the monarchy gone, the paper argues, the role of nationalism for political mobilisation is no longer effective. The Maoists after 2006 have realised that the anti-India card does not work in the changed global, regional and domestic political matirx. The mainstream faction of the Maoist party led by Prachanda has removed India from its hit-list, and started talking about the internal nationalism (ethnic federalism and development). However, the radical faction in the Maoist Party led by Kiran Baidya continues to talk about external intervention and take an anti-Indian line while framing its version of Nepalese nationalism. The presenter argued that while the line of “externalised nationalism” may have lost its glamour, the Maoist plan for consolidating ‘internal nationalism’ through emphasis on ethnic nationalism has pushed the Nepali state into a state of wilderness. The presenter provides the following recommendations which according to him can remove the prevailing anti-India sentiments in Nepal: India should pay attention to dissemination of information regarding its approach to Nepal. In this regard, Indian Embassy should extend its network with journalists. Indian investment in Nepal should increase. Other than in the hydro power sector, India should invest in agriculture in the plains and mid-hills and in the capacity-building of security forces. India should recognise and analyse the reasons for the spread of anti-India sentiments in Nepal. There are frequent complaints about India micro-managing Nepalese politics. India should address this issue. India should try to build contacts with all the political actors and should not be seen as favouring some actors over others. While playing its role to build political consensus in matters concerning its security it should take care not to isolate any party and keep a low profile. There should be proper coordination between Ministry of External affairs and intelligence agencies in their approach to Nepal. Comments of the discussants The discussants have made the following observations about the paper: The paper talked about hill-based nationalism rather than Nepali nationalism. Nationalism has been used in the paper as a synonym of anti-Indianism. The paper gives an impression that China is interested to play its own political game in Nepal. However, it was argued by the discussants that it was the Nepalese who wanted to play the China card. China is quite pragmatic in its dealings with Nepal. To justify the title, a separate section on India factor should be incorporated in the paper. The paper is detailed and timely. However to make it more up-to-date it should accommodate the analysis on the latest Constituent Assembly (CA) election results.	South Asia
Overlapping Regional Security Governance Mechanisms: An Alternative Interpretation of the Difficulties of Regional Cooperation for Afghanistan	November 08, 2013	Sandra Destradi	1030 to 1300 hrs	Fellows' Seminar		South Asia
2nd India-Australia 1.5 Dialogue on 'Realizing the India-Australia Vision for Partnership and Prosperity'	October 17, 2013		0900 - 1800 hrs	Round Table	Programme 9.00 – 9.30 am: Registration 9.30-10.00 am: Inaugural Session Welcome address by Dr Arvind Gupta, DG, IDSA Address by Admiral Christopher Barrie, AC RAN Retired, Adjunct Professor, Strategic and Defence Studies Centre, Australian National University. Address by Shri Sanjay Bhattacharyya, JS (South) MEA, Government of India. 10.00-11.30 am: Session 1: Emerging Strategic Equations in The Asia-Pacific The session would cover the Security Architecture, Implications of the US ‘Rebalancing’ Policy and prospects for the IOR-ARC. Moderator: Amb. Leela K. Ponappa, Former Deputy National Security Advisor & Secretary NSCS Panelists: Prof SD Muni, Distinguished Fellow IDSA Prof. Sandy Gordon Visiting Fellow, College of Asia and the Pacific, Australian National Univ. Discussion 11.30-1.00 pm: Session 2: Reimagining the Region: ‘Asia Pacific’ or ‘Indo-Pacific’? Is ‘Indo-Pacific’ a viable concept? How does it differ from ‘Asia-Pacific’? Moderator: Amb. HK Singh, ICRIER Wadhwani Chair in India-US Policy Studies at ICRIER, and former Ambassador to Indonesia, and Japan. Panelists: Cdr Abhijit Singh, Research Fellow, IDSA Dr Sheridan Kearnan, Assistant Secretary, International Policy Division, Department of Defence, Australia. Discussion 1.00-2.00 pm Lunch 2.00-3.30 pm: Session 3: Non-Traditional Security Challenges: (Environment, Food and Water) What is the salience of Non-Traditional Security challenges in the emerging security architecture in the Asia-Pacific? How can these issues be addressed? Moderator: Dr Arvind Gupta, DG, IDSA Panelists: Col. PK Gautam, Research Fellow, IDSA Mr Leighton Luke, Manager, Future Directions International, Australia. Discussion 3.30-3.45 pm Tea 3.45-5.15 pm - Session 4: Emerging Regional Defence Outlook The session will review the Developments in defence doctrine and Capabilities of major defence forces in the Region including the US and China. Moderator: Brig Rumel Dahiya, DDG, IDSA Panelists: Col. Vijai Singh Rana, Research Fellow, IDSA Dr David Brewster, Visiting Fellow, Strategic and Defence Studies Centre, Australian National University. Discussion 5.15-6.00 pm: Session 5: India-Australia Dialogue: The Way Forward This session will discuss the prospects of cooperation between the two institutions. Dr Arvind Gupta Admiral Christopher Barrie Concept Note The first round of India-Australia 1.5 Dialogue was conducted in Perth, Australia on July 19-20, 2012. The themes covered during that dialogue included Indian and Australian policies for the region; major powers (US and China) policies in the region; regional architecture; maritime security in the region and future challenges including food and water. With this and the then Australian PM’s visit to India forming an important backdrop, the 2nd India-Australia 1.5 Dialogue in New Delhi provides a suitable opportunity to carry forward the ideas set forth in the 1st Dialogue held in 2012. In the past year a series of developments have brought Asia-Pacific into prominence. The region has been marked by transformative economic and strategic changes. The rise of Asia (especially China and India) provides an opportunity, and the rapidly changing strategic landscape, equally throws a challenge. For instance, China is Australia’s largest trading partner and the economic transformation of China could have far reaching strategic implications too. In October 2012 then PM Julia Gillard paid a visit to India. Australia has lifted the export ban on uranium. The Nuclear Suppliers Group had waived a three decade ban on exports to India. Considering India’s growing economic and strategic interests in engaging its maritime neighbours, it is vital that India works with Australia. Nuclear trade between the two countries is equally important as Australia commands around 40 per cent of the world’s total uranium resources. Nuclear cooperation would certainly help India meet its energy requirements — 800,000 MW of energy is needed by 2032 and fossil fuel will not be sufficient. In the absence of assured supply of uranium, India’s energy generation will increasingly become carbon emitting. Australia could contribute to environment protection through uranium supply to India. Given Australia’s growing strategic and economic importance, India needs to create a more robust relationship. There is tremendous scope for cooperation in agriculture, ocean technology and other such areas. Likewise, Australia too could reap the benefits of engaging India in economic, strategic and diplomatic terms. India and Australia are well placed to play a role in the region. The Australian government released a series of papers- including the Defence White Paper, Australia in the Asian Century White Paper and a National Security Strategy- which lay out Australia’s engagement with Asia, with special reference to India. In the strategic realm, unprecedented rise of China has certainly posed numerous challenges to countries of the region, to which India and Australia are no exceptions. Uncertainties posed by China’s rise have played a role in India and Australia’s changing perceptions of the twenty-first century global politics. Though India and Australia are not keen, perhaps not equipped enough, in balancing China in the region, both have been trying to hedge against the challenges posed by China’s rise. India’s economic reforms and opening up to the East Asian and the Asia- Pacific region through its Look East policy in the 1990s opened up new vistas for India- Australia engagement. The Look East policy, particularly the Phase two, led to India’s greater engagement with Australia. In fact, in the last decade, India-Australia ties have improved significantly, which is evident from quantum jumps in bilateral trade volumes, military-to-military engagements, greater outflow of Indian students to Australia, and more importantly- the India- Australia nuclear commerce. The US has certainly played a key role in bringing the two democracies closer. India’s improved ties with the US have influenced Australia’s perception of India’s role in the regional and global politics. India’s economic growth and rise of its middle class have offered numerous business opportunities to Australia, which seems well equipped in seizing the opportunity of engaging India. Australia is actively working on devising better ways to engage Asia and its major stake-holders including India. The current round of Track 1.5 Dialogue intends to bring together Indian and Australian perspectives on the Emerging Strategic Equations in the Asia-Pacific (including the Security Architecture; Implications of US ‘Rebalancing’ Policy; and Prospects for the IOR-ARC); Re-imagining the Region: ‘Asia-Pacific’ or ‘Indo-Pacific’?; Non-Traditional Security Challenges (Environment, Food and Water); Emerging Regional Defence Outlook; and in conclusion, India-Australia Dialogue: The Way Forward. *Contact Conference Coordinator Dr. Udai Bhanu Singh email udaibhanusingh@hotmail.com*	South East Asia and Oceania
China's Tryst with IORA: What Does it Mean for India?	February 14, 2014	Jagannath P. Panda	1030 to 1300 hrs	Fellows' Seminar	Chairperson: V Admiral Anup Singh (Retd) External Discussants: Shri Jayadev Ranade and Professor Baladas Ghoshal Internal Discussants: Cdr Abhijit Singh and Ruchita Beri	East Asia
47th Annual General Body Meeting	November 09, 2013		1230 hrs	Other	The 47th Annual General Body Meeting of the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses will be held on 09th November 2013 at 1230 hours at the IDSA Auditorium. Individual invitations to the Life members and Members have already been mailed. However, any Life member and Member who may not have received the same due to change in address etc. may treat this as notice for the meeting or contact the undersigned for any clarification. Please note that only LIFE MEMBERS AND MEMBERS form the General Body of the Institute. Wg Cdr Hemlata Lohani (Retd) Assistant Director Tele: 2671 7983, Extn. 7301 Fax: 26154192 (DG) 26154191 (DDG) 26146833 (AD) (Telefax)
Talk by Lt Gen J S Bajwa on ‘Graduating from Dissuasion to Deterrence: Assessment of India's Military Strategy against China'	October 03, 2013	J.S. Bajwa	1500 hrs	Round Table	Chair: Dr. Arvind Gupta, DG, IDSA Speaker: Lt. Gen. J.S. Bajwa Veneu: Seminar Hall I (Second Floor)	East Asia
Talk by Mr. Claude Arpi on "New Chinese Leadership and the Tibet Question"	October 04, 2013	Claude Arpi	1030 hrs	Round Table	Chair: Brig (retd) Rumel Dahiya, DDG, IDSA Speaker: Mr. Claude Arpi Veneu: Room No. 005 About the Author Born in 1949 in Angoulême, France, Claude Arpi studied dental surgery in Bordeaux University. After graduating as a Dental Surgeon in June 1974, he decided to come to India. He is the author of The Fate of Tibet (Har-Anand Publications, 1999); Tibet, le pays sacrifié (Calmann-Lévy, Paris, 2000); And Dark Shall be the Night: The Karma of Tibet (Editions Auroville Press International, 2001); La politique française de Nehru : 1947-1954 (Pavilions Series, Auroville 2002); Cachemire, le paradis perdu (Editions Philippe Picquier, France, 2004); Born in Sin: the Panchsheel Agreement (Mittal Publications, New Delhi, 2004); India and her Neighbourhood: A French Observers' Views (Har Anand, Delhi, 2005); Tibet: The Lost Frontier (Lancers Publishers); The Negotiations that never were: Dharamsala and Beijing (Lancer Publishers) and 1962: The McMahon Line Saga(Lancer Publishers). More recently, he published Glimpses of Tibetan History (The Tibet Museum, Dharamsala, 2013). He regularly writes on Tibet, China, India and Indo-French relations for Rediff.com, Sify.com, The Pioneer, The Statesman, DNA and other Indian publications. He is member of the Editorial Board of the Indian Defence Review.	East Asia
Talk by Vice Admiral (Retd) Anup Singh on "India's Maritime Domain: Untapped Opportunities"	October 25, 2013	Anup Singh	1500 hrs	Other	Venue: Seminar Hall 1, IDSA Speaker: Vice Admiral (Retd) Anup Singh Chairperson: Dr Arvind Gupta, Director General, IDSA Speaker's Profile Vice Admiral Anup Singh (Retd), former Flag Officer Commanding-in-Chief, Eastern Naval Command, was commissioned in the Indian Navy on 01 Jul 1973. During his career, he commanded four ships of different classes, viz. Indian Naval Ships Matanga, Veer, Ranvir and Delhi. In the case of two of these ships, he was also selected to commission them. These were: the INS Veer, a first of the new project missile vessel from the Soviet Union and INS Delhi, the first indigenously designed and indigenously built Destroyer of 6700 Tons displacement. For INS Veer, he spent a year under training in the erstwhile USSR and for the Delhi, he oversaw the final stages of her construction at the MDL, for nearly a year before commissioning. At the pinnacle of seagoing assignments was the command of the Western Fleet, ie Flag Officer Commanding Western Fleet. He held this prestigious operational appointment in 2006-07, wherein he led Operation SUKOON, the evacuation of civilians from war-torn Lebanon, in July 2006, moving his fleet repeatedly in and out of Beirut, Lebanon (under war) to Larnaca, Cyprus. Important assignments ashore included Director of Naval Plans (Force Structure and Defence Budget Planning); Director of Personnel(Human Resource Development and Management); Assistant Controller of Warship Production/ Acquisitions and Carrier Projects; Chief Instructor (Navy) at the Defence Services Staff College; Chief of Staff, Western Naval Command; Assistant Chief of Naval Staff (Air); Deputy Chief of Naval Staff; Deputy Chief of Integrated Defence Staff; and finally as the Flag Officer Commanding-in-Chief, Eastern Naval Command from Aug 2009 to Oct 2011. Vice Admiral Anup Singh has been a keen sportsman and adventurer. His interests include golf, riding and sailing. He was the Sailing Master of the first ever square-rigged Sail Training Vessel in India, named ‘Varuna’, in 1980-82. He also skippered the Naval Yacht ‘Samudra’ for her Pacific Crossing during the Tri Service round-the-world voyage in 1989. Abstract of the Speech [+]	Military Affairs
7th South Asia Conference: India & South Asia: Exploring Regional Perceptions	October 30, 2013 to October 31, 2013			Conference	Concept Note India, in view of its geographical vastness, huge population and massive natural resources, is often seen as overbearing in the region. Its smaller neighbours have responded to the natural asymmetry more or less in similar ways in their bilateral engagements with India. At a more nuanced level, a perceived sense of insecurity vis-à-vis India often gives way to aggressive posturing particularly by countries still grappling with complex issues pertaining formation of national identity and state consolidation. Unresolved border issues leading to protracted territorial disputes, including concerns over sharing of river waters and maritime resources, coupled with huge imbalances in trade, is often used for cultivating negative stereotypes and unfounded or inflated threat perceptions. Some of these issues have largely shaped the general perception and the prevalent social and political narratives about India in much of its immediate neighbourhood. As the only country having borders with all other South Asian countries, most of whom do not share borders with one another — and the largest one at that in terms of size and population— India has often been the target of persistent criticism despite the fact that it has sought to build friendly or at least a working relationship with all its neighbours by taking non-reciprocal economic and political measures in recent years. Perceptions play a very significant role in the South Asian politics. They have largely shaped and influenced state policies and politics among South Asian countries, especially in relation to India and vice versa, over the last many decades. State policies have at times been hostage to negative or adversarial perceptions, well-entrenched in the popular psyche. As one delves into the complexities involved in the shaping of perceptions among countries in South Asia, one realises that it is an extremely dynamic process that has evolved differently in different countries. Perceptions among states are not static and have often changed with the shifts in global as well as regional politics. There are myriad stakeholders— with their sectional interests and concerns— playing their role explicitly or implicitly in shaping and influencing mutual perceptions among countries in South Asia. Modern communications technology and expanded media networks have often reinforced old perceptions and inhibited the process of regional integration. India, on its part, too faces a complex set of challenges due to the fact that negative perceptions about it are engendered by powerful vested interests in the neighbouring states. Most of its neighbours are also in a state of major social-political ferment and transition, and are up against a wide array of internal challenges. Due to their tense and fragile ties with India, most of them have not been able to participate in, and benefit from, the Indian economy, which is growing at a fast pace. Regional initiatives and groupings, such as, the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), have had varying success in building an abiding cooperative framework to address certain issues of common concern to the countries of the region. There can be no doubt that over the centuries, the region has acquired an inherently diverse and yet a distinct multi-layered geo-cultural identity. The impact of British colonialism in the evolution of the South Asian region has proved to be enduring and irreversible. The European concepts of political organisation, territoriality and nationality have left an indelible mark on state formation in the post-colonial period. Historically, the emergence of new states in the region in the post-colonial period with exclusive notions of identity, citizenship and nationality within fixed well-defined borders, and geo-political and economic asymmetry among them, has imparted an altogether new dynamics to the region. In such a setting, perceptions about each other changed as old historical narratives were replaced by exclusive, imagined and sponsored histories, often categorised in terms of ‘us’ and ‘them’. This has often resulted in general apathy and lingering tension among the states despite a shared sense of history and geography amongst the people of the region. In view of the asymmetry in size and capabilities, India too faces a major policy dilemma when it comes to responding to any crisis in its immediate neighbourhood, lest it stokes ‘anti-India’ sentiments and further complicates the situation. Interestingly, India, at the same time, is not expected to remain a mute spectator either. The challenges of how India should respond or what should be the nature and level of its intervention, if needed, has often confounded India’s policy and decision makers. Although there are certain realities and factors that are unalterable, such as, shared geography or the fundamentals of geo-economics— irrespective of how national interests are defined or on what terms states or their key institutions interact within the region— a regional approach to addressing regional issues remain elusive. India’s thrust on strengthening intra-regional trade through increased connectivity and unilateral concessions has at best yielded mixed results. South Asia largely remains mired in protracted conflicts and chronic socio-economic challenges, which require each country in the region to constantly evaluate their position and policy in relation to India and vice versa. On the basis of the findings of the last six annual conferences that the Institute for Defence Studies & Analyses (IDSA) has been organising since 2007, it was felt that a detailed assessment of various perceptions about India that prevails in its immediate neighbourhood is critical for Indian policy makers to devise appropriate measures to enable and strengthen the process of regional cooperation and integration. Thus, the objective of this year’s South Asia Conference, seventh in series, is to isolate and identify political and economic perceptions about India in South Asia and vice versa. The two-day conference would seek to examine and address the following set of queries and issues: What are the various perceptions about India in each of the neighbouring South Asian countries? How do other countries in the region look at India’s economic power? Is India perceived as a reluctant or an unreliable partner in the development of the region? Has India failed to relate and connect to its immediate neighbourhood? Which are the key institutions and forces shaping perceptions about India in the neighbouring countries? What has been the role of media in shaping or perpetuating the prevalent perceptions? How perceptions have defined or transformed the inter-state relations in South Asia? What are the Indian perceptions of its ‘neighbourhood’ and its approaches to the individual countries in South Asia? Has the region failed to connect to India, and to identify with its rising political and economic profile? How best India can manage or improve its perceptions among its South Asian neighbours? What role India should play to make regional cooperation a success? What should be India’s long-term approach in this regard? Programme Schedule DAY ONE: Wednesday, October 30, 2013 09:30-10:00 am Registration/Arrival of Guests 10:00-10:30 am Inaugural Session 10:00 am Welcome Remarks by Dr. Arvind Gupta, Director-General, IDSA 10:10 am Inaugural Address by Shri A.K. Antony, Hon’ble Raksha Mantri 10:25 am Vote of Thanks by Brig. (Retd.) Rumel Dahiya Deputy Director-General, IDSA 10:30 – 11:00 am: Tea/Coffee 11:00 am – 01:30 pm Session I: Shaping of Perceptions in South Asia The session seeks to identity key drivers, institutions and stakeholders and their role in the shaping of perceptions among states in South Asia Moderator: Professor S.D. Muni Dr. Dayan Jayatilleka: A Perception from South Asia’s Far South: The Geopolitical Matrix of Indo-Sri Lanka Relations Amb. Humayun Kabir: How Bangladesh Perceives India: Recent Trends Dr. Pratyoush Onta: Does Academia Matter to the Shaping of Mutual Perceptions in South Asia? Dr. Yaqoob Khan Bangash: ‘Not India’: Pakistan, India and the Self 01:30 – 02:30 pm Lunch 02:30 – 05:00 pm Session II: Mutual Perceptions and Inter-State Relations The session intends to explore how mutual perceptions have influenced the inter-state relations in South Asia. Moderator: Professor Veena Sikri Dr. Davood Moradian: India and Afghanistan: Unrealised Opportunities Dr. Dinesh Bhattarai: Nepal-India Relations: Changing Dynamics Mr. M. Ashique Rahman: Rising India and Bangladesh-India Relations: Mutual Perceptions and Expectations Prof. Partha S. Ghosh: Perceptions and Memories: Making Sense of Bangladesh's India Outlook DAY TWO: Thursday, October 31, 2013 09:30 – 10:00 am Tea/Coffee 10:00 am– 12:30 pm Session III: Perceptions on Regional Cooperation The session proposes to discuss and examine the various perceptions about regional cooperation among the South Asian states. What is the scope and prospects for increased regional cooperation? Moderator: Ambassador Sheel Kant Sharma Prof. S.D. Muni: China and South Asian Cooperation Mr. Khadim Hussain: Way Forward to Regional Cooperation in South Asia Prof. I.N. Mukherji: India’s Trade with South Asian Neighbors: Perceptions and Reality-with Special Reference to India-Pakistan Trade Dr. Nagesh Kumar: South Asian Economic Integration and Connectivity: Potential and Challenges Mr. G. I. Lynn Ockersz: Stepped-up Inter-State Dialogue as a Key to Improving SAARC Development Prospects 12:30 – 01:30 pm Lunch 01:30 – 04:00 pm Session IV: India & South Asia: Perceptions and Expectations The session will be devoted to discussing regional perceptions about India and expectations regarding India’s role in the region. Moderator: General (Retd.) Ashok K. Mehta Mr. Shahmahmood Miakhel: Seizing New Opportunity for Regional Cooperation and Understanding Mr. Pema Tenzin: Bhutan and Its International Collaborations 2013 U. Denzil Abel: Myanmar's Perceptions of India Mr. Mohamed Naahee Naseem: Maldives’ General Perceptions of India and the Role of Media Discussion 04:00 – 04:15 pm Tea/Coffee 04:15 – 05:30 pm Session V: Managing Perceptions: The Way Forward In the concluding session, the panellists will offer their opinion on how to manage regional perceptions and recommend the way forward for the consideration of policy makers. Moderator: Dr. Arvind Gupta, Director General IDSA - Panel Discussion Vote of Thanks: Mr. Vishal Chandra, Conference Coordinator Conference Booklet Rapporteurs Report	South Asia	South Asia Conference
US Factor in Sino–Indian Relations: India’s Fine Balancing	January 03, 2014	R N Das	1030 to 1300 hrs	Fellows' Seminar	Chairperson: Prof. Christopher S. Raj External Discussants: Prof. Chintamani Mahapatra and Prof. Sreeram Chaulia Internal Discussants: Dr. Mahua Bhattacharya and Sanjeev Srivastava	East Asia

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