It would be an understatement to say that there has been a significant rise in the number of academic and media writings on China in the past decade or so. Globally, Rush Doshi’s work has been well received. Thomas Orlik’s book on China’s economy is a significant one, and Kishore Mahbubani continues to challenge assumptions with works like Has China Won? In China’s Good War, Rana Mitter reminds us as to how China uses episodes from history to suit the political objectives of the present era.
The FOCAC process began in 2000 under the Presidency of Jiang Zemin when the first ministerial meeting was held in Beijing and has come a long way since then as a show of evolving Chinese interests in the African continent. Africa in many ways has been a learning ground for China's international role. What China has been doing in the continent must be watched closely as it showcases the future of Chinese power.
Japan is in denial mode about its role during World War II while China is attempting to gain legitimacy for its regional ambitions by leveraging the memory of its suffering in that war.
Modi and Xi share several similarities: their rise to the top, the popular nationalism they ride, the power they wield, and their domestic as well as foreign policy priorities.
China has reoriented its foreign policy strategy since Xi Jinping became president. This could significantly recast China’s relations with Asian countries. The process that began with Xi Jinping’s coming to power in 2012–2013 reached, in a sense, a definitive moment, with the Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs held in Beijing in November 2014.
India and China could and should cooperate on environmental issues and specifically on clean urbanization because there is scope to develop a shared understanding of the problems and solutions.
Propelled by its rapid economic growth, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) is undergoing multitudes of transitions simultaneously. These transitions are substantially transforming state–society relations in China. The conventional wisdom about China in the reform era has been that the Communist Party of China’s (CPC’s) legitimacy to rule comes from its continued economic performance; in other words, the Chinese people will not bother with the kind of regime they have if they are well fed and their economic aspirations are taken care of.
Beijing’s desire to manage the political process in Hong Kong stems from the ‘one country two systems’ model whereby it continues to retain its influence. It will not take much time for mainland to see a foreign hand in the islanders’ pro-democracy movements.
During the Rajapaksa years, Sri Lanka experienced jobless growth, similar to the experience of many African countries where Chinese investment had increased exponentially in the last decade.
At its core is Beijing’s fear of having a chief executive in Hong Kong who is locally popular and vocally critical about Beijing's policies. Fear perhaps also emanate from Beijing’s concerns of spillover effects on the mainland if a full-fledged democracy in Hong Kong were to succeed since at home the CCP continues to grapple with the problems of corruption, inequality and inflation.
China’s Victory Day Celebrations: Politics of War, Memory and Legitimacy
Japan is in denial mode about its role during World War II while China is attempting to gain legitimacy for its regional ambitions by leveraging the memory of its suffering in that war.