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| Title | Date | Author | Time | Event | Body | Research Area | Topics | File attachments | Image |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Emerging contours of Iran-China Relations: An Overview | March 28, 2014 | M. Mahtab Alam Rizvi | Fellows' Seminar |
Chairperson: Amb Ishrat Aziz The paper holistically examines the nature, scope and direction of Iran-China bilateral relations. The author, in this study, highlights dimensions of political and economic intimacy between Tehran and Beijing and elaborates how the two nations figure in each other’s foreign policy. In the first section, author deals with the cooperative aspect of the bilateral engagements. A brief background of the Iran-China relations was discussed to place the issue in a historical framework. Civilizational encounters and exchanges were enumerated to suggest that leaders in both the nations cherish the historic memories to nurture and strengthen the relation. The author clearly identified five guiding principles namely; Ideological principles, Anti-Imperialism, Persian Nationalism, Self-Sufficiency and Islamic solidarity, to enunciate China’s position in Iran’s foreign policy matrix. In the ensuing sections, points of convergence of interest were discussed at length and important areas of cooperation were highlighted including; Political, Economic, Trade and Commerce, Investment, Energy and Defence. Intersection of Political relations was established in terms of diplomatic engagement between Iran and China even before the 1979 Islamic Revolution. Author gave a detailed account of the vibrant Economic and energy relations, trade dynamics and nature of capital investment flow, followed by specifics on energy and defence cooperation. The question of China’s support for Iran’s Nuclear Programme and China’s strategic balancing between Iran and the US was analyzed in detail. Beijing’s anti-Iran votes in the UN Security Council combined with its normal economic engagements with Tehran were mentioned, to argue that China has clearly adopted “Middle of the Road” approach towards Iran. Furthermore, author succinctly brought out the challenges of Iran-China relations; with reference to US role in influencing their respective foreign policies. Changing public perception within Iran with regards to China was also discussed. In conclusion, author stated that China’s approach to Iran is being viewed as increasingly mercantilist and opportunistic, and thus took the position that despite flourishing economic ties, the bilateral relations are likely to be riddled with challenges. Ambassador Ishrat Aziz recognized and appreciated author’s efforts to coherently analyze Iran-China relations. Thematic unity of the paper was acknowledged. He stated that no relation in contemporary foreign affairs is bilateral per se, and evidently most engagements are shaped by multilateral concerns. The need to discuss Iran and P5+1 nuclear talks and recent developments, was highlighted since it is likely to have repercussions on Iran-China relations. Prof. A.K. Pasha acknowledged the author’s efforts to delve into the intricacies of Iran-Sino relations. He suggested the author to include Khomeini and Sassanid period while discussing the background of Iran-China relations. Dr. Pasha shared that increased movement of students between Iran and China was indicative of growing cultural exchange and the author was asked to analyze cultural aspect of Iran-China ties. It was further stated that foreign policies were not drafted in vacuum and thus there was a need to address the driving force behind Iran’s foreign policy; while dealing with the guiding principles. He also shared his insights on the role played by external players in the changing geo-political landscape of West Asia, and suggested the author to see how these external factors have influenced Iran-China relations. Dr. Qamar Agha appreciated author’s holistic and descriptive approach to the subject, and highlighted scope for further analysis. He opined that Iran is now entering a new phase in its modern history, and is experimenting with its foreign policy. Despite international isolation, Iran exhibited an impressive growth over the last three decades; best reflected in its nuclear programme. Commenting on China’s policy, Dr. Agha raised the question of China-Pak intimacy and its likely impact on Sino-Iran ties. China’s policy of energy diversification was briefly discussed, and interestingly, GCC is now being viewed as a famous trade market by China. All these tectonic shifts suggest that” Neither East, Nor West policy” of Iran is unsustainable. Col Rajeev Agarwal agreed with the major arguments put forward by the author and appreciated the author’s attempt to produce a comprehensive paper. He urged the author to clearly articulate the key findings of his study in the conclusion section and suggested that connecting foreign policy directive principles to the specific case of Iran-China bilateral engagement would add more value to the paper. Dr. Prashant Singh appreciated the topical value and contemporary nature of the paper. He suggested the author to bring out the normative convergence of Iran and China’s foreign policy ideologies and stated that the major developments in Iran-China relations in the last ten years should be the main focus of the paper. Dr. Prashant stated that even though Iran’s perception within China was undergoing slow change, but impact of these perceptions on Iran’s foreign policy is not confirmed. The discussion was followed by Question and Answer round. US role in influencing China’s and Iran’s respective foreign policy was discussed, along with impact of political transition in Tehran in August 2013 on Iran-China relations. Questions were raised on China’s strategic balance between Iran and Saudi Arabia; and how Saudi Arabia figured in China’s policy towards West Asia. It was mentioned that despite differences between Iran and Saudi Arabia, both hold an important place in China’s “West Asia policy.” Prepared by Ms. Divya Malhotra, Research Intern, West Asia Centre, IDSA |
East Asia | ||||
| Special Address - K Subrahmanyam Memorial Lecture by Kishore Mahbubani | February 04, 2014 | Speeches and Lectures |
Venue: IDSA Auditorium (2nd Floor) Speaker: Mr Kishore Mahbubani, Dean, LKY School, Singapore Title: Can India be Cunning? Chairperson: Dr Sanjay Baru, Director IISS |
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| Identification of Effective Implementation Practices by Examining UNSCR 1540 (2004) After a Decade of its Existence | February 25, 2014 to February 26, 2014 | Conference |
This workshop is being held in the framework of the 10th anniversary of the adoption of 1540 to both better understand the resolution’s implementation and to identify effective practices for the implementation of the resolution going forward. The primary participants in the event will be members of civil society who have identified effective practices. The audience will also include officials positioned to adopt or enact these effective practices. The event is hosted by the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, Institute for Strategic Studies, King’s College London (Project Alpha) and the UN Office of Disarmament affairs. BackgroundWhen the UN Security Council adopted resolution 1540 on 28 April 2004, expectations for its effective implementation were low. The resolution was intended to assist those States that were willing to support the goals of the resolution but which lacked the legal basis through which to do so. The UNSCR 1540 Committee was set up to help Member States, and other stakeholders, to implement the resolution. The UN Security Council subsequently extended the mandate of the 1540 Committee three times. Most recently, on April 2011, the mandate of the committee was extended for a period of ten years to 2021. The key challenges to overcome during this longer mandate are those surrounding effective implementation of the resolutions requirements. UNSCR 1540 has many achievements to its credit. In the decade since 1540’s adoption, progress has been realised in expanding the geographical coverage of certain elements of the resolutions requirements and in improving the level of implementation in individual states. Under the auspices of UNSCR 1540 the legislative framework of numerous countries has been improved. Countries such as Malaysia have, for the first time, adopted trade control acts while many others have improved specific aspects of their legal system. The UNSCR 1540 committee has been instrumental in enabling the improved legal adherence to the resolution’s requirements. Through its work the 1540 Committee has also helped to establish 1540 as a framework for cooperation amongst States, civil society and non-state actors alike in ensuring that the balance between security and prosperity is maintained. Several member countries spread over different geographical regions have received technical assistance to create or strengthen national control and security structures. For this purpose, the Committee and member states have involved relevant international, regional and sub-regional organizations. However, the success of UNSCR 1540 as an instrument to strengthen legal frameworks has led directly to a new need for the implementation of national legislation to be improved. The adoption of laws cannot alone deliver upon the objectives of 1540. The challenge for the international community, therefore, in the second decade since the resolution’s adoption is to match the improvements in legal basis with improvements in implementation. It is in this context that there is a need to identify effective practices. Objectives of the Workshop:
ProgrammeDay 108:30-09:30: Registration 09.30-10.30: Inaugural Session>
10.45-11.00 Tea/Coffee Break 11.00-12:15 Session I: An Overview of a Decade of Existence of the UNSCR 1540 from Regional Perspectives: What progress has been realized and what still needs to be done.
12.15 –13:30 Session II: An Overview of a Decade of Existence of the UNSCR 1540 from Regional Perspectives: What progress has been realized and what still needs to be done.
13:30-14:30 Lunch 14.30-16:00 Session III: Effective Practices in the Licensing Process: Lessons on Implementation
16.00-16.15 Tea/Coffee Break 16:15-17:30 Session IV: Enforcement: Challenges Ahead
17:30-18:00 Review of Effective Practices Identified on Day One. Day-209:30-11:00 Session V: Industry Engagement
11:00-11.15 Tea/Coffee Break 11:15-12:45 Session VI: Effective Practices in Coordination: A Role of NGO’s
12:45-13:30 Lunch 13:30-15:00 Session VII: Effective Practices and Intangible Controls
15:00-15:15 Tea/Coffee Break 15:15-16:30 Session VIII: Identification of Effective Practices Next Steps
16:30-17:00 Closing Session
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Nuclear and Arms Control | |||||
| United Nations Security Council Reform: Perspectives and Prospects | February 12, 2014 | Conference |
Concept NoteOver the years, the world has changed in fundamental ways. We are witnessing a resurgence of Asia, Africa and Latin America. Growth and development have not only made the countries more interdependent, but new and increasingly complex challenges have also arisen. For multilateralism to remain relevant and effective in today’s world, multilateral institutions must adapt and reform to reflect contemporary geo-political realities. No multilateral body is more in need of reform than the United Nations Security Council which is still constituted in accordance with the geopolitical architecture of 1945. The lack of reform has affected the credibility and effectiveness of the Security Council as seen in a number of new crises afflicting the world. The constituency for reforms has been increasing by the day. An overwhelming majority of countries have supported the demand for an urgent reform and expansion of the Security Council in both permanent and non-permanent categories of its membership. Brazil, Germany, India and Japan have come together on the platform of G-4 to pursue the much needed and urgent Security Council reform and to make it more broadly representative, efficient and transparent and thus enhance its effectiveness and the legitimacy of its decisions. G-4 countries have reached out to all regional groups to find a path that will reflect the dominant call by Member States for a reform of the Security Council leading to an expansion in both categories of membership, permanent and non permanent. The G-4 initiative enjoys broad and cross regional support. G-4 countries reaffirmed their view of the importance of developing countries, in particular Africa, to be represented in both the permanent and non-permanent categories of an enlarged Council. G-4 countries have also welcomed the initiative taken by the current President of the General Assembly, H.E. John W. Ashe, to issue a Non Paper which faithfully reflects the current status of the discussions in the past five years, as a basis for text based negotiations in the 10th round of Intergovernmental Negotiations currently underway in New York. The debate on expansion of the Council has been going on for a few decades with a consensus still eluding the international community. The time has now come to move ahead from words to action and take a decision on the way forward based on the wishes of majority of the UN membership. Given that world leaders agreed at the 2005 World Summit to achieve an 'early' reform of the Security Council, it is imperative that the world community work together for a concrete result before the 70th anniversary Summit of the United Nations in 2015. G-4 countries have recognised the need for greater involvement of civil society, the media and academia in the discussions on Security Council reform. In this context, IDSA is organising a seminar on the “United Nations Security Council Reform: Perspectives and Prospects” on February 12, 2014. Programme1000h – 1040h Inaugural Session1000h-1005h Opening Remarks by Dr. Arvind Gupta, DG, IDSA 1005h-1020h Keynote Address by Mrs. Sujatha Singh, Foreign Secretary, GOI Speakers 1040h – 1100h Tea 1100h – 1230h Session I: Perspectives on ReformThe first session will focus on the challenges in expansion of the UNSC, the role of the P-5 and other groupings, the use of veto and effectiveness of the UNSC 1230h – 1330h Lunch 1330h – 1530h Session II: The Way Forward: Achieving UNSC Reform by 2015The second session will focus on the on-going processes for UN Security Council Reform, such as G-4 interaction with the L69 and other groups, intergovernmental and text based negotiations and outreach to Africa. 1530h-1545h Tea 1545h-1615h Session III: India and the UNThe third session will focus on the contributions that India has made to the UN multilateral system, in both the spheres of development and peace and security. Complete text of Keynote Address by Mrs. Sujatha Singh, Foreign Secretary, GOI |
Africa, Latin America, Caribbean & UN | |||||
| Taiwan's Role and Position on South China Sea, India-Taiwan Relations and Think-Tanks culture in Taiwan | January 24, 2014 | 1500 hrs | Other |
Venue: Room no. 105, IDSA Chair person: Dr. Balachandrane Speakers: Prof. Mumin Chen from National Chung Hsing University, Prof. Tien-sze Fang and Dr. Ya-wen Yu from National Tsing Hua University |
East Asia | ||||
| 13th IDSA-BESA Bilateral Dialogue on “Evolving Political and Security Dynamics in the Region: Implications for India and Israel” | January 22, 2014 | 1000 hrs | Bilateral |
0930-1000h: Registration 1000-11045h: Inaugural Session 1045-1115h: Tea Break 1115-1300h: Session 1: Round Table on Evolving Global Strategic Environment in South and West Asia 1300-1400h: Lunch 1400-1600h: Session 2: Evolving Political and Security Dynamics in the West Asian Region - Evolving Political and Security Dynamics in the West Asian Region 1600-1615h: Tea Break 1615-1730h: Session 3: India-Israel Bilateral Relations: Challenges and Opportunities |
Eurasia & West Asia | ||||
| Culture as a factor in India’s Neighbourhood Policy: Can the States Play Role | February 28, 2014 | Smruti S. Pattanaik | 1030 to 1300 hrs | Fellows' Seminar | South Asia | ||||
| India's Neighbouring Borderlands: An Anthropological Approach | January 13, 2014 | 1430 hours | Round Table |
Venue: Room no. 005, IDSA Introductory address by H.E. Shekhar Dutt, Hon'ble Governor of Chhattisgarh |
Terrorism & Internal Security | ||||
| The US Pivot/Rebalance to Asia and the Japanese Response: Implications for India’s ‘Look East’ Policy | January 24, 2014 | Mahua Bhattacharya | 1030 to 1300 hrs | Fellows' Seminar |
Chair person: Professor Sreemati Chakrabarti |
East Asia | |||
| Military Change in India: An Appraisal of the Evolving Strategy Towards Pakistan | January 17, 2014 | S. Kalyanaraman | Fellows' Seminar |
Chairperson: Lt Gen HS Lidder (Retd) This paper primarily made an attempt to understand India’s evolving military strategy towards Pakistan. It analyzes this evolution using the theoretical framework of mlitary change, which can be conceived of as occurring at three levels: the goals of a military organisation, its organisational structure, and the strategy it adopts. The cause of military change can be traced to three sources: a voluntary or externally induced change in the cultural norms of a military organisation; changes in a state’s domestic political orientation or in its national security scenario; and the introduction of new technology. The paper seeks to examine whether military change has occurred in India at any of the three levels identified above and, if yes, then what has been the source of that change. With these objectives, the paper focuses upon the third level of change, namely strategy. Specifically, it examines the strategies adopted by the Indian armed forces for the Pakistan front and the changes effected therein over the course of the last six decades. This examination highlights two principal trends. At the operational level of war, India’s military strategy towards Pakistan changed from attrition to manoeuvre and back to attrition. And the objective of India’s strategy has changed from victory until the 1980s to punishing Pakistan since the 1990s. The paper argues that these changes were caused by India’s evolving security scenario vis-à-vis Pakistan and in particular by the introduction of nuclear weapons, which have inhibited India’s response to the challenge posed by Pakistan. The paper concludes that civil-military coordination is essential for bringing in sync the military and political objectives within a larger strategic narrative. While such coordination was indeed a consistent feature between independence and the 1999 Kargil conflict, a divergence has emerged between the political and military leaderships during the last 10 years. This fraying of politico-military coordination is clearly evident in the army’s failure to win political approval for the Cold Start strategy and indeed in its attempt through such a strategy to compel the political leadership into following its timetable for military action. For its part, the political leadership has also failed to engage with the services to ensure the crafting of a strategy that is both appropriate for a nuclear environment and is dovetailed with broader policy objectives. Major Points of Discussion and Suggestions to the Author:
Report prepared by Amit Kumar, Research Assistant, IDSA |
Military Affairs |
