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Title	Date	Author	Time	Event	Body	Research Area	Topics	File attachments	Image
Round Table with Mr. Micheal Krepon on Space Security	October 30, 2012	Michael Krepon		Round Table	IDSA organized a Round Table Discussion on October 30, 2012. The speaker for the Round Table was Micheal Krepon, co-founder of Stimson Centre, and director of the South Asia and Space Security programmes at Stimson Cenre. Dr. Arvind Gupta, DG IDSA, chaired the meeting and it was attended by Amb. (retd) R. Rajagopalan, Wg Cdr Ajey Lele, Dr. Rajeshwari Rajagopalan, Mr. Sam Rajiv, Mr. Kapil Patil, Ms Nupur Brahma and Ms. Gunjan Singh. Mr. Krepon discussed the idea of space security in terms of norms. He argued that norms could be used to strengthen responsible behaviour among space faring nations. He said that space and cyber are very closely interlinked. However, even though norms are being created for developments in space, cyber security is still not being given due attention. According to Mr. Krepon, developing a space treaty in the present day international context when China and Russia are holding different opinions vis-à-vis the United States is a very tough task. The process is also very time consuming and difficult. Thus, it would be right to start and frame widely accepted transparency and confidence building measures. Under this framework, the Code of Conduct (CoC) is a good and workable option. Codes are expected to be voluntary in nature and it will also help in creating increased awareness. According to the Simson Centre, “a CoC is needed to insure the safe operation of satellites while at the same time increasing cooperation in space, thereby reducing tensions that might lead to conflict in space”. There are three areas which need to be put in norms, with respect to Space Security: Space traffic management Debris management No purposeful harmful interference with objects in space The following points emerged during the discussion: There is a need to work towards establishing mechanisms to ensure space security. However treaty route is difficult to follow as there are a number of hurdles. Space CoC can be regarded as one option. However CoC is non-enforceable and it is an accepted fact that the CoC does not prevent arms race in space. It is a political document and is non-binding. It is difficult to prevent development of military capabilities in space; it argued that CoC could be helpful in preventing another ASAT, even though it is not perfect. India does not have a history of engaging in multilateral forums and thus it should try and work on the CoC. CoC can be helpful in containing Chinese capabilities and thus would be helpful to both India and the United States. The discussion also indicated that it is difficult to keep China out of space negotiations but there can be ways and means to embarrass China by means of naming and shaming. There is a need for the international community, especially the space-faring nations to work on CBMs to ensure traffic management, debris management and prevent purposeful interference. Mr. Krepon stated that the negotiations scheduled for November 2012 may not take place and also that the EU has not given any indication about the future plans. Another important point which emerged during discussion was regarding the Hague Code of Conduct. It was argued that even though this document has been signed by many states, the important players in the field of ballistic missile defence technology have not signed it. Similar thing may happen with respect to the Space CoC as a number of non space-faring nations may sign it. However this would have little relevance. (report prepared by Gunjan Singh, IDSA)
Talk by H.E. Mr Tarek Azouz on "The Arab Spring: Tunisian Case"	November 21, 2012		1530 hrs	Other	Venue: Room No 005, IDSA Speaker: H.E. Mr. Tarek Azouz, Ambassador of Tunisia to India	Eurasia & West Asia
Maritime Dimensions of Power Game in Asia	October 31, 2012 to November 01, 2012			Conference	Venue: IDSA Auditorium IDSA in collaboration with the Ocean Policy Research Foundation ( OPRF) Japan, Society for Indian Ocean Studies and National Maritime Foundation is hosting a two day international seminar on "Maritime Dimensions of Power Game in Asia". The event will be inagurated by Dr. Ashwini Kumar, Union Minister for Law and Justice. Programme Registration: 0930-1000 Inaugural Session : (1000 -1130) Chair: V. ADM. Mihir Roy- Director, SIOS Welcome remarks : Dr. Arvind Gupta (DG, IDSA, India) Dialogue Ethos : V. Adm. Mihir Roy (Director, SIOS) Keynote addresses : Prof. Masahiro Akiyama (Senior Advisor of OPRF, Japan) Admiral Arun Prakash (Member, National Security Advisory Board) Inaugural address: Dr. Ashwini Kumar, Union Minister for Law and Justice Vote of Thanks : V. Adm. Pradeep Kaushiva, Director, NMF Tea : 1115-1145 Session 1 : “Emerging Maritime Challenges” (1145 -1330) Moderator : Dr. Arvind Gupta - IDSA i) V. Adm. Hideaki Kaneda (JIIA, Japan) ii) Prof. Toshi Yoshira (US Naval War College, US) iii) Dr. M Paul Joshy (NMF) iv) Dr. Satoru Nagao (Research Fellow, OPRF, Japan) Discussant : Rear Admiral Samir Chakravorty (5 minutes) Lunch : 1330-1430 (IDSA) Session 2 : “Confluence of the two seas – Indo-Pacific Ocean” (1430-1600) Moderator : V. Adm. Hideaki Kaneda i) Prof. Horimoto (Kyoto University, Japan) ii) Amb. Aftab Seth (Sun and Sands, India) iii) R. Adm. Kazumine Akimoto (OPRF, Japan) iv) Dr. Vijay Sakuja (ICWA, India) Discussant : Prof. P V Rao Session 3 : “Non-Traditional Security –Terrorism, Piracy and Cyber Security” (1600-1730) Moderator : Adm. Predeep Kaushiva (Director, NMF) i) K. Natarajan, (I.G, Coast Guard, India) ii) Ms. Kiyota Tomoko (former MOFA, Japan) iii) Dr. S. Cherian, (IDSA, India) iv) Mr. James Brown (Lowy Institute, Australia) Discussant : Cmde. Sujeet Samaddar Day 2: 01 Nov. 2012 Session 4: “India, Japan and ASEAN” (0930-1130) Moderator: Sanjoy Singh, Secretary (East) i) Prof. G V C Naidu (JNU, India) ii) Capt. Bonji Ohara (IHS Jane’s, Japan) iii) Dr. Chiristopher Len (ISDP, Sweden, Singaporean) iv) Prof. Baladas Ghoshal (SIOS, India) Discussant : Prof. Yagama Reddy (5 minutes) Tea : 1130-1145 Valedictory Session : Auditorium (1145-1245) Chair : Amb. Rajiv Bhatia, D.G, ICWA Concluding remarks : V. Adm. Premvir Das (SIOS, India) Prof. Akiyama (Senior Advisor, OPRF, Japan) Valedictory address : Dr. Raja Mohan (ORF) Vote of Thanks : Dr.Paul Joshy	East Asia
Security Issues in Latin America: Experience of UNASUR	October 29, 2012			Conference	Chair: Ambassador Deepak Bhojwani Keynote Address: H.E. Mr Javier Paulinich, Ambassador of Peru to India In order to explore ways for India to strengthen its ties with the South American region and forge greater engagement at the diplomatic level, the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA) organised a conference on “Security Issues in Latin America: Experience of UNASUR.” The main participants of the conference included ambassadors from various Latin American and Caribbean countries along with academic experts and former Indian diplomats. This conference aimed to understand the process of regional integration that is underway in South America through the workings of the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) as well as ponder on the institutional mechanisms available at the hands of UNASUR to tackle the multiple security challenges in the region. The outcome of the conference was the important recognition amongst the participants that both India and South American countries can derive lessons from each other on democracy and social inclusion. The UNASUR, being the newest regional integration project in South America, has displayed tremendous promise in developing mechanisms for amicable resolution of conflicts in the region. It was established in December 2004 as an intergovernmental union integrating the existing customs union MERCOSUR and the Andean Community of Nations and came into existence formally in 2008 when the UNASUR Constitutive Treaty was signed in Brazil. It has set for itself an ambitious agenda of achieving a unified passport, parliament and eventually a single currency. UNASUR is structured around four main organs, namely the Council of Heads of State and Government, Council of Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Council of Delegates and the General Secretariat. Apart from these organs, it has nine Sectoral/Ministerial councils dealing with issues like social development, health, education, and drug trafficking. One of the key sectoral councils of UNASUR pertains to defence and in recent years this council has realised the necessity of creating a regional military doctrine. To this end, UNASUR created the think-tank Defence Strategic Studies Center (CEED) in May, 2011. To further the process of integration in the defence sphere, Peru will host a summit for Heads of State and Governments of UNASUR to discuss the “Protocol of Peace and Security Cooperation”, on November 30, 2012. However, the defence council would not be a NATO-like alliance. Instead, it will be a cooperative security arrangement with forward looking agendas such as multilateral military cooperation, promotion of confidence and security building measures, and fostering defence industry exchanges. As mentioned by one of the discussants, in its short history UNASUR has attained a good deal of legitimacy as a result of some important achievements including its key role in mediating the Colombia-Venezuela diplomatic crisis in 2010, creating a heightened UNASUR Fund of US$100 million, limiting defence expenditures, reducing crime, integrating energy and financial systems, and by handling constitutional crises in Ecuador and Paraguay. Drawing a comparison between UNASUR, SAARC and BIMSTEC, one panellist pointed out that the progress in forging regional integration in South Asia has been relatively slow and should draw upon the experience of UNASUR in promoting regional integration in South America. It was also pointed out during the course of the conference that it was noteworthy to see countries in Latin America coming together to form overlapping regional and sub-regional alliances, a prime example being UNASUR among others like the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) and MERCOSUR. There has been a tangential movement on the Pacific Coast between Chile, Peru, Ecuador and Mexico to form the Pacific Alliance. These trends have generated immense interest in India to understand the dynamics of Latin American integration by identifying the key drivers of the process. One of the key speakers of the conference shed light on the fact that UNASUR was the first and most holistic undertaking in the political history of South America, with an exciting agenda of dealing with social, political, economic, cultural, and technology related issues. He highlighted some fundamental facts about the South American region, stating that six of the South American countries belong to the Mega diverse category. He believed that the idea behind UNASUR was to come together and forge ties in the most innovative ways by drawing on the progress made by the 12 UNASUR countries and take decisions by consensus. He stated that UNASUR can be utilised to make South America a region of peace and security. For this, the South American nations would need to approach regional issues from a non-ideological standpoint, particularly in the economic sphere. One of its key priorities is to promote citizen participation among others in the realm of socio-economic improvement. UNASUR has already established the Centre for the Study of Democracy in Lima, Peru to realise this objective. One of the main objectives that UNASUR countries aim to pursue on a priority basis is to achieve social inclusion and equality. Another discussant pointed out that the idea of South American integration existed even before the Cusco Declaration was signed in 2004. One of the most important aspects of South American integration, according to the discussant, pertains to that of physical integration - of connecting the two oceans of the Pacific and the Atlantic. Energy issues are therefore poised to play a very important role in enhancing this integration. The idea of non-ideological approach was also recognised to be essential in adding more substance to the integration process; the common willingness to work together in a pragmatic way already exists amongst the South American countries. In area of defence, a consolidation of the Non Use of Force doctrines by South American countries is one of the main tenets as evidenced by the fact that the region has not witnessed any major conflict in recent decades. Other important elements of common ground in the sphere of defence relate to the South American region being a nuclear weapons-free zone, its drive to deter external threats collectively, deterrence coordination and integration of defence industries. However, a caveat in this regard is that the defence council in UNASUR is still in its infancy and will have to be given the benefit of time to achieve maturity in order to act as a rallying force on defence issues. Further, South American countries are still away from maintaining common military forces. A number of other issues were also flagged during the conference. References were made to the failure of the European Union (EU), usually considered the exemplar of regional integration, as far as financial issues are concerned. It was pointed out that even though there is a definite change in the mindset of elites in South American countries, as they are more willing to give a chance to principles of liberal democracy, it is indeed not a dramatic change. Also, UNASUR being a new project in regional integration will have to undergo a long process of evolution before it can claim to be successful without any degree of scepticism. The trend of hegemonic decline in the region is encouraging. But concerns were raised about indications of a new brand of Southern geopolitics brewing in the region that could turn UNASUR into a test case for Brazilian leadership. While South American nations sometimes perceive major powers as external threats to their region, they also recognise the need to harness comparative advantages of respective countries. The US involvement in the region is bound to persist as it continues to attract migrants from Latin America. With respect to India, the South American countries believe there is tremendous scope for cooperation in areas such as non traditional security, maritime security and social cohesion. The panellists recognised that though the mechanism of decision making by consensus in a region as diverse as South America is a difficult task, the willingness to come together to forge a unified force is unmistakable. The possibility of establishing a regional peacekeeping force however was considered premature for the moment. (Prepared by Sneha Bhura, Intern at IDSA) Programme 10:00h -10:05h: Welcome Remarks, Dr. Arvind Gupta, DG IDSA 10:05h - 10:10h: Opening Remarks, Ambassador Deepak Bhojwani, Chair 10:10h - 10:25h: Remarks, H.E. Mr. Javier Paulinich, Ambassador of Peru to India (Pro Tempore President of UNASUR) 10:25h- 11:15h: Remarks, UNASUR Ambassadors/Experts (5 Min. each) 11:15h- 11:30h: Tea 11:30h - 13:00h: Interactive Session 13:00h: Lunch	Africa, Latin America, Caribbean & UN
Round Table Interaction of IDSA Scholars with members of the Egyptian Council of Foreign Affairs	October 15, 2012	Rajorshi Roy		Round Table	A senior level delegation from the Egyptian Council of Foreign Affairs visited IDSA for a Round Table Interaction on various issues of mutual interest. The delegation included Amb. Dr. El-Sayed Amin Shalaby, Amb. Gehad Madi, Prof. Mostafa-Elwi Saif, Dr. Mustapha K. El Sayyid and Amb. Khaled El Bakly. Dr. Arvind Gupta, DG-IDSA, welcomed the delegation and termed the interaction extremely important on account of the monumental changes taking place in West Asia with Egypt often being the fulcrum of these changes. After giving a brief academic history of the institution, Dr. Gupta dwelled on the enormous significance of the region to India’s own geopolitical interests as evident in the stepping up of economic and political interaction between the two long time allies. He said that the Cairo visit of External Affairs Minister Mr. S. M. Krishna and agreements signed pertaining to India’s assistance in election management and administration was a testimony of the strong ties between the two countries. In his opening remarks, the head of Egyptian delegation Amb. Dr. El-Sayed Amin Shalaby hoped that the meeting should mark the beginning of a new cooperation between the two institutions. With the primary focus of both organisations being strategic, security and defence issues, it should be easy to find common themes to debate and discuss. While continuing the interaction, Dr. Mustapha K. El Sayyid elaborated on what he perceived to be seven sources of threat to human security in the Arab World: Environmental threat which includes water scarcity, desertification, pollution and a lack of bio-diversity across the region. Foreign military occupation: as felt by Palestinians, UAE (whose three islands are claimed by Iran) and Morocco (whose two cities are claimed by Spain). Egypt still has to face the repercussions of the erstwhile Israeli occupation of Sinai; wherein Islamist militants that had arrived in droves to fight the Israelis continue to be a nuisance to Egyptian security forces even to this date. Internal conflicts which are mostly related to ethnic issues or ideological differences as seen in Iraq, Sudan and Lebanon. State repression as witnessed under Mubarak and in Syria at present. Economic problems with issues like unemployment, slow economic growth and general deterioration of socio economic situation of people. Economic problems were in fact one of the rallying points of the revolution. General health of the people. Personal security. Moreover, Dr. Sayyid dwelled on the new Egyptian Government’s ‘vision of the world’. He elaborated on the perceived emergence of a multipolar world which is evident in the economic and cultural rise of different nations on the global stage even though militarily US continues to be omnipresent. The formation of BRICS and the fact that the US has not been able to impose its will in the UN on Syria is an indication of multipolarism in international affairs. Egypt stands for non intervention and non interference in other countries internal affairs, is in favour of promotion of principle of friendly relations with all and respects international treaties, particularly the peace treaty with Israel even though it does not always subscribe to Israeli practises in the territories occupied by it. Nations have a right to develop nuclear energy for peaceful purposes and a nuclear free Middle East would be in the interests of all. However, the possibility of a Shia-Sunni conflict, in the backdrop of the Iranian nuclear programme, is highly exaggerated. Dr. Sayyid highlighted the security implications of the Arab Spring, which he termed a transitional phase, with there being real threats to national integration in the region. This is evident in Yemen wherein small groups have called for the separation/secession of the country, in Libya where feelings of greater autonomy still persist in areas around Benghazi and in Syria where there are demands of a Kurdish and Alawite states. Therefore, maintaining internal security is of paramount importance. There is also increasing tension in inter-Arab relations. Arab world is divided between countries that have succeeded in overthrowing authoritarian regimes and the ones that are some of the most conservative in the world. However, the two countries which are not threatened by any kind of disintegration are Tunisia and Egypt on account of theirs populations being highly homogenous. Two important developments that can have wider implications in the region include: Arab League condemning, for the first time, human rights violations in Libya and Syria. Regional actors, on the invitation of Egypt, have been trying to resolve the Syrian issue but it is an extremely complicated task. Egypt has invited Iran, Saudi Arabia and Turkey to join it in search of a diplomatic solution to the crisis. But it will take a lot of deft and innovative diplomacy for Saudi Arabia and Iran to agree to a middle ground. Amb. Shalaby highlighted the thinking behind Egypt’s Syrian initiative. The present government in Cairo is interested in making the Egyptian foreign policy more proactive and this coincides with its stated policy of a regional solution and opposing foreign military intervention. The close influence of Iran in Syria cannot be underestimated and Egypt would like Iran to be a part of the solution even though Saudi Arabia is not too keen to participate in this enterprise. However the Egyptian initiative has not received due international support. Amb. Gehad Madi described the ‘uncertainty’ in the present day Syria as one of the key elements of the political scenario in the region. The prevalent situation in Syria is extremely complicated and has assumed an international dimension. The fact that the world’s superpowers have divergent and often contrasting views has further accentuated the problem with prospects of any solution to the issue appearing bleak at the moment. There is a civil war raging there and the possibility of a sectarian war, with the potential to divide the country, cannot be ruled out. The gridlock persists despite involvement of the Arab League and the UN. This has brought to light some key elements of the current crisis: Even though many people feel that Bashar al-Assad must go, the question is how and what comes after that? The opposition is no longer only in form of rebels carrying arms who also lack effective leadership. Humanitarian factor cannot be ignored for too long with an influx of refugees (majority of them being unaccompanied children) to Turkey, Jordan and Lebanon rising by the day. However, international community is not yet ready to deal with the human catastrophe. There is a possibility of military confrontation between Syria and Turkey and flaring up of sectarian conflict within Syria. In this worst case scenario, one has to factor in the role of Iran and Gulf countries when it comes to the Shia-Sunni equation. On the issue of developments in Egypt, Amb. Madi highlighted some of the positive changes in the country after the revolution. The country has a civilian regime and the army did not intervene in any way during the elections that were generally free and fair. However, it will be crucial to analyze emerging issues like the affiliation of the new regime and provisions of the new constitution. On the issue of India-Egypt relations, Amb. Madi observed that the overall image of India in Egypt is extremely positive. India is looked upon as a model country with its scientific, technological and economic growth much appreciated. Prof. Mostafa-Elwi Saif dwelled on factors that separate Syria from Libya. Geographically Syria is 1/5th of the size of Libya while its population is five times bigger. These factors will ensure that the proposed no-fly zone will be ineffective right from the word go. The only military solution to the crisis is by sending ground troops. Moreover, the Syrian issue is an important element in the Israeli-Arab conflict and in the Iranian-Arab and Turkey-Arab relations. It has also managed to maintain very good relations with both Russia and China. Therefore, the issue is very complex and any conflict is expected to continue for years and not just a few months. Prof Saif elaborated on the possible scenarios in Syria: Division of Syria into a number of countries. This will serve the interests and policies of both US and Israel in dealing with the Arab Israeli conflict. End of Assad’s regime and emergence of Muslim Brotherhood to fill the political vacuum. In such a scenario, Tunisia, Egypt Syria and to an extent Libya will be governed by the same political force. This will represent a major change in the security posture and structure of the whole region. Amb. Ranjit Gupta (retd), highlighted the strength of India-Egypt relations during the era of Nasser and Nehru and welcomed the return of Egypt to the mainstream of the Arab world. He observed that India’s interaction with the Gulf and Arab world started at the dawn of history and dwelled on the importance of India’s relationship with the region, especially the GCC countries, by terming it existential to India’s interests. The GCC countries constitute India’s largest socio-economic partner anywhere in the world, is its largest trade partner, two thirds of the country’s oil requirements come from Gulf, approx 6.3 million Indians reside there and Indians are the largest nationality of outside workforce in each GCC country. He hoped that the coming years will see the dawn of a new era in Indo-Egyptian relations. In his concluding remarks, Dr. Arvind Gupta re-emphasised India’s economic, societal and security interests being deeply linked to the Arab world and said that India cannot remain a bystander to the developments in the region. India had to evacuate close to 20,000 Indian nationals in Libya and its ships are at the forefront fighting piracy in the Gulf of Aden. Therefore, there is a need to re-strategise India’s policy towards the region. The positive image of India in the Arab world can be leveraged to build up contacts there. Attention should be on critical issues of security with establishment of a security dialogue being a good opportunity to understand the regional perception of India’s participation in the region. International seminars and joint academic and research work on all key areas should be taken up. After all, a changing global order affects both India and Egypt. Report prepared by Rajorshi Roy, Research Assistant, IDSA.
How DPSUs / Ordnance Factories Could Spearhead Transformation of Indian Defence Industrial Base	October 23, 2012		1000 hrs	Round Table	Venue: Room No 005, IDSA Concept Note 1. In the quest for self-reliance in the crucial sector of defence, the Government has been continuing its efforts to indigenize defence equipment wherever technologically feasible and economically viable. It has been a part of indigenization efforts to locate and develop broad-based indigenous supply source – both in the public & private sector for many complicated and intricate equipment. After the announcement of policy changes from 2001 onwards, there has been a shift in the role of private sector in the field of indigenisation, i.e., from the role of supplier of raw materials, components, sub-systems, they are now expected to become partners in the manufacture of complete advanced equipment/system. Despite these efforts the share of the private sector in the supplies procured domestically is very small. India has emerged as the largest arms importer. High level of imports tacitly admits to the failure of the domestic defence production establishment, barring a few exceptions, to meet the requirement of the armed forces, both in terms of requisite volume and cutting-edge sophistication. Lack of policy clarity and the risks perceived by the private sector has restricted private sector participation in defence procurement to supplying components and subsystems. 2. The Govt has continued the process of reforms to facilitate private sector participation in defence. The Defence Production Policy issued on 01 Jan 2011 emphasises Government’s endeavour to build up a robust indigenous defence industrial base by, proactively encouraging larger involvement of the Indian private sector in design, development and manufacture of defence equipment. Towards this end, it has also stated that efforts would be made in progressively identifying and addressing any issue, which impacts; or has the potential of impacting the competitiveness of the Indian defence industry in comparison to foreign companies. 3. The Govt’s resolve is conveyed through this policy which seeks to synergize and enhance the national competence in producing state of the art defence equipment/ weapon systems/ platforms within the price lines and timelines that are globally competitive; all viable approaches such as formation of consortia, joint ventures and public private partnerships etc. within the Government approved frame work will be undertaken. The Academia, Research and Development Institutions as well as technical and scientific organizations of repute will be involved for achieving this objective. Order Book 4. Defence PSU’s are faced with the enviable situation of having an ever growing order book reflecting the appetite of the customers for modernisation of weapon systems with the DPSU’s struggling to timely meet the customers expectation. (As per 2010 -11 annual report, HAL had firm orders for new aircraft and Helicopters worth Rs 68,265 Crs with more orders in the pipeline. BDL has a healthy order book position of around Rs 20,000 Crore as per the annual report of 2010-11 and has challenging times ahead with delivery commitments with respect to major ATGM & SAM projects.) The other DPSU’s and shipyards are similarly placed. Capacity Augmentation 5. To meet the challenges of augmenting their capacity for meeting the future orders as well as timely delivery against the existing orders, the DPSUs need to harness the potential of SME’s and create capabilities and capacities so as to outsource production and processes to SMEs. The economy of SME operations has the potential to reduce the production cost for the DPSUs. Export Potential 6. The economies of scale can be achieved by the DPSUs if they could pursue the export potential of indigenously designed & manufactured systems for meeting the requirement of friendly foreign countries. This would have to be done concurrently while meeting the demands of our own defence services. SME’s could be harnessed both for capacity augmentation as well as product support to the friendly foreign countries. Product Support 7. DPSUs being the nominated production agency in license production (ToT) projects also have the responsibility to provide product support over the life of the product. The life cycle costs of product support could be brought down and the response times improved if the SMEs are mentored to be able to be provide product support of select items. The DPSUs can then concentrate on weapon system upgrades and development of higher versions of the systems. Off Sets 8. The recently issued Defence Offset Guidelines (DOG) provide for a multiplier factor of 1.5 in the discharge of offset obligations where the Indian Offset Partner (IOPs) are SMEs. This would provide an incentive to the foreign vendor to seek IOP in MSME category. DPSU mentored SMEs would be the default choice given their exposure to defence manufacturing. The DPSUs through such partnerships will be the indirect beneficiary of new technology, processes, upgrading of skills and infrastructure of which they would be the long term users. Joint Ventures 9. The Govt has issued guidelines for formation of JV’s and MDL has been first off the block to sign two JVs with two private sector shipyards, Pipavav Defence & Offshore Engineering Co Ltd and Larsen & Toubro Ltd for construction of surface warships and conventional submarines. Public Private Partnership (PPP) 10. The country has already witnessed considerable growth in PPPs in the last one and half decade. It has emerged as one of the leading PPP markets in the world, due to several policy and institutional initiatives taken by the central as well as many state governments. PPPs are now seen as the preferred execution mode in many sectors and an elaborate eco-system for PPPs has developed, including institutions, developers, financiers, equity providers, policies and procedures. For implementing a larger number of projects across diverse sectors a National PPP Policy has been formulated by the Govt to facilitate the expansion in the use of PPP and PPP rules have also been drafted and would be issued soon. 11. The time is therefore ripe for DPSUs to use these policy changes for creating conditions conducive for the private industries to play an active role to achieve the objective. DPSUs need to mentor and enhance potential of Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) for indigenisation as also for broadening the defence research and development base of the country and use the policy changes to form JVs and PPPs with Tier II & III private sector defence industry to meet their production targets and enable these industries to graduate to Tier I.	Defence Economics & Industry
Official History of The Indian Armed Forces in the Second World War 1939-45	October 30, 2012		1630 hrs	Book Release	Venue: Auditorium, IDSA Programme Welcome address by Director General, IDSA, Dr. Arvind Gupta Remarks by Dr R Dhanedhar, Director, History Division, Ministry of Defence Book Release and Keynote address by Lt Gen J F R Jacob PVSM (Retd.) Vote of Thanks by DDG IDSA, Brig. Rumel Dahiya (Retd.) Panel Discussion 1700-1800 hrs Chair: Lt Gen Satish Nambiar PVSM, AVSM, VrC (Retd.) Panellists: Lt Gen Y M Bammi (Retd.) Brig. Rahul Bhonsle (Retd.) Col. P K Gautam (Retd.) Dr. U P Thapliyal Sqn Ldr R T S Chhina (Retd.) Press release of the event Click here for event photographs [+]	Military Affairs
Talk by S.K.Lambah on "Pakistan and the Af-Pak region"	October 22, 2012		1100 hrs	Other	Venue: Board Room, IDSA Chairperson: Dr Arvind Gupta, DG, IDSA Speaker Amb S.K.Lambah, Prime Minister's Special envoy on Pakistan and Afghanistan	South Asia
48th IDSA Foundation Day	November 10, 2012		1000 hrs	Other	Venue: IDSA Auditorium 1000-1005 hr: Welcome remarks by Dr Arvind Gupta, DG IDSA 1005-1025 hr: Awards Ceremony 1025-1040 hr: Presidential Address by Rakhsha Mantri, Shri AK Antony 1040 hr: Vote of Thanks by Brig R Dahiya, DDG IDSA 1045 hr: Tea
46th Annual General Body Meeting	November 10, 2012		1100 hrs	Other	Type: Open to Life Members and Members of the Institute The 46th Annual General Body Meeting of the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses is being held on 10th November 2012 at 1100 hours at the IDSA Auditorium. Individual invitations to the Life members and Members have already been dispatched. However, any Life members and Member who may not have received the same due to change in address etc. may treat this as notice for the meeting or contact the undersigned for the agenda etc. Please note that only LIFE MEMBERS AND MEMBERS form the General Body of the Institute. Wg Cdr Hemlata Lohani (Retd) Assistant Director Tele: 2671 7983, Extn. 7303 Fax: 26154192 (DG), 26154191 (DDG)

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