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Monday Morning Meeting on ''The Indus Waters Treaty: What is in Store?'' February 20, 2023 Monday Morning Meeting

Dr. Uttam K. Sinha, Senior Fellow, Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, spoke on "The Indus Waters Treaty: What is in Store?” at the Monday Morning Meeting held on 20 February 2023. The session was moderated by Dr. Ashok K. Behuria, Senior Fellow, MP-IDSA. Deputy Director General, Maj. Gen. (Dr.) Bipin Bakshi, senior scholars, research analysts, and interns of the institute were in attendance.

Executive Summary

India has issued a notice to Pakistan under the Indus Waters Treaty (IWT), alleging a breach of the Treaty's dispute resolution mechanisms. India has called for modifications to the Treaty's annexures and for negotiations on the issue, marking the first such request since its inception.

Detailed Report

Dr. Ashok K. Behuria commenced the session by highlighting that MP-IDSA has undertaken several studies to explore how the Treaty has functioned since its inception and the likelihood of its survival. He emphasised the need to harness the waters of the eastern rivers and noted that the 3.6 million acre feet (MAF) allowance on the western rivers remains highly underutilised. Dr. Behuria explained the graded dispute resolution mechanism under Article IX of the Treaty. He also discussed Pakistan’s objections to the Kishenganga and Ratle hydroelectric power projects being constructed by India. He added that India has sent a notice of modification to Pakistan under Article XII (3) of the Treaty, seeking a response within 90 days. He stated that transboundary rivers should be seen as connectors, not disruptors, in bilateral relations.

With these remarks, Dr. Behuria invited Dr. Sinha to make his observations. At the outset, Dr. Sinha stated that fear, angst, manipulation and misinformation often govern the behaviour of the states on hydrological issues. He opined that as India expands its water resources footprint in the UT of Jammu and Kashmir and the Administration of UT of Ladakh, Pakistan’s captiousness will only increase. He then observed that water is an emotive issue in Pakistan’s domestic political discourse.

Dr. Sinha pointed out that to understand the present circumstances, it is pertinent to consider the history of negotiations, as well as the physiography and hydrology of the basin. He cautioned against accepting the notion of India's over-generosity in negotiating the Treaty and emphasised that the IWT is an arrangement to divide the basin rather than a water-sharing agreement. Drawing from his book Indus Basin Uninterrupted (Penguin Random House, 2021), he interestingly observed the critical role of the engineers during the Partition in the division of the canals and the allocation of the headworks to India.

In the next part of his presentation, Dr. Sinha displayed maps of the rivers to depict their flow across political boundaries. He discussed the dual context of rivers - their interlinkage with politics, society, environment, and the economy, as well as their importance in the hydropolitical security complex. Dr. Sinha observed that the basin remained unified prior to the Partition, which created a new geography. While India emphasised its geographical status as an upper-riparian state, Pakistan focused on historical usage of water, such as canal irrigation.

Through maps, the speaker showed that the Indus Basin has a drainage area of 11,65,000 square kilometres, with India accounting for 27 per cent and Pakistan for 65 per cent of the total drainage area. He opined that rivers are a technical issue and political insinuations must be avoided, and underlined that the IWT negotiations prioritised technical and engineering solutions. The speaker pointed out that the Treaty emphasises the utilisation of waters and not their control. The negotiations eventually underscored ‘water rationality’ and India effectively defended its rights on the eastern rivers. The Treaty was designed to facilitate effective water cooperation through “checks and balances”. In addition, he noted that the IWT negotiations effectively addressed not only the Punjab region, but also the Jammu and Kashmir region. Dr. Sinha discussed that the difficult terrain of the western rivers makes it challenging to achieve the target of 3.6 MAF of storage capacity. He argued that Chenab carries the potential to fulfil its storage needs.

Through various data sets, Dr. Sinha displayed the status of the irrigated areas and the hydroelectric projects under operation and construction. He added that, through the modification process, India will also communicate the issues in developing these projects.  He opined that the Court of Arbitration will recognise India’s objections to the breach of the Treaty's dispute resolution mechanisms. He added that Pakistan, through its move to the arbitration court, aims to set a legal precedent for all future projects. In his conclusion, Dr. Sinha advocated for a technical resolution to the issues through a neutral expert.

Questions and Comments

Dr. Behuria discussed the potential outcomes if Pakistan chooses not to respond to India's notice. Additionally, he drew attention to responses from the popular media in Pakistan as well as the role of its domestic political turmoil.

Maj. Gen. (Dr.) Bipin Bakshi (Retd.) emphasised that despite India’s relatively small catchment area, it contributes nearly 50 per cent of the total flow due to glacial melt. He also underlined the importance of distinguishing between captive dams and run-of-the-river projects.

Mr. S.C. Saxena, Member, MP-IDSA made a query on the history of bilateral negotiations between India and Pakistan. He discussed the importance of technology in harnessing river potential.

Dr. Nihar R. Nayak discussed the geological structure of the basin and inquired about the consequences of the suspension of the Treaty.

Col. Manish Rana raised a query on the factors that compelled India and Pakistan to sign the Treaty and how India’s actions can impact its lower-riparian status in the east.

Col. (Dr.) DPK Pillay (Retd.) underscored the importance of harnessing rivers and the success of the Ganga canal in irrigation.

Capt. Anurag Bisen (IN) highlighted the incompetence of the World Bank in several bilateral arrangements globally. He raised the possibility of abrogating the current Treaty and setting up a new Treaty on India’s terms.

Dr. Priyanka Singh raised questions about the neutrality of the World Bank and its decision to allow two parallel dispute resolution mechanisms.

Dr. Anand Kumar discussed the financial costs of the IWT negotiations and the strategic available options for India unilaterally.

Mr. Rohith Sai Stambamkadi raised a query on the strategic implications of dams.

Commodore (Dr.) Mani Singh Mamik (Retd.), through the online chat function, inquired about the loss of agricultural and fertile land after the Partition.

In his response, Dr. Sinha highlighted that unilateral abrogation will not significantly reduce the availability of water in Pakistan. In addition, it will risk India’s international image and goodwill in the neighbourhood, and will cast doubts on its status as a responsible actor. He added that India should focus on developing the water infrastructure capacities allowed under the Treaty and clearly suggested optimising the Treaty. He added that India’s strategic approach to water issues is highly unique, as it is both a responsible upper-riparian and a concerned lower-riparian. He further noted that India’s cross-border water dependence is significantly high and reiterated the need to build water storage capacity.

The discussion ended with a Vote of Thanks by Dr. Ashok K. Behuria.

The report has been prepared by Ms. Richa Kumaria, Intern, Non- Traditional Security Centre, MP-IDSA.

Interaction with Ambassador Michael Pulch, EU’s Coordinator for Coordinated Maritime Presence (CMP) February 13, 2023 1400 hrs Other

MP-IDSA is organising an interaction with Ambassador Michael Pulch, EU’s Coordinator for Coordinated Maritime Presence (CMP) on Monday, 13 February 2023 at 1400 hours in Room No. 005, Ground Floor.

Major General (Dr.) Bipin Bakshi, Retd, Deputy Director General, MP-IDSA will chair the session.

4th MPIDSA-JISS Bilateral Dialogue February 08, 2023 1000 hrs Bilateral

The Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA) is holding its fourth bilateral dialogue with the Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security (JISS), Jerusalem, on Wednesday, February 8, 2023, at 1000 hrs in the MP-IDSA Auditorium.

Amb. Sujan R. Chinoy, Director General MP-IDSA and Prof. Efraim Inbar, President JISS will lead the Dialogue on both sides. The Flyer and programme of the Dialogue are attached for your reference.

Download Programme [PDF]

Monday Morning Meeting on ”India’s G20 Presidency: Opportunity to Resume Engagement in the Arctic” February 06, 2023 Monday Morning Meeting

Capt. Anurag Bisen (Indian Navy), Member Non-Traditional Security Centre, Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses spoke on “India’s G20 Presidency: Opportunity to Resume Engagement in the Arctic” at the Monday Morning Meeting held on 6 February 2023. The meeting was moderated by Col. (Dr.) D.P.K. Pillay. Deputy Director General, Maj. Gen. (Dr.) Bipin Bakshi, (Retd.) and scholars of the Institute participated in the discussion.

Executive Summary

The suspension of the Arctic Council post Russia-Ukraine conflict has resulted in the suspension of all forms of scientific cooperation with Russia. As a result of this suspension, global climate change mitigation efforts are severely impacted. India’s G-20 Presidency offers an opportunity for the G20 to strive for resumption of scientific cooperation in the Arctic.

Detailed Report

Col. (Dr.) D.P.K. Pillay introduced the topic to the audience and highlighted the implications for the Arctic. In his opening remarks, he mentioned that India’s engagements with the Arctic date back to 1920 when the country under British Dominion signed the Spitsbergen Treaty. He highlighted that the environmental transitional occurring in the Arctic has direct implications for Indian monsoons, which have the potential of impacting the country's food security. Col. Pillay then invited Capt. Anurag Bisen (IN) to make his presentation on the topic.

Capt. Anurag Bisen (IN) started his presentation by highlighting that India as Chair of the G20 Presidency could push for re-starting dialogue amongst all the Arctic States. He further highlighted that there is a need for the revival of all form of scientific cooperation within the Arctic Council as well as through all other existing mechanisms of cooperation that currently remain suspended. Capt. Bisen highlighted that post-Russia’s special military operation in Ukraine, all the seven Arctic States have suspended their cooperation with Russia in the region. This includes the suspension of the Arctic Council, European Commission and the Barents Euro-Arctic Council. Capt. Bisen, in his presentation further mentioned that Finland and Sweden’s decision to join NATO has further enhanced complexities for regional cooperation in the Arctic. In his talk, he also highlighted major climate tipping points in the Arctic that play a crucial role in regulating global environmental conditions. He asserted that any disruptions in the thresholds of these Arctic tipping points would have grave regional and global implications. He further mentioned that the Arctic remains globally connected and that whatever happens in the Arctic does not stay in the Arctic. Capt. Bisen also emphasized the fact that the Arctic is heating four times faster than other parts of the Earth. He mentioned that this in the near future could have challenges of sea level rise, implications for coastal habitats, soil erosion, impacts on wetlands and loss of fish, birds and other plant life.  He also pointed out that since 40 per cent of the world’s population lives within 100 km of the coastline, rising sea levels are expected to flood hundreds of cities worldwide.

Capt. Bisen  also explained the concept of ‘Arctic amplification’ and the role of methane in further warming the Arctic ice. He then highlighted that since the suspension of the Arctic Council, scientific research of the five Asian Observer States in the Council namely India, China, Japan, South Korea and Singapore have been significantly impacted. Capt. Bisen mentioned that though the world is facing geopolitical tussles due to the Russia-Ukraine crisis, it is difficult to neglect Russia in Arctic decision-making. He also mentioned that since Russia accounts for 53 per cent of the Arctic Ocean coastline, ignoring Russia in Arctic scientific research would not serve global scientific interests.

In the final part of his presentation, Capt. Bisen explained that scientific research in the Arctic is of great interest to India. He mentioned the scientific interlinkages between the Arctic, the Antarctic and the Himalayas and explained their importance in shaping Indian and global climatic phenomena. Citing the six pillars of India’s engagement in the Arctic as outlined in the country’s Arctic Policy document, Capt. Bisen mentioned that these clearly justify India’s approach and future intentions in the region. Moreover, he also highlighted that the theme of India’s G20 presidency i.e. Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam- the world is but one family, also finds resonance in India’s Arctic Policy. He, therefore, asserted that India through its G20 Presidency should call for resuming the existing cooperation in the Arctic. He justified his stance by further mentioning that 6 out of the 8 Arctic Council Permanent Member States, and 12 out of the 13 Observer States are part of G20 member countries. In his concluding remarks, Capt. Bisen pointed out that Environment and Climate Sustainability Working Groups in G20 could become key instruments. Lastly, he also recommended that the ‘Sherpa Track’ could also be used to expeditiously revive scientific engagements in the Arctic.

Questions and Comments

Following the presentation, Col. (Dr.) D.P.K. Pillay invited the Deputy Director General and  the participants for their comments and questions.

Deputy Director General, Maj. Gen. (Dr.) Bipin Bakshi (Retd.) complimented Capt. Bisen for his presentation and highlighted MP-IDSA’s meeting with the Danish delegation on various Arctic issues in the past. He also mentioned that MP-IDSA has always remained at the forefront of conducting Arctic-related events. He mentioned that the institution recently in collaboration with the Ministry of Earth Sciences and NSCS conducted a one-day seminar on the Arctic. Lastly, he highlighted that the Arctic tipping points remain important for India as these bear inter-linkages with Indian Himalayas, therefore India's scientific collaboration with all the Arctic states remains extremely crucial.

Col. Vivek Chadha (Retd.) asked the speaker regarding his recent visit to Geneva and asked if this idea of restarting Arctic scientific cooperation through G20 found any traction with the representatives of the Member States there.

Ms. Ruchita Beri asked the speaker if this suspension of scientific cooperation with Russia in the Arctic was only as the result of the Ukraine crisis, or was there already developing geopolitical competition between Western Arctic States and Russia, that in the shadow of the Ukraine crisis resulted in the termination of East-West cooperation in the region.

Ms. Mayuri Banerjee made a query regarding the military exercises of States in the Arctic and how these hinder scientific cooperation in the region.

Dr. Adil Rasheed commented on the geopolitics of climate change and questioned the speaker regarding the Western States' responses if India takes a lead on such issues through its G20 Presidency.

Mr. Bipandeep Sharma commented on the issue of suspension of the Arctic Council and termination of all forms of scientific cooperation with Russia. He questioned that if the  existing mechanism of cooperation through the Arctic Council fails to restart any form of cooperation with Russia, how can G20 do it differently?  He further highlighted that Norway, which is going to be the next Chair of the Arctic Council in May 2023, also does not hint at restarting any form of such cooperation with Russia in near future.

Dr. Uttam Sinha complimented the speaker for his presentation and commented on the point of ‘Arctic Exceptionalism’ mentioned by the speaker in his presentation. Dr. Sinha mentioned that the concept does not exist in current times as the world has become largely interconnected. This interconnectedness is further linked to climate change, where any transition occurring in the Arctic has global linkages. Dr. Sinha further mentioned that the Arctic Council till recently remained a successful forum to address various Arctic issues and this ongoing suspension has brought it into a unique conundrum. Dr. Sinha lastly pointed out that the world need not to forget the issues of Arctic indigenous communities that are most vulnerable to climatic transitions occurring in the region.

Capt. Bisen gave a detailed explanation to all these comments and questions asked by the scholars at the Monday Morning Meeting.

Report prepared by Mr. Bipandeep Sharma, Research Analyst, Non-Traditional Security Centre, MP-IDSA.

Monday Morning Meeting on Saudi-Iran Relations: Between Continuing Friction and Frozen Talks January 30, 2023 Monday Morning Meeting

Dr. P K Pradhan, Research Fellow, Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA), spoke on “Recent Developments in Saudi-Iran Relations: Between Continuing Friction and Frozen Talks” at the Monday Morning Meeting held on 30 January 2023. The session was moderated by Dr. Deepika Saraswat, Associate Fellow, MP-IDSA. Scholars of the Institute were in attendance.

Executive Summary

Saudi Arabia and Iran are two important players in the West Asian region. Since the beginning of the Arab unrest, the relationship between both countries has further deteriorated. For Saudi Arabia, the military presence of the US in West Asia is a vital component of the regional security architecture. On the other hand, Iran opposes any external intervention in the region. Iran’s presence in Yemen, Syria, Lebanon and Iraq has threatened Saudi Arabia. Its major concerns are its national security and the freedom of navigation as Iran has a significant influence over the two choke points namely, the Strait of Hormuz and Bab El Mandeb. Besides, the Iranian nuclear programme and Iran’s intervention in Yemen through Houthi forces are two key issues of rivalry between them. In 2021 and 2022, five rounds of Iraq-mediated talks were held between Iran and Saudi Arabia at the official level in Baghdad. However, the change of government in Iraq has stalled talks and tension has further deepened owing to the recent protests in Iran. Currently, the major challenges for both countries are to convert the talks into a serious and credible political dialogue and to re-establish their diplomatic relations. The reconciliatory approach shown by Iran and Saudi Arabia may de-escalate the tensions in the short and medium term which may help in bringing temporary peace and stability to the region.

Detailed Report

In her initial remarks, Dr. Deepika Saraswat stated that in the last two decades, Iran and Saudi Arabia have emerged as two important players in the West Asian region. Since the Arab uprising, both the countries found themselves on opposite sides of each other in proxy wars in Yemen, Syria, Iraq and elsewhere. This rivalry took a disastrous sectarian dimension over a period of time and it reached its peak in 2016. The conflict between the two further intensified with the beginning of war in Yemen. More recently, US President Joe Biden’s withdrawal of support for Saudi Arabia’s war efforts in Yemen and revival of nuclear diplomacy vis-à-vis  Iran, paved a way for both the countries to de-escalate tensions between the two. However, the relations between the two have again become hostile after Iran blamed Saudi Arabia for a “media war”.

Dr. P K Pradhan started his presentation by giving a historical background of the troubled relationship between Iran and Saudi Arabia. He stated that the problems between Iran and the Gulf monarchies started in 1979 when after the Islamic revolution Ayatollah Khomeini became the leader of Iran and declared to export his brand of Shia Islam to neighbouring states.  This posed an immediate security challenge to the Gulf countries. This was an important factor which pushed Saudi Arabia to support Iraq in the 1980-1988 Iran-Iraq War. However, during the Iraq-Kuwait War (1990-91), Saudi Arabia supported Kuwait against Iraq. In 2003, during the US invasion of Iraq, Saudi Arabia hosted the US forces which was opposed by Iran. The outbreak of Arab uprising in the region in post 2010 period further widened the Saudi-Iranian divide.

Dr. Pradhan said that Saudi Arabia was not untouched by the Arab uprising as its Eastern province registered widespread protests. The Saudi regime alleged that Shia cleric Nimr al-Nimr was instigating these anti-government protests and executed him in 2016. The execution of Nimr resulted in huge protests in Tehran. In addition, Iran also strongly condemned Saudi Arabia and threatened that the latter would “pay a heavy price” for his execution. This pushed Saudi Arabia along with some other Gulf countries to down grade its diplomatic ties with Iran.

Thereafter, Dr. Pradhan explained the regional security architecture in West Asia and highlighted the US’s vital role in providing security to Gulf countries including Saudi Arabia. The US also has a military presence in the all the six GCC countries.  On the other hand, Iran says that there should not be any external power involvement in the regional security architecture of West Asia. Iran proposes a regional security architecture in the Gulf with the involvement of the regional powers only.

Dr. Pradhan mentioned that Saudi Arabia is hugely concerned about Iran’s intentions. It feels that Iran will launch attacks either directly or through proxies if the US forces withdraw from the region.  Saudi Arabia along with the GCC countries has proposed the Middle East Strategic Alliance while Iran proposes Hormuz Peace Endeavour. Indeed, there is a huge difference in perception of the two countries with respect to the regional security architecture of the region. Dr. Pradhan explained the threat perception of Saudi Arabia and Iran through maps and highlighted that US military presence in the region is a threat for Iran and the presence of Iranian proxies in the countries such as Yemen, Lebanon, Syria and Iraq are threats to Saudi national security.

According to him, freedom of navigation is a major concern for Saudi Arabia as Iran has significant influence on the two choke points namely, Strait of Hormuz and Bab-el- Mandeb. If Iran disrupts the oil traffic, it would impact oil supply to Saudi Arabia. In the past conflicts, Iran has, multiple times, threatened to close the Strait of Hormuz if there is any threat to its national security. In post 2015 period, Houthis have attacked Saudi oil tankers in Bab-el- Mandeb and in the Red Sea forcing Saudi Arabia to temporarily stop oil supply through Bab El Mandeb in 2018.

Iranian nuclear issue is another key point of friction between Iran and Saudi Arabia. In 2015, Saudi Arabia initially adopted a conciliatory approach towards the deal. Subsequently, Iran started intervention in the region and provided funds to terrorist organisations and other non-state actors which pushed Saudi Arabia to raise this issue with regional and international powers. It welcomed President Trump’s decision to withdraw from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) and also supported the “maximum pressure” policy of the US. Regarding the Iranian nuclear talks in Vienna, he said that Saudi Arabia was closely watching it. However, Saudi Arabia cannot do much about it.

Dr. Pradhan highlighted the five rounds of talks which were held between Iran and Saudi Arabia in 2022 in Baghdad. The talks were held between Khalid Al-Homaidan, Chief of General Intelligence, Saudi Arabia, and Saeed Iravani, Deputy Secretary of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council. Former Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa Al-Kadhimi played a significant role in facilitating these talks. However, now there is a power shift in Iraq which has stalled the talks between the two.

According to him, there were various factors that have contributed to facilitating talks between the two countries. Firstly, Iran and Saudi Arabia are under international pressure due to deteriorating internal security and humanitarian situation in Yemen, especially, after Joe Biden became the President of the US. Secondly, Saudi Arabia is under US pressure to end its military offensive in Yemen. Thirdly, after Trump’s withdrawal from the JCPOA, Iran was hopeful of reviving the deal under Biden. Lastly, war in Yemen has proved a burden on the Saudi budget whereas Iran is looking for lifting of sanctions as a result of the Vienna talks. All these factors have contributed in bringing both the countries to the negotiating table. As result of talks, the situation in Yemen has improved slightly and the parties agreed on ceasefire. Though the ceasefire could not extend, the situation has improved slightly in Yemen.

Iranian Vice-President Seyed Mohammad Hosseini met with Saudi Foreign Minister Faisal bin Farhan on 2 January on the side-lines of the swearing-in ceremony of Brazil's President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva. In addition, Foreign Ministers of the two countries met in Jordan on the side-lines of the Baghdad-II Conference on 19 December 2022. During these visits both sides emphasised the need for continuing the talks.

The recent protests in Iran have also contributed to Iran and Saudi Arabia tensions. Since the protest erupted, Iran has alleged that Saudi Arabia and Israel are behind the protests. Iran alleged that Saudi Arabia has been supporting particular media houses to spread propaganda against Iran. In addition, Saudi Arabia has also shared concerns with the US regarding possibility of a direct or indirect attack from Iran amidst protests.

While highlighting the challenges ahead, Dr. Pradhan said that converting the talks “to a serious and credible political dialogue” and “to restore diplomatic relations between two countries” continues to be a big challenge. Furthermore, the Iranian nuclear issue and crisis in Yemen also remains a big challenge for the talks. He made three observations. Firstly, the talks at present are at an embryonic stage. Second, considering the adversarial relationship between the two, achieving substantial progress would require long negotiations, mutual trust and willingness to engage in a political dialogue. Finally, the reconciliatory approach exhibited by Iran and Saudi Arabia may de-escalate the tensions in the short and medium term which may help bring temporary peace and stability to the region.

Dr. Pradhan concluded his presentation by underlining India’s approach toward the Iran-Saudi Arabia conflict. He said that India has huge stakes with both the countries and regional stability in the Gulf is in India’s interest. India has adopted a policy of neutrality and non-interference in the Saudi-Iran conflict and appealed to both the countries to resolve their differences mutually through dialogue and negotiations.

The presentation was followed by a lively Q&A session.

The Report was prepared by Dr. Jatin Kumar, Research Analyst, MP-IDSA.

Eurasia & West Asia
Monday Morning Meeting on Key Developments in the Indo Pacific: Perceptions in South East Asia January 23, 2023 Monday Morning Meeting

On 23 January 2023, Ms. Shruti Pandalai, Associate Fellow, MP-IDSA, made a presentation on “Key Developments in the Indo-Pacific: Perceptions in South East Asia” at the Monday Morning Meeting. Cmde. Abhay Kumar Singh (Retd.) moderated the session. Ambassador Sujan R. Chinoy, the Director General of MP-IDSA, Maj. Gen. (Dr.) Bipin Bakshi (Retd.), the Deputy Director General of MP-IDSA and scholars of the Institute were in attendance to enrich the discussion.

Executive Summary

With China's aggressively increasing interest in global leadership, the Indo-Pacific region still serves as the pivot of global geopolitics. Leading powers in the region are expected to demonstrate political will and capability as nations, large and small, try to offset the effects of increasing strategic competition. The quest for chances for practical cooperation, a rethinking of security and a balance between economic and security cooperation with the rise in militarization are some important trends that are apparent from the region's expanding geopolitics. As observed, there are concentrated endeavours to strengthen the capabilities of Indo-Pacific nations in order to provide them with realistic alternatives that go beyond binaries created around ideological and political contestation.

Detailed Report

Cmde. Abhay introduced the topic with a brief overview of the developments concerning Southeast Asia and the Indo-Pacific in the recent past. Thereafter, he invited Ms. Shruti Pandalai , the speaker, to make a presentation on the subject.

Ms. Pandalai began by noting the continuance of the strategic high tide in the Indo-Pacific, which has been long in the making. Many nations have been working in different combinations and permutations to make sure that a shared foundation for cooperation in the region emerges. She stated that the goal of these efforts is to create an equal, rule-based system in which unilateralism is restrained. Ms. Pandalai highlighted a few broad trends that have emerged with distinguishable features in the Indo-Pacific region.  The first broad trend highlighted by her was “issue-based coalition” which is driven by function. The collaboration of like-minded nations in bilateral, multilateral, and plurilateral forms was the second trend Ms. Pandalai emphasised.  Focused effort on capacity building of Indo-Pacific countries was another broad trend highlighted by Ms. Pandalai.

According to Ms. Pandalai, the conflict in Ukraine, the escalation of the cross-Strait problem, and China's threatening activities in the South China Sea have all helped raise awareness of the Indo-Pacific region and the QUAD's capacity to deliver on both the economic and security fronts.

Further, Ms. Pandalai provided insights regarding key developments in the later part of 2022 vis-à-vis Indo-Pacific. National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2023, which was passed into law, is intended to strengthen the strategic depth and material capability of Washington's defence strategy, according to Ms. Pandalai.

Ms. Pandalai observed that the Indo-Pacific region is closely watching Biden’s signature achievements such as Inflation Reduction Act and the CHIPS Act. According to Ms. Pandalai, these decisions have created significant friction with US allies in Europe and Asia. This was substantiated by citing articles wherein the EU, South Korea and the Director General of WTO have criticised these legislations. Ms. Pandalai held that these legislations by the US are seen by the countries in the region as “re-shoring” over “friend-shoring”. Ms. Pandalai also discussed various overtures to Southeast Asia which have been offered by the US recently.

Further, Ms. Pandalai highlighted the three transformational security documents that were released by Japan recently. Ms. Pandalai pointed out three reasons for the change in Japan’s attitude which include the recent behaviour and activities of three revisionist powers China, North Korea and Russia. The National Security Strategy, as pointed out by Ms. Pandalai, has received mixed reactions from South Korea and certain Southeast Asian countries. Regarding further bolstering of Japan-US alliance through new agreements and meetings, Ms. Pandalai held that the summits sent out a clear message about bilateral security commitments being of prime importance for both the US and Japan and that this alliance is regarded by both countries as an instrument to project their combined influence to promote stability in the region.

Further, Ms. Pandalai highlighted the increased cooperation between Australia and the US in various domains ranging from security to climate cooperation through ministerial consultations like AUSMIN.  Ms. Pandalai opined that the notion of strategic equilibrium that has been proposed by Australian Foreign Minister Penny Wong was necessary as Southeast Asian and Pacific countries have been sceptical in choosing any formal alliance or coalition. Ms. Pandalai also highlighted Australia’s outreach efforts to South Pacific countries like the Solomon Islands and Vanuatu along with the latest overtures to ASEAN.

Ms. Pandalai also highlighted recent changes in the relationship between India and ASEAN as it evolved into a complete strategic alliance. Ms. Pandalai stated that ASEAN and India have decided to strengthen their maritime links and work together to combat cybercrime, transnational crime, and terrorism. Ms. Pandalai emphasised South Korea's ambitious Indo-Pacific strategy, highlighting the country's commitment to enhancing supply chain ties with Southeast Asia and the rise in arms exports to the region.

With regard to the current scenario of the US-China relationship, Ms. Pandalai contended that Southeast Asia is concerned about the guardrails in the relationship between these two giants which is at risk of irreversible damage. Ms. Pandalai held that the Southeast Asian nations will move pragmatically when it comes to sharing benefits with China and would be vigilant at the same time when it comes to asserting their agencies. Ms. Pandalai also cited a report regarding the dwindling of Southeast Asia’s public support to China as compared to the US.

With respect to ASEAN’s perspective on the Taiwan issue, Ms. Pandalai stated that ASEAN holds a “One China Policy”. Ms. Pandalai also highlighted the various approaches of ASEAN countries to the Ukraine situation at the G20 Summit and claimed that ASEAN has consistently refrained from criticising Russia while also showing greater consideration for Russia.

Regarding the South China Sea issue, Ms. Pandalai stated that breakthroughs are unlikely in the negotiations on SCS ‘code of conduct’ this year because currently, Southeast Asia has its own economic priorities. Ms. Pandalai was of the opinion that SCS will continue to face twin dynamics of confrontation and cooperation.

 With regard to the question of Southeast Asia’s cooperation on the Indo-Pacific issue, Ms. Pandalai stated that ASEAN is open to QUAD’s involvement in the region, though in tandem with ASEAN centrality. In concluding remarks of her presentation, Ms. Pandalai held that India and ASEAN can lean on each other as India rejects any bloc kind of security cooperation.

Following the presentation, Cmde. Abhay invited the Director General, Ambassador Chinoy to offer his comments Amb. Chinoy observed that, though late, now the US looks at Southeast Asia in terms of its economic and developmental needs whereas earlier it looked at the region largely from the lens of security.  Amb. Chinoy also highlighted that now China due to its enormous resources has got a strong presence in the region and that Southeast Asia’s likeness to China is greater as compared to the USA. Also, Amb. Chinoy contended that Southeast Asia wants to manage the relationship with both US and China and would not simply bandwagon. While concluding, Amb. Chinoy emphasised further development of relations not only with ASEAN collectively but also at the individual level, with the Southeast Asian countries.

Maj. Gen. (Dr.) Bipin Bakshi (Retd.) also made observations about the major happenings in the region and contended that these vigorous activities by different stakeholders in the Indo-Pacific mark turbulent times for global geopolitics.

Q & A Session

When the floor was opened for Q&A sessions, a scholar asked a question regarding the relevance of ASEAN centrality and ASEAN’s views of US engagement on economic issues. Responding to these questions, Ms. Pandalai observed that since assuaging of ASEAN’s concerns by QUAD countries, repeated efforts have been made to keep ASEAN at the centre of decision-making vis-à-vis the Indo-Pacific. On the issue of ASEAN’s need for the US, Ms. Pandalai held that the US is vital for the economic development of Southeast Asia as recently most of the ASEAN countries became a signatory of the US’ initiated Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity.

On the question of whether the Ukraine conflict has diverted US attention away from the Indo-Pacific, Ms. Pandalai responded that this hasn’t been the case so far.

This report was prepared by Mr. Mohammed Shoaib Raza, Intern, Southeast Asia and Oceania Centre, MP-IDSA.

Talk by Mr Elbridge Colby on ‘The Strategy of Denial: An Assessment of US Defense Strategy for the Indo Pacific' January 12, 2023 1400 hrs Talk

The Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA) is organising a Talk by Mr Elbridge Colby, author of ‘The Strategy of Denial: American Defense in an Age of Great Power Competition’ (and former Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Strategy and Force Development) on ‘The Strategy of Denial: An Assessment of US Defense Strategy for the Indo Pacific'.

The Talk, chaired by DG, MP-IDSA, Amb Sujan R. Chinoy, will be held today in the Room no. 005 at 1400 hrs.

Book Discussion: The Russia-Ukraine War - Lessons Learnt, by Maj. Gen. (Dr.) G.D. Bakshi, SM, VSM (Retd) January 11, 2023 Other

The Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA), New Delhi organised a discussion on the book “The Russia-Ukraine War: Lessons Learnt” authored by Major General G.D. Bakshi (Retd.) on 11 January 2023. The book discussion was chaired by Ambassador Sujan R. Chinoy, Director General, MP-IDSA. Commodore Abhay Singh (Retd.) and Dr. Swasti Rao participated from the institute as discussants. The discussion was attended by Maj. Gen. (Dr.) Bipan Bakshi, Deputy Director General, MP-IDSA. MP-IDSA scholars were present.

Executive Summary

As the war in Ukraine lingers on unexpectedly towards the one-year mark, there are many lessons to be garnered from the disruptions in the post-Soviet sphere. In this context, Major General G.D. Bakshi’s book raises a pressing question: What short-term and long-term lessons can be learned from the conflict and what implications does the conflict have for India?

Detailed Report

In his opening remarks, Ambassador Sujan R. Chinoy stated that the conflict in Ukraine has lingered on unexpectedly and the Russian special military operation has been met with great resistance and pushback. The reverses on the war front have not pushed back Russia from legislating new geography and a consequent redrawing of the map. The west has backed Ukraine in the form of weapons and intelligence but a question arises as to how long would this endure. There is also the creation of a false narrative that India must take up a side between the two opposing forces. The conflict has broader strategic implications for India. The Chair raised some important points. Firstly, that the treaty alliances are not a pre-requisite for allies to come to one’s aid. Secondly, a military conflict could easily erupt if any redlines are crossed. Thirdly, he questioned the potential for escalation between nuclear states, particularly in the Indian context with two adversarial nuclear states on the border. Fourthly, he brought up the similarity between the two conflicts (Russia-Ukraine, China-Taiwan) particularly in the irredentist aspects. Fifthly, he questioned whether we have entered an era of protracted conflicts where no country can prevail over another. Lastly, he asked with India’s modernisation of its forces and its aim for self-reliance in the defence sector, what lessons can India draw for its own security needs.

The author, at the outset, stated that seventy per cent of India’s military equipment is of Russian origin therefore, the outcome of the conflict is of major interest to India. He feels that Ukraine is acting as a proxy of NATO against Russia. Due to the nuclear standoff, most felt that wars would be short and intense and based on this the ammunition scaling has been limited. As a military analyst, he feels that the war would be extended for a longer period and there are serious implications for international security. He stressed that the world has come full circle, and Russia has altered its strategy by returning to World War II strategies and changing from brigades to divisions. The speaker predicts that there would be some major changes in the war shortly. He stated that the United States pushed Russia to a conflict by violating the redlines through NATO’s endless eastward expansion. He stated that the world is facing a biological war, and brought out information about the presence of thirty-two biological labs being set up in Ukraine.

According to the speaker, the nature of warfare has changed from low-intensity, short-duration to high-intensity, long-duration warfare. He stated that ‘Clausewitz is back in fashion’. The offence-over-defence dynamic has changed to a new equilibrium of defence-over offence. He stated that the Russians' weakest link was the conscripts, which is a prime lesson to be learned for India. Levels of battlefield transparency are simply unprecedented which makes surprise impossible to achieve. The speaker stressed that war is a test of national will and stamina, and it is the most for downsizing of the armed forces. Armies across the world are increasing their sizes and this is not an era of just high-tech but also mass mobilisations. Downsizing a force in the current international scenario could be dangerous.

Concluding his talk, Maj. Gen. G.D. Bakshi (Retd.) brought out some of the lessons to be learned from the conflict. According to him, the lack of armed forces is an issue and increased manpower is a solution. Artillery is a winning factor and introducing it at the fastest possible speed is a necessity. Underutilisation of Airpower should not happen. Nuclear backdrops can happen between two nuclear states. Met factors could cause serious problems if not followed. No blind spots should be present.

Following the presentation, the discussants were invited for comments. Cmde. Abhay K. Singh (Retd.), Research Fellow, Military Affairs Centre, remarked that Clausewitz was never out of fashion. Since the conflict began, various sweeping predictions were made on the future of the war based on the lack of or sketchy information. Russia did plan for a short war, however, after almost a year there is no certainty about where it would sway. He stressed the need for considering necessary deductive inferences both preliminary and tentative. He stated that contrary to the popular image of the tenacious Ukrainians stopping Russian hordes, a more complex picture has emerged.  The propaganda value of the west’s equipment has reduced as the war continued. He praised the author for his efforts but stressed the need for a sharper editorial effort, particularly in the footnoting of important resources. 

Dr. Swasti Rao, Associate Fellow, Europe and Eurasia Centre, in her remarks focused on several points. She stated that the need for a narrative on the experiences of the Eastern Europeans. Though Ukraine is corrupt, they have attempted reforms in every sector. There are loopholes in Russia’s policies towards Eastern Europe. Sanctions have weakened the Russian war machinery. China is having the last laugh and they have not done anything to assist Russia. It is a time for Russia to diversify its fossil fuels export. The war has led to NATO expansion to the Nordics. Germany’s rise as a military power from diversification to missile systems after realising its vulnerabilities is important to watch out for. European diversification efforts are commendable, which would mean less dependence on Russia and more on Europe. India has been more involved in Eurasia and increases its presence. In her conclusion, she stated that a diminished Russia is not the best option for India.

The Chair, Ambassador Sujan. R. Chinoy, in his comments, discussed the economic angle of bearing down and dismantling of the economy during the Soviet Union era and the attempt to replicate it in the current scenario. Amb. Chinoy stated that it is important to also examine the attrition that the United States economy has suffered in the previous decades and the long-term wars against insurgencies that the United States had to fight and the impact. Every war brings about new technology, with technology evolution, the demand for manpower may also reduce therefore, the question is does technology today help in determining what is mass (manpower) in the current context?

During the Q and A session, Col G.S. Gill, Research Fellow, asked the author about the Agniveer scheme. Dr. Rajorshi Roy, Associate Fellow, enquired about Russia’s ability to meet its defence commitments to India given that its priority would be on the replenishment of its reserves. Dr. Uttam Kumar Sinha, Senior Fellow, queried about the limited use of sorties against Ukraine. Col. Rajneesh Singh, Research Fellow, asked about the war objectives of the United States in the current conflict.

Responding to comments and remarks, Maj. Gen. G.D. Bakshi (Retd.) stated that he had personal meetings concerning the Agniveer scheme with the upper echelons of the government and requested to make changes to it. With reference to Dr. Rajorshi Roy’s question, whether Russia can meet India’s demand, the author stressed that there would be a reduction and is all the more reason to become Aatmanirbhar. Regarding Dr Sinha’s question, he stated that the overreliance on S-400 has failed and that it has not been able to live up to the hype.

Maj. Gen. (Dr.) Bipin Bakshi (Retd.), Deputy Director General, delivered the Vote of Thanks and commented that Russia is a reliable friend, a P-5 member and the only reliable veto partner. With regard to the current situation in Ukraine he stressed that there is no negotiation space and the term ‘win’ is still not defined.

Report was prepared by Dr. Jason Wahlang, Research Analyst, Europe and Eurasia Centre, MP-IDSA.

Report of Monday Morning Meeting on “US-Saudi Tensions: Possible Implications for the Petrodollar” January 02, 2023 Monday Morning Meeting

Dr. Adil Rasheed, Research Fellow, Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA), spoke on “US-Saudi Tensions: Possible Implications for the Petrodollar” at the Monday Morning Meeting held on 02 January 2023. The session was moderated by Dr. Muddassir Quamar, Associate Fellow, MP-IDSA. Ambassador Sujan R. Chinoy, Director General, MP-IDSA, and scholars of the Institute were in attendance.                                                             

Executive Summary

As the world experiences tumultuous geopolitical challenges on the Eurasian front, stagflation in the US, and continental energy crisis in Europe, the deteriorating Saudi Arabia-US ties can profoundly impact the global financial system. This has become an increasing possibility as the oil for security theme dictating the US-Saudi relationship has come under great strain due to the OPEC+ countries’ decision to reduce the oil output in the backdrop of the Ukrainian crisis. This has occurred despite several overtures on the western leaders’ part. It is all the while as the Saudi leadership has sought to diversify its security and economic partners, growing close to BRICS, Russia, and China, and further away from its traditional western allies. In light of these developments, India must act decisively to mould a new and more just international monetary system based on a basket of currencies and commodities. The Special Drawing Rights (SDR) is an interest-bearing international reserve asset created by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in 1969as an alternative to US Dollar and China-backed Petroyuan.

Detailed Report

Dr. Quamar introduced the topic of the Monday Morning Meeting by highlighting the evolution of the US-Saudi relationship, premised on the theme of security for oil. As per this key feature, US Dollar would be the medium of oil trade, ensuring global American hegemony. However, it has recently faced several challenges ranging from ones that are personality-based to that including international turmoil in the oil market.

Following the brief introduction, the Dr. Quamar gave the floor to Dr. Rasheed.

Initially, the speaker briefly delved into the recent debates about how the international order is in flux and asserted how there is great uncertainty about whether the year 2022 has ushered in the post-pandemic world. Political experts have debated the possibility of a worldwide transition into a post-liberal, if not a post-American global order. The Ukrainian crisis and the negative impact on international trade due to protectionist policies and economic sanctions are considered by observers to have played a critical role in ushering in this new system. Finally, Russia and China’s concerted efforts to draw the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) away from the western fold and de-dollarise the international economy can potentially transform the global financial order. 

Subsequently, he shifted the focus to the widening rifts in the US-KSA oil for security ties and the latter’s willingness to enhance cooperation with Russia and China instead. Amid such developments, western leaders ranging from former British Prime Minister Boris Johnson, American President Joe Biden, French President Emmanuel Macron, and German Chancellor Olaf Scholz have visited oil-rich Arab countries, including the Saudi Kingdom, to ensure they remain in the western fold and do not gravitate towards the Russia-China nexus. The primary motive behind their visits was to convince the oil-producing states to help in mitigating the European energy crisis and stagflation in the US.

However, despite several of these overtures, KSA has refused to pay heed. Instead of cooperating with the western world by increasing oil production, it, along with 22 other Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC)+ member states, reduced oil production by 2 million barrels per day. The White House and the American allies perceived this decision as supportive of Russian actions in Ukraine, despite the OPEC+ countries’ claims of being guided solely by their economic forecasts.

There has been a visible Saudi tilt towards Russia with doubling oil imports to meet its domestic needs and a US$500 million investment in Russia’s three primary energy companies. While these decisions aided the sanctions-hit Russian economy, they also created an uproar in the US Senate’s Foreign Relations Committee. Threats to withdraw 3,000 troops stationed in the Persian Gulf and halt arms sales to Saudi Arabia were a part of the broader American counter-response.

Over the past two years, despite President Biden’s harsh rhetoric during his campaign, the White House has demonstrated a profound willingness to maintain KSA as a critical regional partner, by granting Crown Prince Muhammad bin Salman (MBS) immunity from lawsuits related to Jamal Khashoggi’s murder and preventing NOPEC and Yemen War Powers Bill from becoming laws, among others. Nevertheless, the Crown Prince has been dismissive of these initiatives.

Moreover, MBS hosted Chinese President Xi Jinping in December 2022, where the two leaders signed a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Agreement and agreed to enhance oil trade. In addition, President Xi discussed with other Arab heads of the state the potential of trading oil and gas, if only partly, in Renminbi. Notably, Petroyuan was launched on the Shanghai International Exchange in 2018.

Overall, there are several reasons for this increasing discord between Saudi Arabia and US. Some of them include ideological differences, i.e., the clash between a pre-modern Wahhabi and a secular republic state, dredging up human rights-related issues with the Gulf States and Israel or courting of Iran by Democratic Presidents, and the gradual American pivot to Indo-Pacific from West Asia.

Here it is vital to understand the potential consequences of US-Saudi friction on the global financial system. Since the 1974 agreement between the Saudi Kingdom and US and the subsequent 1975 agreement between OPEC countries and the US about only conducting oil trade in US Dollars, the US has been able to exercise its economic hegemony or ‘exorbitant privilege.’ This was supposed to be a temporary measure to salvage the floundering American economy. However, this ‘privilege’ expanded to the trade of gold, agricultural products, and copper, among other goods. Today, every country participating in the oil trade must keep US Dollars as reserves to purchase oil. Consequently, global trade will be impacted gravely should the petrodollar system unravel. Before this, the dollar's value was linked to gold until it suffered a blow due to countries such as France picking up its reserve of gold from America.

Interestingly, KSA’s primary oil purchasers, i.e., India and China, are part of the BRICS, an organisation the kingdom has expressed interest in joining as a member. Within this context, it is crucial to look back on the Russian Foreign Ministry’s 2022 proposal to establish a BRICS reserve currency backed by commodities such as gold. The Saudi Kingdom’s bid to become a BRICS member, mainly due to its petroleum reserves, might bolster this idea. This possible reserve currency is being seen (at least by Russia) as an alternative to the US greenback and the IMF’s Special Drawing Rights currency.

Therefore, it is necessary to explore how these developments might impact the Indian economy. Over the years, the US Dollar has proven unreliable, and its costly exchange rate against other currencies results in other countries incurring high costs. These monetary fluctuations subject the Indian Rupee to volatility, and as recently indicated by our Finance Minister, it is not the Rupee that is falling. However, the dollar is rising because of the Federal Reserve’s policies and not the strengthening of the US economy. Nevertheless, India cannot back the China-backed Petroyuan because it would entail transitioning from one currency’s exorbitant privilege to that of another. Thus, India needs to take the lead in building an international consensus towards developing a safer and just monetary order for the future. 

Q/A Session

Dr. Quamar expressed his gratitude to the speaker for his detailed presentation and invited questions from the attendees.

The Q/A session broadly revolved around themes such as the debate about the world transitioning into a post-pandemic world, the feasibility about establishing the BRICS currency reserve, the long-existing partnership between KSA and China, the Saudi Kingdom’s role as a partner in the American regional counter-terrorism efforts and pivot to the Indo-Pacific. Furthermore, debates about the nature of liberalism, Russian and Chinese efforts to de-dollarise the global economy and the viability of the bilateral ties between Saudi Arabia and the US and Iran as a counterweight to Russian and Chinese influence were some of the other issues discussed. The speaker gave insightful responses to comments and questions from the participants. 

This report was prepared by Ms. Saman Ayesha Kidwai, Research Analyst, Counter-Terrorism Centre, MP-IDSA.

Monday Morning Meeting on Recent Developments in China’s Relationship with North Korea December 19, 2022 Monday Morning Meeting

On 19 December 2022 Dr. M.S. Prathibha, Associate Fellow, MP-IDSA, made a presentation on “Recent Developments in China’s Relationship with North Korea” at the Monday Morning Meeting. Cmde. Abhay Kumar Singh (Retd.) chaired the session. Maj.Gen. (Dr.) Bipin Bakshi (Retd.), the Deputy Director General, MP-IDSA and MP-IDSA scholars enriched the discussion.

Executive Summary

The geopolitical situation in the Korean Peninsula is growing tense. One of the major reasons of this tension is North Korea’s missile tests. Several countries including South Korea and the US have called on China to exert its influence on Pyongyang to stop the tests. However, the complex relations between North Korea and China, Pyongyang’s propensity to follow an independent foreign policy and recent developments in the international situation have cast a big doubt on China’s capability and willingness to influence North Korea’s actions.

Detailed Report

Cmde. Singh introduced the topic with a brief overview of the developments with regard to North Korea’s missile tests, speculations about North Korea’s plans to conduct its seventh nuclear test and the complex China-North Korea relations. Thereafter, he invited Dr. Prathibha to make a presentation on the subject.

Dr. Prathibha in her presentation highlighted three aspects. First, North Korea’s interests in conducting missile tests, second, the complex relationship between China and North Korea and third, the extent of Chinese leverage vis-à-vis North Korea. Elaborating on the probable reasons why North Korea conducted so many missile tests last year, she reasoned that the tests are a way to improve the quality of its nuclear deterrence and signal the international community to negotiate with Pyongyang. The five-year plan unveiled in January 2021 talks about a plethora of weapon systems such as Multiple Independently targetable Reentry Vehicles (MIRVs), hypersonic cruise missiles, nuclear submarines, solid-fuel ground missiles which either have been developed or are being developed. Further, North Korea could also be projecting these nuclear tests as a counter to the military exercises conducted by the US, South Korea and Japan. Besides the military objectives, these tests were also seen as way to maximise North Korea’s position when the US is occupied with the Ukraine crisis.

Talking about China’s interests in North Korea, Dr. Prathibha shared that the stability of North Korea’s regime is an issue of interest to China and that Beijing wants to maintain North Korea as a buffer state. In Chinese perception, the Korean Peninsula is a frontier area where land and sea power connect and therefore, plays an important role in geopolitical terms. Also, Japan’s rise is closely associated with the Korean Peninsula as it used the region as a springboard to expand its power. The region is an important maritime space for countries who might use it to have a strategic confrontation with China. Thus, in a crisis situation, Beijing will intervene militarily to safeguard China’s security interests. Another reason for Chinese interest in North Korea is that the Korean Peninsula can become an area where great powers balance each other. According to Dr. Prathibha, China’s policies towards North Korea are geared towards protecting China’s security interests. Regime stability in Chinese calculation means helping the regime survive economically, politically and militarily. Highlighting the complexity of the bilateral ties, she observed that regardless of whether North Korea is strategically coordinating with China, the latter considers North Korea an ally because of the overall strategic and historical interests. Also, Beijing is confident that no matter who rules Korea or how many times policies change, the Korean Peninsula will have to choose cooperation with China. In this context Dr. Prathibha highlighted two important developments in the recent past as instances of the complex relationship between China and North Korea. She informed the audience that before 2012, China had attempted to persuade North Korea to follow Chinese footsteps of pursuing economic liberalisation without political liberalisation. However, that did not work out very well and created a deep freeze in China-North Korea relations which extended till 2017. The second development happened when in 2018 China decided not to push North Korea in that direction and took steps to gradually relax the tense atmosphere.

With regard to the question of Chinese leverage over North Korea, Dr. Prathibha contended that there are two broad strands of thought within the scholarly community. The first believes that as the survival of the North Korean regime depends on Chinese assistance, China has leverage over North Korea. However, there is a large section who believe that the relationship is complex and China’s leverage is limited. Diverging from these arguments, she observed that instead of judging solely in terms of leverage, one should also look at how the shifts happening in the international system are driving the two countries close to each other. For instance, North Korea could be trying to gain geostrategic and economic advantage out of the ongoing major power competition by cooperating with Russia and China. Further, mutual strategic interests like pushing the US out of the Korean Peninsula could be a major driving factor in China-North Korea relations. However, it is noteworthy that North Korea follows an independent non-aligned foreign policy and there is always resentment against China’s help. Further, lack of strategic coordination is apparent as North Korea does not take into account Chinese concerns when conducting missile tests. Reverting to the issue of Chinese capability to influence North Korea, Dr. Prathibha emphasised that Beijing’s attempts will depend on how China views US policy towards North Korea.

She concluded her presentation by stating that the future trajectory of North Korea’s foreign policy is unpredictable and how China, Russia and North Korea cooperation will pan out remains to be seen.

Q& A Session

Following her presentation Cmde. Singh urged Dr. Prathibha to share her thoughts on China’s refusal to militarily intervene in North Korea’s support if Pyongyang initiates a conflict. DDG, Maj. Gen. Bakshi (Retd.) queried about China’s frontier concept and how it directs China’s larger game plan.

When the floor was opened for further questions, several issues were raised including whether North Korea will ever abandon its independent foreign policy and the political viability of North Korea’s strategy vis-à-vis the US.

Responding to these questions, Dr. Prathibha observed that although China intends to reduce US influence in the Korean Peninsula it does not want Pyongyang to initiate a conflict and then drag China into it. Accordingly, China has been more willing to condemn North Korea’s nuclear tests (which it sees as a larger threat) than ballistic missile ones. With regard to DDG’s query, she stated that China and Korea share historical relations and if there is any overt balancing in the Korean Peninsula, Beijing will make sure that it does not become a threat. On the question of North Korea’s independent foreign policy, she informed that China too is weary about pushing North Korea as it is very hard to control Pyongyang. Also, the North Korean regime is more likely to take drastic steps to maintain its independent foreign policy compared to other countries. Lastly, reflecting on the political viability of North Korea’s strategy, Dr. Prathibha observed that the missile tests are the only leverage they have to draw the US attention to their policies.

Report prepared by Ms. Mayuri Banerjee, Research Analyst, MP-IDSA.

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