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Interaction with H.E. Mr. Wada Yoshiaki, Japan’s State Minister of Cabinet Offic July 19, 2023 1000 to 1100 hrs Talk

Japan’s State Minister of Cabinet Office, H.E. Mr. Wada Yoshiaki, accompanied by a delegation, will be visiting MP-IDSA on Wednesday, July 19, 2023 for a meeting with Amb. Sujan R. Chinoy, DG MP-IDSA.

The Institute will organise an interactive session with him from 1000 hrs to 1100 hrs in Room # 104 (Boardroom), First Floor.

Report of Monday Morning Meeting on Indo-US Defence Industrial Cooperation and Aatmanirbharta July 17, 2023 Monday Morning Meeting

Gp. Capt. (Dr.) Rajiv Kumar Narang, Senior Fellow, Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA), spoke on “Indo-US Defence Industrial Cooperation and Aatmanirbharta” at the Monday Morning Meeting held on 17 July 2023. The session was moderated by Dr. S. Samuel C. Rajiv, Associate Fellow, MP-IDSA. Ambassador Sujan R. Chinoy, the Director General of MP-IDSA, and scholars of the Institute were in attendance.

Executive Summary

The recent India-US defence industrial cooperation between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and US President Joe Biden held from 21-24 June 2023 depicted the significance of technology in strengthening bilateral relationships with strategic partner countries. The speaker advocated the need to understand the complexities, implementing agreements and challenges in reciprocal agreements. He highlighted the need for protecting Indian intellectual capital, analysing impact of procurements on indigenous programs and civil-military fusion in aeronautics technologies, He concluded by emphasising the need for creating Indias defence technology innovation roadmap,instituting structural, policy and procedural reforms for enhancing contribution of Indian defence forces, pursuing joint development, joint IP creation and procurement; and instituting measures for inter-ministerial coordination to make R&D and innovation collaborations with international partners successful and pave the way for self-reliance (Aatmanirbharta) in defence technologies.

Detailed Report

Dr. S. Samuel C. Rajiv gave a brief introduction to the subject before describing how defence industrial cooperation between India and the United States has recently benefited from the jointly agreed upon defence industrial roadmap in June 2023. He briefly mentioned the previous defence framework agreements between the two countries that provided the structure to facilitate this cooperation further.

Gp. Capt. (Dr.) Narang cited the importance of technology in strengthening the relationship between partner countries. He drew attention to the latest India-US defence industrial cooperation between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and US President Joe Biden held from 21-24 June 2023. Although the initiatives adopted during this meeting have the potential to enhance collaboration between the two states through technology-driven approaches, yet there is the need to comprehend the details of the agreement and complexities to effectively implement them rather than relying on expectations. He discussed the key initiatives and agreements signed and attempted to relate them to innovations, technology collaborations and the impact of such initiatives on achieving aatmanirbharta in the defence sector of the country. Finally, he made certain observations and gave certain recommendations.

India and the US have been close strategic partners since the signing of the 2005 framework agreement on defence relations, which was renewed in 2015. Along with the above, various other defence agreements were signed between the two countries to promote technology-sharing, co-development and co-production, such as the Defence Technology and Trade Initiative (DTTI) in 2012, and Strategic Trade Authorisation Tier-1 (STA-1) in 2016. The annual 2+2 ministerial dialogue was initiated in 2018. Since the initiation of the US-India Defence Dialogue in 2008, there has been significant growth amounting to USD 20 billion in the year 2020 from collaborations such as the C-17, C-130, Apache, Chinook, P-8i, and M-777. There were many other dialogue mechanisms like the Defence Policy Group (DPG), Defence Joint Working Group (DJWG), Joint Technical Group (JTF), Military Cooperation Group (MCG), and the Executive Steering Group (EG). However, there are still challenges to be addressed, such as the lack of reciprocal agreements between the Indian defence forces and US startups.

The speaker then spoke about several critical agreements relating to information exchange, aircraft technologies, fuel exchange and foundational agreements signed between India and US. These were the General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA) in 2002, the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA) in 2016, the Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement (COMCASA) in 2018 and the Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement (BECA) in 2020. He argues that there has been significant progress in India-US defence industrial cooperation in recent years, but that there is still more work to be done.

Before the beginning of Prime Minister Modi’s to the US, the Indian Defence Secretary Giridhar Armane and the US Under Secretary of Defence and Policy Dr. Colin Kohl co-chaired the Indo-US Defence Policy Group in Washington on 17 May 2023. They deliberated on enhancing defence industrial cooperation, partnerships, identifying opportunities for co-development of new technologies and production of existing and new systems, and R&D. This was followed by the visit of US Secretary of Defence Lloyd Austin’s visit to conclude the Roadmap for India-US Defence Industrial Cooperation on 4-5 June 2023. On 13-14 June 2023, US NSA Jake Sullivan also paid a visit to India to review the progress on the Initiative on Critical and Emerging Technologies (iCET) and signed MOU on semiconductors. Discussions also centred around areas of space, AI and security of supply agreement and regulation of critical design in defence technologies, and placement of a liaison officer in each other’s military organisations. Gp. Capt. (Dr.) Narang emphasised the significance of Reciprocal Defence Procurement (RDP) agreements and streamlining of regulatory mechanisms to promote the export of defence technologies from US start-ups for the Indian defence industry and vice-versa. The most important agreement signed during Prime Minister Modi’s US visit, was the India-US Defence Accelerator Ecosystem (INDUS-X) – Defence Innovation Collaboration between the US Defence Innovation Unit (DIU) and the Indian DIO-iDEX. It is intended to complement government-to-government collaborations between Indian companies, investors, startup accelerators and academic research institutions to co-develop and co-produce advanced technology by Indian and US start-ups. This was followed by the acquisition and manufacturing deal of the GE-414 Aero-engine, and the 31 MQ-9B Sea Guardian/ Sky Guardian UAS Acquisition Deal. Additionally, the US Department of Defense (DoD) Space Force had signed an R&D Agreement with the 114-Ai and 3rdiTech, however, there have been no reciprocal agreements by Indian defence forces or the Ministry of Defence (MoD) with US-based startups.

In the context of the signing of the MoU for Joint production of 99 GE 414 for LCA Mk-2 and AMCA Mk-1 between HAL-GE on 22 June 2023, Gp. Capt. (Dr) Narang elaborated on the increase in the ToT from the earlier 58 per cent to 80 per cent for the GE414 engine, pending US congressional approval for the export administration regulation (EAR) and International Traffic in Arms Regulations (ITAR). He also expounded on six other such aero-engine joint development initiatives with other companies in the US, France, the UK, Russia and China. In the case of France, it is working with India for the development of an engine for the Advanced Light Helicopter (ALH) and the Intermediate Medium Range Helicopter (IMRH). Furthermore, the Master-Ship Repair Agreement (MSRA) and the iCET were two other major agreements signed to further work in the areas of science and technology such as AI, quantum, space and telecom, among others.

The speaker then offered some observations. He pointed out that although India has a sizable defence budget, much of it is spent on foreign military hardware, so the country needs to concentrate on developing its defence technology, particularly in the areas of civil-military fusion and dual-use technologies to achieve civil-military integration in areas like aviation technologies. The INDUS-X defence partnership with the US has the potential to be a major boost for India’s defence industry, but it is important to ensure that India benefits from the partnership in a meaningful way. Several challenges need to be addressed to make the INDUS-X partnership a success, including IP sharing, ownership rights, co-production between Indian and US partners, and the prevention of the migration of Indian intellectual capital. Additionally, the Indian defence forces need to be prepared to take on a more active role in the development and procurement of defence technology. Gp. Capt. Narang maintained that it is also crucial for the government to proactively work towards an inter-ministerial approach to create a more equitable space for co-development and co-production defence projects through collaborative research, identify technological gaps, formulate proper problem statements, and funding, to gainfully leverage joint deference technology and innovation collaborations for capability development and pave the path towards Aatmanirbharta in the defence sector. India’s defence ecosystem is currently fragmented, with different ministries and agencies working in silos. This makes it difficult to coordinate and implement defence technology projects effectively.

The speaker concluded by stating that it is also essential to examine how procurement of foreign equipment impacts indigenous programs as India has a history of importing foreign military equipment, which sometimes leads to the neglect of indigenous programs. The government needs to ensure that procurement of foreign equipment does not come at the expense of indigenous development. Hence a comprehensive innovation roadmap, inter-ministerial coordination, and ownership for technology development are crucial for gaining ground towards Aatmanirbharta in India’s defence manufacturing and technology development roadmap.

Questions and Comments

Dr. Rajiv thanked the speaker for his detailed presentation and opened the floor for questions and comments. During the discussion which followed, the Director General Amb. Sujan R. Chinoy enquired about the purpose and associated cost benefit analysis of fitting an afterburner version of Kaveri aero-engine onto the LCA Mark 1 prototype for technology validation. He also enquired whether working on proven designs such the GE-F404 and GE-414 would be better approach. He added that India needs to collaborate with the US owing to the highly regulated defence industrial ecosystem of the latter. He stressed India’s ability to absorb and develop advanced technologies, both in the public and private sectors and the need to develop a more robust ecosystem for technology development and acquisition.

Mr. Arvind Khare enquired whether problem statements have been identified for the INDUS-X initiative from both sides and who will be the nodal agency from the Indian side. He also wanted some clarity on whether the INDUS-X initiative will fall within the same pattern as the bilateral innovation agreement between the DRDO and the Directorate of Defence R&D of Israel.

Dr. Abhishek Mishra enquired about the ToT percentage of the GE-414 jet engine cores and the requirement of the MQ-9B for the Indian Navy. Dr. Rajiv Nayan commented upon the importance of engine development for various applications, including unmanned systems and shipbuilding, and the need for India to become more self-reliant in this regard. He stressed increasing investment in R&D in the private sector to develop expertise in critical technologies.

Cmde. Abhay Singh commented on the lack of evidence-based research in defence and security due to the paucity of information in the public domain. Dr. Om Prakash asked the speaker about the advantages gained by the defence start-ups from the particular defence cooperation with the US. Dr. Anand Kumar commented on the recent order of around 1000 commercial aircraft which was placed by Indigo and Air India reflecting on the growth potential of the Indian aviation industry. Secondly, he enquired about why India might have a problem with replicating co-development models with the US as had been previously done with Russia while working on the BrahMos. Col. Rajneesh Singh remarked that China’s success in negotiating and establishing collaborative agreements with foreign companies is due to the availability of a conducive ecosystem for technological collaboration.

Overall, the discussion revolves around India’s technological capabilities, collaboration with other countries, and the need for a strategic approach to technology development and acquisition. Gp. Capt. (Dr.) Narang then responded to the comments and questions.

The report has been prepared by Ms. Shayesta Nishat Ahmed, Research Analyst, Defence Economics and Industry Centre, MP-IDSA.

North America & Strategic Technologies
Talk on "Evolving Political Situation in Pakistan and Prospects of India-Pakistan Relations" June 14, 2023 1500 hrs Talk

The South Asia Centre at MP-IDSA is organising a talk by Prof Ishtiaq Ahmad, Professor Emeritus of Political Science, Stockholm University on "Evolving Political Situation in Pakistan and Prospects of India-Pakistan Relations" on Wednesday, 14 June 2023 at 1500 hrs in Seminar Hall I, Second Floor.

You are cordially invited to participate and enrich the discussion.

A short bio-profile of Prof Ahmed is appended below:

Professor Emeritus of Political Science, Stockholm University; Honorary Senior Fellow, Institute of South Asian Studies, National University of Singapore. Latest publications, Jinnah: His Successes, Failures and Role in History, New Delhi: Penguin Viking, 2020 won the English Non-Fiction Book Award for 2021 at the Valley of Words Literary Festival, Dehradun, Indian; innah: His Successes, Failures and Role in History, Vanguard Books, Lahore 2021; Pakistan: The Garrison State, Origins, Evolution, Consequences (1947-2011), Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013; and, The Punjab Bloodied, Partitioned and Cleansed, Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2012- It won the Best Non-Fiction Book Prize at the 2013 Karachi Literature Festival and the 2013 UBL-Jang Groups Best Non-Fiction Book Prize at Lahore and the Best Book on Punjab Award from Punjabi Parchar at the Vaisakhi Mela in Lahore, 2016.

Report of Fellows Seminar on The Geopolitics of Europe's Quest for Energy Security: Significant Achievements amid Myriad Challenges February 07, 2023 Swasti Rao Fellows' Seminar

A MP-IDSA Fellows Seminar by Dr. Swasti Rao, Associate Fellow, on "The Geopolitics of Europe's Quest for Energy Security: Significant Achievements amid Myriad Challenges” was held on 7 February 2023. It was chaired by Prof. Gulshan Sachdeva, Professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. The external discussants were Dr. Lydia Powell, Distinguished Fellow, Observer Research Foundation (ORF), and Mr. Rajeev Lala, Associate Director, S&P Global. Ms. Anandita Bhada, Research Analyst at MP-IDSA, was the internal discussant.

Executive Summary

Almost a year into the war in Ukraine, European nations have fast-tracked their energy diversification in order to reduce their dependency on Russia. The main issues are policies adopted by Europe to diversify, the available options, and prognosis for the future.

Detailed Report

The Chair, Prof. Gulshan Sachdeva, in his opening remarks, stated that diversification of energy supplies would likely have a major geopolitical implication. For example, Europe moving towards the US for oil and Russia diversifying its energy exports away from Europe, towards Asia would significantly impact the international arena.

Dr. Swasti Rao began her presentation with a question – “Does Europe want to diversify its energy requirements from Russia?” She replied in the affirmative but pointed out that the main issue is implementing this vision. The speaker then highlighted the structure of her paper before briefly delving into the ongoing developments in Russia-Ukraine war.

Dr. Rao stressed that Europe is seeking to completely wean itself away from Russian crude oil, natural gas and coal. She highlighted Europe’s dependency on Russian energy amidst the differentiation in patterns and volume of such trade. She elaborated on the internal and external differences in Europe regarding the diversification process. She pointed out Europe’s plans to focus on alternative fuels in the form of hydrogen and nuclear, apart from creating new energy maps and import corridors. The fact is that today Europe is looking into both short-term and long-term energy measures, anchored to avoiding any potential dependency. For Europe, the supply chains should not only be cost-effective but also more resilient. 

Dr. Rao highlighted the diversification measures undertaken by Europe. These include import diversification, short-term energy imports, protection of the most venerable cohorts, and acceleration to new renewables. 

The speaker elaborated on the macro and micro energy trends in Europe – both before and since the conflict started. At the macro level, there has been a systemic and sustainable shift away from Russian energy. At the micro-level, Europe has sought to cut down domestic demand apart from transition to renewables. These steps are, however, hampered by limitations that include pipeline disruption, oil re-routing, global liquefaction capacity, and failure to meet market goals.

Moving to the issue of transition to renewables such as green hydrogen, blue hydrogen, and bio-methane, Dr. Rao highlighted the sense of urgency in the form of new European pathways to develop these alternatives. She also referred to Europe’s attempts at developing new import corridors. She emphasised that one of the reasons for Europe's ongoing support to Ukraine is anchored to Ukraine emerging as a promising option for green hydrogen.

On the issue of expanding avenues of energy cooperation between India and Europe, Dr. Rao referred to the Trade Technology Council and ongoing bilateral discussions in the field of hydrogen.

Dr. Rao concluded by stating that Europe appears to have shown a strong political will to diversify yet it would need strong political leadership in what would likely be a very painful period ahead.

Dr. Lydia Powell:

Dr. Powell, while complimenting the author for her presentation, felt that there is scope for enhancing the analytical rigour of the paper by moving beyond the summarizing and descriptive aspects. This includes a more rigorous analysis of the post-Ukraine energy situation in Europe and its future. She observed that the speaker could qualitatively improve the section on “geopolitics of Europe's quest for energy security”.

Dr. Powell gave a few more suggestions to improve the paper. First, she suggested revising the opening section, particularly the framing of whether the European Union (EU) can replace Russia in the context of energy. Second, one needs to dwell on who the winners and losers of the current geopolitical scenario are – this includes Russia, EU and the US. Also, whether Russia’s calculations are long-term vis-à-vis short term? Third, the speaker could address the question of whether the fossil fuel and nuclear industries are the winners in this climate. Fourth, the speaker should address whether Asia has become the winner given the renewed focus on the continent amidst Russia's growing energy exports to India and China. Similarly, has the developing world lost out in the short term on account of their energy crisis? Fifth, the paper must address its policy relevance, particularly for India.

Mr. Rajeev Lala:

Mr. Rajeev Lala highlighted the need to add a caveat around hydrogen – “hope”, especially on green hydrogen. Meanwhile, there exists two proponents around hydrogen; one is the blue hydrogen proponent (led by Saudi Arabia) and the other being the green hydrogen proponents (led by Japan, Korea, Switzerland, and South Korea). The key issue is financing, as both technologies are expensive; hence it is still most policymakers' hope.

There also exists a significant variation in European countries dependency on Russia. This has a direct bearing on each country’s national position on Russia with the most critical stand being taken by countries which have the least dependency. Mr. Lala suggested the need for a chart to show this correlation by providing the examples of energy dependencies of Germany and the United Kingdom on Russia.

The discussant called upon Dr. Rao to focus on the interconnectivity issue and the status of interconnectors across Europe. Meanwhile, a section could be added on the risks for 2023 and what could go wrong.

Mr. Lala elaborated on ongoing discussions on “winter approaching” and its potential impact on Ukraine, and stressed that winter has in fact already arrived in South Asia in the June-August period since all the gas markets are interconnected. He referred to its impact on Pakistan which is undergoing a prolonged energy crisis. In the same vein, Europe’s energy diversification could impact the Indian gas market, which the author should also focus on.

Ms. Anandita Bhada:

The discussant stressed on the need to highlight the winners and losers of the ongoing crisis. She referred to the eastern European countries, who being less economically developed, have found cheaper Russian energy more attractive. Ms. Bhada felt that the importance of interconnectors must be emphasized since several eastern European countries are landlocked or have a small coastline. In this, the significance of Poland-Lithuania interconnector should be emphasised. She also referred to the concept of projects of common interests which help secure energy across the continent. This includes the Baltic Gas Pipeline connecting Norway via Denmark to Poland.

Apart from raising the question of financing, Ms. Bhada highlighted the use of rare earth elements sourced from China for energy transition to renewables. She wondered whether a significant focus on renewables would mean Europe would have an increased dependence on China for rare-earth elements? Ms. Bhada also observed that the Brexit deal must be resolved for any substantial gains between Europe and the United Kingdom. Finally, regarding the reduction of demand, she pondered that by the time there is a reduction in the market for Russian energy sources, the need for the substitute would increase; thus, how would Europe balance it out? 

Prof. Gulshan Sachdeva:

The Chair complimented the author for her work. He also highlighted some of the areas of the paper which could be further improved.

First, the title could be formulated for a more precise understanding. Too many aspects within the title may create problems. There is also a need for more in-depth analysis of the geopolitical factors at play.

Second, there is a need to have a discussion on the concept of energy security and what is the European understanding of energy security. There is also need to discuss the history of the European understanding of energy security from the past to the current era.

Third, Prof Sachdeva opined that the Literature Review might not be needed but gave the researcher the discretion to keep or remove it.

Fourth, he highlighted the need to re-arrange the paper. In the introduction, the researcher could highlight the European concept of energy security, and then delve into the current geopolitical situation as a result of which Europe has chosen to adjust its energy security policies.

Fifth, concerning the figures, there is a need for primary data, and the use of multiple graphics is confusing for the readers. For example, a graph could be there for the situation before the Ukraine war and the current situation.

Sixth, there is a need to refer to more primary documents from the European Union; for instance, the Repower EU Plan needs to be added.

Seventh, Prof. Sachdeva observed that on India-EU collaboration, the researcher could avoid the over-emphasis on hydrogen since it may divert from the crux of the paper. In this, the paper needs to focus more on the impact of energy diversification on India. A country like India is significantly dependent on Russian arms and energy, and there could be severe implications for the geopolitics of the Eurasian region.

Eighth, the author must expand the conclusion.

Questions and Comments 

Deputy Director General, Maj. Gen. (Dr.) Bipin Bakshi (Retd.)  agreed with the Chair on specific aspects of the paper which need to be reviewed. He observed that multilateralism is weakening, maybe to a certain extent even fracturing, which has led to multipolarity and emergence of regional groupings. In the past, regional groupings were linked to geography but several of those links are now fractured. In the same vein, he observed that geopolitics and ideology are fracturing existing trade agreements, for example, the EU- Russian energy mix and the US-China trade war. New alignments are shaping up, and old friends and alliances are finding themselves on opposite sides of the energy alignment; simultaneously, they are adapting and harmonizing with the current geopolitical situation.

On green hydrogen, he emphasised that Indian researchers have been active. Nevertheless, cost is a factor and the focus has also been more on blue hydrogen. The questions of economics trumping geopolitics and the success of the shift to hydrogen could be addressed.

The Q/A session broadly revolved around the themes of transition to greener energy, energy security, energy politics within Europe, nuclear energy option, North-South divide, India’s ability to deal with global risks and the need to focus on West Asia. 

The speaker responded to the comments and questions.

(Report prepared by Dr. Jason Wahlang, Research Analyst, Europe and Eurasia Centre, MP-IDSA)

Report of Monday Meeting on Wagner Insurrection and Its Impact on the Ukraine War July 03, 2023 Monday Morning Meeting

Cmde. Abhay K. Singh (Retd.), Research Fellow, Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA), spoke on “Wagner Insurrection and Its Impact on the Ukraine War” at the Monday Morning Meeting held on 03 July 2023 at 10AM. The venue was Seminar Hall 1, Second Floor, MP-IDSA. The session was moderated by Col. Vivek Chaddha (Retd.), Senior Fellow, MP-IDSA. Ambassador Sujan R. Chinoy, the Director General of MP-IDSA, Maj. Gen. (Dr.) Bipin Bakshi (Retd.), the Deputy Director General of MP-IDSA and scholars of the institute were in attendance.

Executive Summary

Since 1992, Private Military Companies (PMCs) have been active in Russia. Among the estimated 37 PMCs in Russia, Wagner Group is the largest PMC and has been employed since its formation in 2013-14. They were primarily used to protect the Russian assets in Africa and were influential in furthering Russia’s influence in conflict-zones such as Syria, Mali, Central African Republic (CAR) and others. They also played a significant role in Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014. In the context of the Russia-Ukraine War, the Wagner Group’s case is essential in understanding the role of PMCs in conventional warfare.

Detailed Report

Col. Vivek Chaddha (Retd.) offered a brief overview on Private Military Companies (PMCs) and their influence on foreign affairs, war effort and domestic politics of Russia. In this context, the moderator observed that there were more questions than answers and that this also offers important lessons for the countries that are tempted to use these agencies in their war effort and beyond. Following this introduction, Col. Chaddha requested Cmde. Abhay K.Singh to shed light on the topic.

The speaker gave a brief account of the Wagner Group since its formation and mentioned that it is not a registered company but is a holding company that has its footprint in fields ranging from mining, construction to luxury, media and military functions. The speaker also noted that for the past 10 years, the Russian Parliament has been attempting to introduce regulations on PMCs but has remained unsuccessful.

The Wagner Group was established by Dimitriy Valeryevich Utkin, former military personnel, and the top leadership has had a significant influence on it, the speaker explained. The current commander, Yevgeny Prigozhin had served 10 years in prison before undertaking the leadership of Wagner. In addition, the speaker elaborated that he was a caterer of President Putin in 2003. He also received government contracts through Concord Management in 2010 and school contracts in 2012. In 2013-14, Wagner was formed under a project of GRU in Molkina Base, Rostov-on-Don, the speaker added.

Moving further, the speaker underlined the relationship between the Wagner Group and the Russian State. The finances and equipments for the Wagner Group were provided by the GRU and several personnel were also seconded from the Russian Special Services. However, Russia denies its association with Wagner. The speaker noted that Wagner was provided with about 6% of the Russia’s defence budget. Their role was mainly witnessed in the Crimean Referendum.  

The speaker highlighted that in 2015, the US and Russia agreed to not deploy their troops directly in Syria. However, when Russia’s Wagner Group was seen in Syria, the US dropped bombs and hotline was utilised for communication. The speaker underscored that about 82 troops of Wagner were killed in this endeavour. The Wagner group was also accused of human rights violations. Between 2015 and 2022, the Wagner Group was deployed in Africa, Libya, CAR and other places.

In the context of the Ukraine War, the speaker elaborated that the Wagner Group was initially involved in an attempt to assassinate the Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy. However, between May-August 2022, about 1000 troops were deployed in Popasna, Bakhmut and others as a part of Russian offensive, the speaker added.

The speaker reiterated that the brutal tactics employed and lack of concern for human life were the reasons behind their successes. Additionally, capturing Bakhmut turned into a prestige issue. During this time, the differences between Wagner and the Russian State amplified and when the Russian MoD asked all PMCs to sign a contract, nearly all PMCs with the exception of Wagner signed it. Subsequently, the Wagner Group’s rebellion was met with resistance from the Russian Air Force.

In his concluding remarks, the speaker deliberated on the impact of the Wagner Group on the Ukraine War, especially after its integration with the Russian Military. Questions on command and control, challenges among the Russian troops with regard to trust, morale and cohesion, internal division among the Russian leadership and Ukraine’s counter offensive were also brought up by the speaker.

Following this presentation, Col. Vivek Chaddha thanked Cmde. Abhay K. Singh for his presentation and reflected on the impact of Wagner on the overall war effort in the Russia -Ukraine War, given the lack of military ethos and discipline of the former convicts who are integrated into the Russian Army. The moderator also added that the ability of the West and Ukraine to utilise this major crack will be interesting to observe in the future and opened the floor for comments and questions from the audience.

During the discussion, Ambassador Sujan R. Chinoy thanked the speaker for his presentation and explained that it provides a clear impression that the Wagner Group was created as an alternative army by Russia to bypass international laws and the geographical proximity of the deployment may not have been well considered. Questions on impact of Wagner, Putin’s position post this incident and Wagner’s influence in Africa, were raised. Maj. Gen (Dr.) Bipin Bakshi (Retd.) highlighted that the main advantage of employing the Wagner Group was deniability and outsourcing of work and asked the speaker why India does not have any PMCs, especially when it has valuable assets in Africa. Dr. Adil Rasheed raised a question about Jihadist Militia replacing the Wagner Group in Chechnya. Dr. Rajorshi Roy shared his observations on the domestic politics of Russia, Russia’s motivations for pursuing this proxy war with the West and possible institutional change that may occur in Russia. Col. (Dr.) Rajneesh Singh (Retd) commented on the employment of the Wagner Group as a tool of hybrid warfare to further Russia’s policies and shed light on the human resource problem in Russia for military recruitment. Dr. Rajiv Nayan asked the speaker about the nomenclature used for PMCs, strength of Wagner after partial integration into Russian Army and issues with command and control. Dr. Om Prakash Das asked the speaker about the alleged digital means used in the disinformation and misinformation campaign in the US elections as well as Ukraine War. Dr. Swasti Rao highlighted that it was economical to employ PMCs, yet it makes state machinery appear weak as there has been no statement released from the President and no charges have been put against Wagner mutineers. Dr. Rao also asked the speaker what the responses were from other countries such as Iran and China. Dr. Anand Kumar pointed out that it would be difficult for Russia to replace the Wagner Group in Mali and others. Dr. Israel Nyaburi Nyadera asked the speaker about Africa’s position on the Wagner Group.

Cmde. Abhay K. Singh responded to all comments and questions with insightful remarks and Col. Vivek Chaddha concluded the meeting by thanking everyone for their participation.

Key Takeaways

  • The Wagner Group is a PMC based in Russia and has been deployed in Africa, Syria, and others to safeguard Russian assets.
  • The primary reason for Wagner’s success has been its brutal tactics and lack of regard for human life.
  • The Russian State has denied its association with the Wagner Group.
  • Due to Wagner Group’s rebellion, Russia’s domestic politics and Vladimir Putin’s position as the President has been put in question.
  • Using PMCs for furthering State policies offers them deniability and is economical.
  • Integration of Wagner troops into the Russian Army has left a major crack in their war effort, giving chances for Ukraine and the West to exploit.
  • The Wagner Group’s deployment in the Ukraine War has raised several questions on the role of PMCs in conventional war.

Report prepared by Ms. Vidya Paragi, Intern, Military Affairs Centre, MP-IDSA.

Report of Monday Morning Discussion on “Bangladesh’s Outlook towards Indo-Pacific” June 26, 2023 1030 to 1300 hrs Monday Morning Meeting

Dr Anand Kumar, Associate Fellow, Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, made a presentation on “Bangladesh’s-outlook towards Indo-Pacific” at the Monday Morning Meeting held on 26 June 2023. The session was chaired by Ms. Shruti Pandalai, Associate Fellow, MP-IDSA. The Director General, Ambassador Sujan R. Chinoy, the Deputy Director General, Maj. Gen. (Dr) Bipin Bakshi and scholars of the Instituted participated.

Executive Summary

In the presentation on “Bangladesh's perspective on the Indo-Pacific region” its efforts to balance relations with China and the United States while aligning with India's Indian Ocean initiatives were highlighted.  The divergent views among countries regarding China's assertiveness and discusses Bangladesh's importance in the Bay of Bengal and the larger Indo-Pacific region were brought up. As per the speaker, Bangladesh is likely to align itself with the economic aspects of the Indo-Pacific while avoiding the defence and security aspects.

Detailed Report

Dr Shruti Pandalai, Associate Fellow, initiated the discussion by drawing attention to Bangladesh’s Indo-Pacific outlook, stressing its importance in maintaining a balance between China and United States while aligning with India’s Indian Ocean initiatives. She also emphasised that Japan’s PM Kishida sees Bangladesh as a potential Industrial hub for supply chains.

Dr Anand Kumar began his presentation by giving a broader view on Bangladesh’s Indo-Pacific outlook. He emphasized how the Indo-Pacific strategy is championed by the United States as a response to China’s assertiveness. The speaker drew attention to the divergent view countries take regarding China's assertive behavior in the Indo-Pacific. Countries like the US, France, and Canada see China as a potential challenge and advocate for collective action to maintain a rule-based global order. In contrast, countries like South Korea, EU, and ASEAN adopt an inclusive approach, seeking to balance relationships and prioritize cooperation and economic ties.

On the United States, the speaker elaborated that the United States has recognised the need to include the economic dimension in the Indo-Pacific strategy, as not all nations will be interested in the security aspect. The US has introduced the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF).Japan also has its own initiative, the Bay of Bengal Growth Belt. However, Bangladesh remains sceptical of Indo-Pacific strategy, as it is unwilling to be a part of a security alliance or purchase arms under it.

The speaker emphasised the significance of the Indo-Pacific Strategy by elaborating on Bangladesh’s role as a bridge between South and South East Asia. Bangladesh has expanded it’s maritime area which provides it convenient access to the Bay of Bengal, making it important in the larger Indo-Pacific region.

On China, the speaker emphasised that China has also constructed its pipeline from Myanmar. China has also financed and created two submarine bases in the Bangladesh. They have done it to change the security environment in the Indian Ocean region. China also has a presence in the Western Indian Ocean which is worrying for the United States and its allies.

The Speaker drew attention to Bangladesh which is a significant player in the Indian Ocean region and BIMSTEC, with a growing economy and potential to become a middle power. Bangladesh is strengthening its military and maintains friendly relations with the US, EU, and Quad members. The key Indo-Pacific players are interested in Bangladesh for their strategies to counterbalance China, and efforts have been made to improve US-Bangladesh relations over the past decade, including discussions on developing an Indo-Pacific corridor.

He further discussed the irritants in the US-Bangladesh relationship, including concerns over elections, human rights, media freedom, and Bangladesh's military ties with Russia and China. However, despite these issues, the broader engagement between the two countries shows positive progress. The US has employed "rapid fire diplomacy" to bring Bangladesh closer, but Bangladesh has its own priorities, such as the reinstatement of the Generalized System of Preferences facilities, removal of sanctions on RAB, extradition of Rashed Chowdhary, and increased US involvement in addressing the Rohingya issue.

Dr Kumar highlighted that once the US takes a step, its allies follow suit. Bangladesh is also part of Japan's vision of the Indo-Pacific and is seen as a potential partner by the US and its allies. However, Bangladesh is cautious about this due to its relationship with China. When China's foreign minister tried to pressure Bangladesh, the country assured China of its neutral stance. Bangladesh cannot afford to alienate China as it is its largest defence and trade supplier.

Western countries, especially the US, are crucial for Bangladesh, as it exports to the US and has a significant diaspora there. Bangladesh is transitioning from a low-income to a middle-income country and aims to maintain good relations with the West.

Dr Anand Kumar emphasized that Bangladesh has introduced its own open Indo-Pacific outlook, which aims to establish a free, open, peaceful, secure, and inclusive Indo-Pacific region. The document recognizes the significance of this region, considering its collective contribution to global GDP, international trade, climate improvement, technological advancements, and other key factors that shape Bangladesh's long-term interests. The document underscores the importance of renouncing and refraining from the use of force in international relations.

Additionally, it urges nations to adhere to relevant treaties of the United Nations and specifically encourages adherence to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). The outlook’s objectives are derived from the guiding principle of strengthening mutual trust among nations, promoting dialogue, and ensuring peace and prosperity.

The Speaker explained that Dhaka has adopted a balanced approach to the Indo-Pacific region, viewing it as an economic opportunity while also maintaining relations with its largest trading partner, China. As Bangladesh moves closer to its 2024 elections, the perception of free and fair elections in the West will impact the response towards Bangladesh. With President Biden emphasizing the restoration of democracy, Bangladesh may seek diplomatic support from India and China while avoiding actions that could strain relations with China.

During his final remarks, the Speaker Bangladesh is likely to align itself with the economic part of the Indo-Pacific but it would stay clear of the defence and security part. It allows Bangladesh to navigate through the complex dynamics of the Indo-Pacific region and pursue its interests in a balance way.

Q&A Session

 Amb. Sujan R. Chinoy emphasized that Bangladesh is expected to focus more on the economic aspect of the Indo-Pacific and avoid getting involved in defence matters, although complete exclusion cannot be ruled out. Bangladesh relies heavily on China for trade and investments, while the US seeks to foster cooperation. India's engagement with Bangladesh is often misrepresented by both China and Bangladeshis who have gone to China. However, the declaration of the Bay of Bengal Initiative by the Japanese PM in the context of Japan's Indo-Pacific vision, in which Bangladesh plays a significant role, offers a potential positive outcome.

Maj. Gen. (Dr) Bipin Bakshi (Retd.) expressed doubts about the accuracy of the map and the validity of the argument presented by the speaker regarding Bangladesh's classification as a middle power. He specifically inquired about the positions of the U.K. and Germany concerning Bangladesh's Indo-Pacific perspective. In reply, Dr Anand Kumar said that the maps had limited purpose and were shown to show where these countries are located.

Dr Ashok Behuria commented that Bangladesh is cautious about not aligning against China as it does not want to be on the wrong side of China's interests. He pointed out that China is more actively involved in the Myanmar issue compared to the United States. With the elections approaching, as the United States emphasizes the importance of free and fair elections, Bangladesh may require China's diplomatic support to navigate potential challenges and ensure its interests are upheld. He replied by saying that Bangladesh has come out with its own Indo-Pacific outlook to balance its relations.

Dr Swasti Rao stated that the European Union's global gateway initiative has achieved its initial objective, with South Asia, specifically Bangladesh, Nepal, and Bhutan, agreeing to collaborate on a renewable energy project. The aim is to establish a connection with India's North-Eastern region and asked to shed light on its significance. Dr Anand Kumar replied by saying many nations are showing interest in South-Asian countries.

Mrs. Sukanya Bhattacharjee posed a how will Bangladesh address the ongoing illegal trading of weapons in the cox bazaar area of the CHT (Chittagong Hill Tracts) Of Bangladesh. In reply, Dr Anand Kumar said that Chittagong's has a role in weapon trading, but the focus of the discussion was on war-related weaponry.

The report was prepared by Ms. Shreya Rai, Intern, East Asia Centre, MP-IDSA.

Monday Morning Meeting on “Extension of CPEC into Afghanistan: Drivers and Implications” June 19, 2023 Monday Morning Meeting

Dr. Priyanka Singh, Associate Fellow, Manohar Parrikar IDSA (MP-IDSA), spoke on “Extension of CPEC into Afghanistan: Drivers and Implications” at the Monday Morning Meeting held on 19 June 2023. The session was moderated by Dr. Smruti S. Pattanaik, Research Fellow, MP-IDSA. Ambassador Sujan R Chinoy, Director General, MP-IDSA, Maj Gen. (Dr.) Bipin Bakshi (Retd.), Deputy Director General, MP-IDSA, Lt. Gen. Yogesh Kumar Joshi, Director General, Centre for Contemporary China Studies, and scholars of the Institute were in attendance.

Executive Summary

China’s engagement with Afghanistan, throughout history, has been characterised by a combination of strategic calculations and economic interests. After the collapse of the American-backed administration in August 2021, Beijing found itself almost by default taking the lead in the crisis as a pre-eminent regional power. In recent years, China has sought to drastically increase its investments in an attempt to expand its economic and political influence in Afghanistan. With the proposal to extend China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) into Afghanistan, China’s regional stakes have skyrocketed. Pakistan is attempting to strengthen its facilitation role while China is interacting with Afghanistan, based on geopolitical, and economic considerations. Taliban views China as a key partner in the country's economic development. Hence, the trilateral China-Pakistan-Afghanistan arrangement seems inevitable in the present state of affairs. Nevertheless, the long-term benefits are uncertain due to security challenges and lack of funding. India, another strategic player in the region, has embarked on a wait and watch approach. 

Detailed Report

In her opening remarks, Dr. Smruti S Pattanaik offered a brief overview of Afghanistan's inclusion into the CPEC. She discussed the competitiveness surrounding two ambitious ports in Chabahar and Gwadar. She asked whether the CPEC's expansion into Afghanistan meant that the Taliban were the legitimate rulers of the land.

Dr. Priyanka Singh began her presentation by stating that the expansion of CPEC into Afghanistan was already in discussion for quite some time now. Early in May 2023, the China-Pakistan-Afghanistan Trilateral Meeting and the Strategic Dialogue between the China-Pakistan formally welcomed Afghanistan into the CPEC project. Through this extension, Beijing aims to turn Afghanistan from a "land-locked" to a "land-linked" nation. Alongside this, she discussed China's comprehensive position paper on Afghanistan released in April 2023.

With this backdrop, she further focused on the motivation and rationale behind cooperative efforts of the three nations. Firstly, she said that China's engagement in Afghanistan was driven by a combination of strategic, economic, and political factors to safeguard its national interests and support its broader foreign policy objectives. For China, Afghanistan is of critical importance vis-à-vis BRI, CPEC and Central Asian connectivity. In terms of its geoeconomic interests, China has shown interest in Afghanistan's lithium reserves, a key component in producing batteries for electric vehicles and various electronic devices. She stated that Afghanistan's significant lithium deposits make it an attractive prospect for China seeking to secure a stable supply of this critical resource.

Secondly, by encouraging the expansion of CPEC into Afghanistan, Pakistan aims to maintain its strategic pre-eminence in Kabul's affairs and its role as a facilitator. She emphasised that given Pakistan's longstanding ties with the Taliban, Pakistan wants to teach the Chinese how to deal with them.

Thirdly, Afghanistan sees China as a key player in the country's economic growth since Beijing has the ability to inject substantial sums of cash. After the Taliban took control in August 2021, the economy collapsed leading to a serious humanitarian catastrophe, which got worse by the day. However, international sanctions were imposed on the new regime, and Western donors stopped providing aid. Furthermore, she added, the Taliban had relied on drugs to run their nation, but now that they have been outlawed, Afghanistan may continue to struggle financially in the near future. Further, Dr. Singh speculated that the Highway Road construction between Peshawar and Kabul, the Railway line along Peshawar and Jalalabad, and potential agreements on joint management of rivers were to be part of initial CPEC projects.

Further, she examined the possibility of a compromise among the three. In her analysis, they are bound together while each of them tries to achieve its ambitions alone. Their geographical location, CPEC’s capital and geopolitical as well as geo-economic interests will unite them together for a brief period but because there is little trust between these countries, it is unclear how the project will develop. She asserted that by expanding CPEC into Afghanistan, China hopes to undermine the US and seize the global leadership position it has long coveted. Afghanistan seeks clean sources of money that they think China will provide in their quest for recognition. All in all, Pakistan will remain the fulcrum of this trilateral arrangement and Afghanistan is vital for Pakistan in its conflict matrix with India, she explained.

Dr. Singh then addressed India's alternatives in light of the ground situation in Afghanistan. She said that India had expressed its objection to BRI's flagship CPEC project because it perceives it as an infringement on its territorial integrity and sovereignty. As a result, India is worried about the geopolitical consequences of including Afghanistan in CPEC. Further, China's expanding influence will only undermine India's goals in Afghanistan, where it has made significant investments over the years. Dr. Priyanka concluded by reiterating that while India maintains its current stance on the CPEC, it must also be strategically imperative to avoid being perceived as a regional spoiler that is impeding Afghanistan's development initiatives.

Comments and Question

After the presentation, Dr. Smruti S. Pattanaik invited the Director General, Ambassador Sujan R. Chinoy, to comment.

Ambassador Chinoy complemented the comprehensive presentation. He emphasised as to why China considers Afghanistan a vital neighbour, one of the reasons being the threat of terrorism originating from Afghanistan and its potential to become a haven for Uyghur separatists, which could have a detrimental impact on its Xinjiang province and, ultimately, China. He iterated China's long history of working with the Mujahideen during the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan. Post that, China and Pakistan have leveraged their sphere of influence in Afghanistan. Today's convergence between China and Afghanistan is based on Afghanistan's dire need for investment, and connectivity. China is an important actor in this evolving triangle because of its capability to invest in infrastructure and development. However, he stated that security concerns in the region had remained a significant setback to progress. As per India's concerns, he added he should view CPEC as violating India's sovereignty and territorial integrity. Finally, he reiterated that CPEC's success will be limited on the ground.

Lt.Gen. Y.K. Joshi, offering his remarks, stated that following the US exit, China’s profile in Afghanistan has continued to rise. Nevertheless, he pointed out that the security situation and lack of funding would make development and prosperity in Afghanistan very difficult.

The Deputy Director General, Maj. Gen. (Dr.) Bipin Bakshi (Retd.) underscored that the tripartite arrangement between China, Pakistan, and Afghanistan will formally bring the three nations together. However, he held that only China and Pakistan will gain from this arrangement, leaving Afghanistan to suffer. He claimed that despite Afghanistan's desire for connectivity through CPEC, prior development initiatives have failed to yield meaningful results because of the country's challenging topography and local conditions. He stressed that Afghanistan will be heavily dependent on Pakistan as a result of this arrangement. Finally, he inquired as to whether Afghanistan was producing any tangible outcomes. Dr. Priyanka responded by acknowledging the difficulties that can obstruct progress. Since the project is still in the proposal stage, she reiterated that the cooperation will be put to the test when it actually materialises.

Dr. Adil Rasheed questioned the speaker about the role of ISIS and TTP in hampering the potential developmental projects under CPEC. Agreeing to which, Dr. Priyanka drew examples of how various oil extraction agreements could not make a headway, citing security concerns.

Dr. Anurag Bisen asked the speaker if the inclusion of Afghanistan in CPEC impacted the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) project. And what would be the impact on the China-Russia contestation in Central Asia. She agreed that there could be some impact and analysed that, given the larger geo-political and geo-economic interests, both China-Russia will manage differences ahead.

Dr. Ashok K. Behuria commented on how Afghanistan’s Foreign Minister was missing from the scene when China and Pakistan announced its inclusion in the extended CPEC. He reiterated China's sudden increased participation in Afghanistan is due to Rare Earth Minerals and lithium reserves.

Dr. Ashish Shukla questioned China's ability to engage the Taliban regime directly. He asked why China would piggyback on Pakistan to negotiate with the Taliban. While answering, Dr. Priyanka emphasised that, at every intervention, be it from the US or China, Pakistan has always been at the center of the discussion.

Dr. Deepika Saraswat commented on Iran's stance. Even before the Taliban took over, Iran was one of the major trading partners for Afghanistan and had adopted a pragmatic approach. She said that Iran had also invested in Afghanistan in recent years and wanted to maintain its stake in the region.

The report has been prepared by Ms. Sneha M., Research Analyst, South Asia Centre

Report on Interaction with Prof. Ishtiaq Ahmed June 14, 2023 Other

Prof. Ishtiaq Ahmed, Professor Emeritus of Political Science, Stockholm University, gave a talk at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi, on 14 June 2023 and shared his perspective on “Evolving Political Situation in Pakistan and Prospects of India-Pakistan Relations”. The Session was chaired by the Director General, MP-IDSA, Ambassador Sujan R. Chinoy. Scholars of the Institute participated.

Executive Summary

Professor Ahmed spoke about the historical context of the creation of Pakistan, relations with India and dynamics of the political situation in Pakistan. Given his scholarship and writings on Pakistan, his views provided insights into how civil-society of Pakistan approaches issues concerning India-Pakistan relations.

The following points emerged during his talk.

Muhammad Ali Jinnah won the case for Pakistan on the basis of “Two Nation Theory.” The theory that Jinnah raised the bogey of a separate state just to increase his bargaining power vis-à-vis Indian National Congress in securing the interests of Muslims within India does not hold in light of documentary evidences. The demand for Pakistan was not a bargaining chip but Jinnah always wanted to be credited for the creation of Pakistan.

After the death of Jinnah, a controversy emerged about the kind of state he wanted Pakistan to be. Some said he wanted a modern state, others believed that he was all for an Islamic state, few thought he was in favour of a secular state. Every group has its own reasons to think that way. The confusion prevails because Jinnah may be quoted in any of the three ways.

There are plenty of evidences to suggest that Jinnah made attempts to bargain out Pakistan’s geostrategic location in lieu of military and financial support from the West. While Pakistan was yet to be a reality, he had already explained to US officials how Pakistan would support America in its efforts to contain Soviet Union’s expansion in South Asia.

Jinnah very much wanted Pakistan as a separate state but he did not think that relations with India would deteriorate. He had his plans to retain his properties in India. The violence in the wake of partition and largescale migration changed the situation on ground. As he realised that Pakistan would be flooded with a large number of refugees, which would be difficult for it to manage, he delivered his famous 11th August speech in the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan where he said that “You are free; you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques or to any other place or worship in this State of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or caste or creed -- that has nothing to do with the business of the State.”

Pakistan has wasted its energy to compete with India and paid a heavy price for its enmity with India. The official narrative in India is that India is an existential threat and enemy number one, which is not based on any objective reality. None of the wars was initiated by India. Right since the beginning, it was the politico-security establishment at the helm which propagated this wrong idea.

People in Pakistan are not against India and Indian people. In fact, they welcome Indian people with open arms. One can ask Hindus and Sikhs visiting Pakistan to confirm this point. They are treated well by the ordinary Pakistanis. The official narrative between the two countries needs to be changed. It will benefit Pakistan more if it shuns its inimical approach towards India. To a question, whether the Muslims of India were treated as warmly in Pakistan, he said, as a communal state the behaviour of Pakistanis would be naturally warm towards them, but what really needed scrutiny is the attitude of the Pakistani Muslims towards non-Muslims from India.

Over the years, Pakistan has emerged as a rentier state. It allows its land and institutions to be used by outside powers for economic and military aid. Throughout the Cold war, United States paid the rent and used the Pakistani state the way it wanted. Now in the changed circumstances, Chinese are doing the same. However, Chinese are tough nuts to crack, as far as economic matters are concerned. They very much focus on recovering their money with profit, he said.

The political situation in present day Pakistan is fragile. There is a division in Pakistan Army, as some insiders are supporting Imran Khan. How deep this division is, nobody knows as of now. It is clear that unlike in the past, Punjab is no longer supporting the Army wholeheartedly. That is a worrying aspect for the Pakistan Army.

Bilawal Bhutto has his eyes on the security establishment. He is trying hard to get close to the establishment for political purposes. This was the reason he made an unceremonious remark against Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. He has premiership in his mind. The Army may also back him as the current PML-N leadership is not considered reliable.

In the present circumstances, Imran Khan and his PTI do not seem to be coming back to power again, even if the future does not look certain now. Sharif brothers may have their chance to get hold of power again if they play their cards well. However, it will depend upon what the security establishment will decide in the days to come. Prof. Ishtiaq considered the Army an institution too critical for the survival for Pakistan and held that it still has enough power to shape the future course of politics in the country.

The talk was followed by comments by the Director General, Ambassador Sujan R.  Chinoy, and other scholars.

The report was prepared by Dr. Ashish Shukla, Associate Fellow, South Asia Centre, MP-IDSA.

Report of Monday Morning Discussion on “Armenia-Azerbaijan Conflict: Implications for Regional Security” June 12, 2023 Monday Morning Meeting

Dr. Jason Wahlang, Research Analyst, Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, made a presentation on “Armenia-Azerbaijan Conflict: Implications for Regional Security” at the Monday Morning Meeting held on 12 June 2023. The session was moderated by Dr. Rajorshi Roy, Associate Fellow, MP-IDSA.

Executive Summary

The conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan spans ethnic and territorial issues over the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh (NK), inhabited mostly by ethnic Armenians. The presentation involved a comprehensive overview of its historical roots, recent developments, and the role of regional and extra-regional powers.

Detailed Report

Dr. Rajorshi Roy initiated the discussion by highlighting the genesis of the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict. He emphasized the importance of analyzing the developments not only through the bilateral prism but also through the lens of geo-strategic and geo-economic competition unraveling in the region.

Dr. Jason Wahlang began his presentation by giving a broad overview of the current situation in the Nagorno-Karabakh region. He highlighted the recent instances of ceasefire violations reported by peacekeepers in the Lachin Corridor. This has led to fears of a renewed flare-up.

Dr. Wahlang proceeded to give a historical background of the conflict, starting from the creation of the Transcaucasia Soviet Socialist Republic (SSR). He highlighted the demand for independence of the Armenian majority population, living in Nagorno- Karabakh, from Azerbaijan in 1988 as a key factor in fuelling an all-out war post the collapse of the Soviet Union. Over time, there have been major and minor clashes with the largest, which led to an all-out war, being in 2020. It resulted in Azerbaijan regaining territory it had lost to Armenia in 1994.

The Speaker highlighted the strategic calculations of Yerevan, Baku, and Stepanakert. He observed that Yerevan has intrinsically viewed the region of Artsakh (Armenian term for Nagorno Karabakh) as one of its own on account of the majority Armenian population residing in Artsakh. This has led Armenia to assume the mantle of being the leading security provider to the region amidst its ideational connection with the people.

The Speaker also highlighted the traditional linkages of Armenian leadership with Nagorno-Karabakh, with the previous two Presidents being born in Nagorno-Karabakh. However, the current Prime Minister Nicol Pashinyan’s seemingly outsider links, having been born in Yerevan, and his recent statement that Armenia is ready to cede Nagorno-Karabakh to Azerbaijan has enraged the Armenian population.

On Baku, Dr. Wahlang referred to the international recognition of Nagorno- Karabakh as being part of Azerbaijan in shaping the country’s strategic outlook. The fact that even the Soviet Union incorporated Nagorno- Karabakh as part of Azerbaijan SSR burnishes Baku’s claim to Nagorno- Karabakh. He briefly mentions the idea of the Zangezur corridor and how it plays an important role in connecting Turkiye with Azerbaijan.

On Stepanakert, Dr. Wahlang observed that with the leadership of Stepanakert being predominantly Armenian, it is inevitable that they view the struggle against Azerbaijan as a struggle for their independence. However, their main concern, particularly since 2020, has been the treatment meted out by the Azeri population because the latter is gaining more ground in their territories. Meanwhile, there exists disappointment in Stepanakert about Yeravan’s recent policies towards Nagorno- Karabakh.

Moving on to the role of regional and extra-regional actors, Dr. Wahlang delved into the strategic calculations of Russia, Turkiye, Iran, the USA, and the European Union.

On Russia, Dr. Wahlang highlighted Russia’s historical connection with the conflict on account of the Soviet heritage, Moscow’s subsequent peace initiatives, and the Kremlin’s robust relationship with both Armenia and Azerbaijan. He referred to Armenia as being a part of CSTO and the EEU. In the last two decades, Russia has been at the forefront of attempts to forge a peace deal even though, ironically, it has also provided weapons to both sides.

On Turkiye, Dr. Wahlang referred to Turkey’s attempts at expanding its footprints in the Caucasus with its key regional partner being Azerbaijan. Turkey has extended economic and military support to Azerbaijan with Turkish military aid believed to be a key factor in Azerbaijan’s success in 2020. Meanwhile, Armenia has had a fractured relationship with Turkey since the Ottoman Period. It was only the recent earthquake and subsequent HADR operations which led to the opening of borders between the two nations for the first time in decades.

On Iran, the speaker highlighted Iran’s shared borders with both Armenia and Azerbaijan. He emphasized the strong Iranian support for Armenia. He also referred to the complicated relationship between Iran and Azerbaijan amidst their ongoing friction over the Azeri diaspora in Iran. Notably, Azerbaijan procures approximately 70 percent of its military supplies from Israel. The drones procured from Israel played a crucial role in Azerbaijan’s successes in 2020. Moreover, Iran remains concerned over growing pan-Turkism in the region which could dilute Iranian influence in its neighbourhood.

On the United States, Dr. Wahlang highlighted American participation in the OSCE Minsk Group as part of the efforts to find a peaceful solution to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. This group is co-chaired by France, Russia, and the United States. Dr. Wahlang felt that even though the US has limited influence in shaping outcomes in the region, Russia’s distraction on account of the conflict in Ukraine could tempt the US to expand its regional footprints.

On the European Union, Dr. Wahlang highlighted the organization’s cordial relations with both Armenia and Azerbaijan. He referred to both countries as being a part of the EU’s Eastern Partnership programme since 2009. He observed that the EU is a significant economic partner of Azerbaijan as well. He referred to the EU launching a mission to monitor the security of NK for two years. However, there exist apprehensions in Armenia about its efficacy in preventing future attacks by Azerbaijan.

Q&A Session

The Deputy Director General, Maj. Gen. (Dr.) Bipin Bakshi (Retd.) elaborated on the frozen conflicts in the region post the disintegration of the Soviet Union. He referred to growing conflicts around the world with people’s sense of identity contributing to the unrest.

Dr. Adil Rasheed observed that Iran is not the only reason for good relations between Israel and Azerbaijan. He also remarked on how Iran can benefit from the Turan Corridor even though at present it remains suspicious of NATO’s involvement. Agreeing with the observations, Dr. Wahlang emphasised that NATO’s involvement is largely due to Turkey’s membership of the military alliance.

Dr. Deepika Saraswat, highlighted Iran’s evolving approach towards the region. She observed that Iran remains “uncomfortable” with the irredentist nature of the situation, which affects them more than Russia or NATO. She concluded by saying that the conflict is moving in a completely new trajectory. Replying to this, Dr. Wahlang observed that Russia’s “soft approach” towards the conflict has given rise to further complexities even though Russia continues to be a key stakeholder.

Group Captain (Dr.) R.K. Narang (Retd), posed a question on the role of Pakistan in the conflict and the nature of the Pakistan-Azerbaijan relationship. Dr. Wahlang responded by highlighting the growing trilateral relationship between Pakistan, Azerbaijan and Turkey which brings Pakistan into the conflict fold.

Mr. Harshit Sharma posed a question on whether Israel opening an embassy in Baku could have an impact on the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict. The speaker replied by highlighting the “good relations” between Israel and Azerbaijan and that Israel’s assistance to Azerbaijan, while appearing tactical, will benefit Azerbaijan.

The report was prepared by Mr. Karan Phular, Intern, Centre of Europe and Eurasia, MP-IDSA.

Africa Day Round Table on the theme “India’s G20 Presidency: Furthering India- Africa Ties” May 23, 2023 Round Table

The Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA) organised an Africa Day Roundtable on the theme “India’s G20 Presidency: Furthering India-Africa Ties” on 23 May 2023 between 11:00 to 13:00 hrs IST in MP-IDSA Auditorium as a Think20 (T20) side event. The opening remarks were delivered by Ambassador Sujan R. Chinoy, Director General, MP-IDSA & T20 Chair for India’s G20 Presidency. The special remarks were delivered by H.E. Mr. Joel Sibusiso Ndebele, High Commissioner of South Africa to India; H.E. Mr. Haymandoyal Dillum, High Commissioner of Mauritius to India and Mr. Sherif Elgammal, Deputy Chief of Mission, Embassy of the Arab Republic of Egypt to India. Ambassador Chinoy chaired the panel discussion. The panellists included Ms. Ruchita Beri, Ambassador Rajiv Bhatia, Mr. S Kuppuswamy, Mr. Tarun Sharma, Ms.Shivali Lawale, Dr. Nivedita Ray. The concluding remarks was delivered by H.E. Mr. Alem Tsehaye Woldemariam, Ambassador of Eritrea to India, Dean of Diplomatic Corps, India. Maj. Gen. (Dr.) Bipin Bakshi (Retd.), Deputy Director General, MP-IDSA proposed the Vote of Thanks. The roundtable was attended by MP-IDSA scholars, interns, MP-IDSA members and guest attendees, including officials from the Ministry of External Affairs and members of various think tanks and universities.

Executive Summary

The Roundtable brought out perceptive inputs on the theme “India’s G20 Presidency: Furthering India-Africa Ties”. Ambassadors, High Commissioners of African countries to India, eminent scholars, and experts from India were in attendance.  The event emphasised the importance of India-Africa relations and maintaining pan-African interactions. South-South collaboration was highlighted, particularly in clean technology, climate-resilient cultivation, gender equality, and democratising global institutions. The significance of institutionalised mechanisms like the India-Africa Forum Summit (IAFS) and India-Africa Defence Dialogue (IADD) in fostering India-Africa relations was reiterated.

Experts in the panel discussion emphasised Africa's potential, India's consultative partnership, and collaboration in trade, healthcare, infrastructure, and agriculture. They discussed initiatives like the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) and the Global Sovereign Debt Roundtable. The panellists proposed strategies to further enhance India-Africa Partnership, including elevating the African Union to a G20 member, hosting the India Africa Forum Summit, and promoting student exchange programs.

The roundtable aimed to strengthen India-Africa ties through collaboration, mutual respect, shared values, inclusive growth, sustainable development, and cooperation in addressing global challenges for a promising future.

Detailed Report

Inaugural Session

The event commenced with opening remarks by Ambassador Sujan R. Chinoy (Director General, MP-IDSA). At the outset, he acknowledged the distinguished speakers and guests for their presence and warmly welcomed all the participants. He mentioned that MP-IDSA has been organizing the Africa Day Roundtable for last seven years, showcasing its commitment to Africa. Ambassador Chinoy highlighted India's historical ties, maritime connections, and the role of diaspora vis-a-vis the African continent.

He underscored India's G20 Presidency is the presidency of the Global South and recalled Prime Minister Modi's thoughts at the Voice of Global South Summit. He also assessed India's G20 Presidency as the first ever G20 with a human-centric approach to solving global problems. He highlighted the T20's role in connecting institutions and individuals worldwide to share views and suggestions in line with India's G20 theme, "One Earth, One Family, One Future."

Ambassador Chinoy acknowledged the webinar's timely and significant theme, addressing critical issues of the Global South. He highlighted topics such as macroeconomics, development, healthcare, climate change, green transition, and reform of international financial and multilateral institutions. He emphasised the responsibility of developed countries to provide capital and technology for a rapid green transition to combat global warming. Furthermore, he mentioned India's focus on inclusivity and achieving gender equality, aligning with the views of Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

Amb. Chinoy highlighted the challenges in reaching a consensus due to dispersed power globally. He mentioned the need for revitalizing and democratising multilateral institutions to address global issues. He identified common challenges faced by the Global South, including poverty, climate change, and food and energy insecurity.

He stated that under the dynamic leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, India has carried out unprecedented outreach and engagement with Africa, including institutionalising the India-Africa Defence Ministers Conclave and launching of India-Africa Security Fellowship Programme at MP-IDSA .

Finally, Amb. Chinoy emphasised that India-Africa partnership is built on equality, mutual respect and mutual benefit. He mentioned India’s expanding defence engagements with several African nations. He was convinced that strong relations between India and Africa would strengthen multipolarity. He hoped the discussion would contribute to a shared effort to create a more promising future.

H.E. Mr. Joel Sibusiso Ndebele (High Commissioner of South Africa to India began his special remarks by underscoring the importance of Africa Day, commemorating the Charter of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) signing on 25 May 1963. It celebrates Africa's liberation from colonialism and apartheid and rejects colonial or imperialist domination. He discussed the establishment of the African Union (AU) in 2002, as well as its predecessor, the OAU, founded in 1963, and described the AU as the fulfillment of the African goal of Pan-Africanism, now commemorating 20 years.

He enumerated South Africa’s structural and socio-economic challenges exacerbated by the COVID-19 Pandemic. However, he iterated the country’s willingness to engage with those committed to shared prosperity and rule-based order. He opined that India's G20 Presidency commitment to "One Earth, One Family" resonates in Africa. The High Commissioner identified four crucial areas of cooperation in which India and Africa could work closely. One, supporting the ideas and vision of Agenda 2063 with special attention to Sustainable Development Goals and green transition. Two, continued support for the G20 partnership with Africa. Three, emphasising the G20's initiatives on industrialisation in Africa. He remarked that the South African administration is looking for multilateral cooperation through BRICS and harnessing inclusive growth for all, as aligned with India's views. Four, need to prioritise women empowerment. In conclusion, he acknowledged that the G20, under India's Presidency, could play a catalytic role in ensuring multilateral rules and conduct for a peaceful and prosperous Africa.

H.E. Mr. Haymandoyal Dillum (High Commissioner of Mauritius to India) began his remarks by appreciating MP-IDSA's multidisciplinary approach to advancing India's G20 vision. He stated that under India's presidency, the G20 had taken a new turn in ensuring more inclusivity and raising concerns about the Global South on the international platform. The rallying point in India-Africa relations is India's continued support for African liberation and the end of racial struggle. He highlighted that since India-Africa relations are rooted in friendship, mutual respect, and cooperation, it has paved the way for a solid political and economic partnership.

He emphasised that the successive India-Africa Summits have fostered enhanced cooperation in various areas such as political engagement, economic collaboration, development initiatives, information technology, and climate change. He praised India for providing African countries with tremendous help during the pandemic through its signature "Vaccine Maitri" campaign and its dedication to obtaining medications, food, and financial aid. He argued that the lack of finance and technology limits Africa's ability to grow and develop, despite the continent's huge landmass, the wealth of raw materials, availability of labour, and vibrant leadership. Thus, he urged for the adoption of a new trade paradigm in the future that is focused on "glocalisation" and regional interests. He added that Mauritius has been instrumental in creating special economic zones to support an integrated commerce chain between India, Mauritius, and Africa. He concluded by quoting, "If you want to go fast, go alone, but if you want to go far, go together".

Mr. Sherif Elgammal (Deputy Chief of Mission, Embassy of the Arab Republic of Egypt to India) began by emphasising that India's G20 Presidency will be successful. He commended India's G20 theme, "One, Earth, One Family, One Future, " which aligns well with Egypt's shared vision in COP27. India and Egypt, two of the oldest civilisations in the world, have a long history of close engagement. Historically, trade cooperation flourished along the banks of the rivers Nile and Indus, creating a strong sense of shared culture and identity. 

He mentioned that India and Egypt elevated their bilateral ties to a strategic partnership in January 2023 to further their relations. Despite global challenges, bilateral trade cooperation and joint investment have soared in the last few years. Mr. Elagammal further highlighted the strong commercial partnership between Egypt and India, with bilateral trade reaching USD 7.26 billion in 2021-22. Indian businesses have significantly invested in Egypt's infrastructure, electricity, and telecommunications. He concluded by outlining the enormous potential for furthering the expansion of economic and commercial ties between the two countries and, subsequently, to the African continent. 

Panel Discussion

The panel discussion was chaired by Ambassador Sujan R. Chinoy (Director General, MP-IDSA.

Ms. Ruchita Beri (Consultant, Africa, LAC, and UN Centre, MP-IDSA) highlighted the significance of Africa and the potential for strengthening India-Africa ties during India's G20 Presidency. She emphasised four key points: the African Continental Free Trade Area (ACFTA), making Africa the largest free trade zone in the world, Africa's young population as a crucial resource for global economic growth, the continent's vast uncultivated arable land and its impact on global food security, and the abundance of resources needed for the green transition. Ms. Beri acknowledged the challenges faced by African countries but remains optimistic about Africa's future. She further emphasised India's consultative partnership with African nations and how it aligns with the G20 priorities of climate change, inclusive growth, and multilateralism.

Ms Beri also highlighted Africa's efforts in renewable energy innovation and progress in women empowerment, which provide opportunities for collaboration between India and African countries. She underscored the importance of India's G20 Presidency in strengthening relations with Africa, promoting the African Union as the 21st member of the G20, and called for the early hosting of the India Africa Forum Summit. Quoting former Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari, she highlighted historical similarities and potential for a distinct partnership between India and Africa. She expressed hope that India's G20 Presidency would enhance cooperation between the two.

Ambassador Rajiv Bhatia presented a six-point formula for the India-Africa Partnership. He emphasised the historical significance, shared values, and common interests that enrich the relationship. First, implementation of initiatives announced by the Prime Minister at the Voice of the Global South Summit before G20 Summit. He stressed the importance of implementing these initiatives at least 100 days before the Delhi Summit, as they require planning and additional budgetary resources. Second, the Ambassador advocated the elevation of the African Union from a guest to a member of the G20. While expressing support from major leaders and powers, he called for a clear decision on this matter in the Delhi Declaration of the Summit. Third, Ambassador Bhatia highlighted the urgent need for the fourth India Africa Forum Summit. He suggested it should take place after the G20 Summit, within the window of October or November. This would accelerate the positive work done during the previous summits and strengthen bilateral relations. Fourth, the Ambassador called upon the African Union to make a prompt decision to establish diplomatic representation in Delhi. While acknowledging the efforts of African Ambassadors, he stressed the necessity of having a pan-African voice and representation to facilitate discussions on the African continent. Fifth, Ambassador Bhatia expressed his hope for greater representation of African diplomats, businesspeople, students, and tourists in India. He urged African diplomats to visit Indian universities, think tanks, and institutions to address the growing demand for knowledge and information on Africa. Amb. Bhatia concluded by suggesting that India and Africa promote student exchange programmes, emphasising the necessity of expanding the number of African students in India and vice versa.

Mr. S. Kuppuswamy, Advisor, Shapoorji Pallonji Group, provided valuable private-sector perspectives. He highlighted the importance of a concerted approach by India and the G20 Forum in dealing with ongoing projects in Africa, ensuring that loan disbursements are not affected. He underscored that India has taken an integrated development approach for Africa, focusing on the four pillars of the economy: agriculture, infrastructure, housing, and healthcare. Regarding housing, he emphasised that India alone cannot bridge the widening gap in housing demand and supply in Africa, and suggested that all G20 countries pool their resources to find a solution. In healthcare, he stressed the need for multi-speciality hospitals and recommended that India and collaborating countries not only provide equipment and infrastructure but also bridge the gap in working capital for the first five years. This would ensure the hospitals can run without interruption and stabilise their operations. In agriculture, he mentioned India's efforts to assist Africa with irrigation, water treatment equipment, and scaling up the production of various crops. He suggested that G20 countries, including Japan, Korea, and France, could provide additional support. Lastly, he highlighted the importance of infrastructure development in Africa to utilise its raw materials and contribute to the global economy. He proposed the integrated development of Africa as the theme for G20 countries, with India as the fulcrum.

Mr. Tarun Sharma, Deputy Managing Director of the Export-Import Bank of India (Exim Bank), highlighted several key points in his statement regarding the India-Africa Partnership. He emphasised the significance of the Global Sovereign Debt Roundtable, co-chaired by the IMF, World Bank, and India, which aims to create mechanisms for debt sustainability and supplement existing frameworks. He discussed the Exim Bank's role in supporting sustainable growth in Africa through lines of credit in various sectors such as connectivity, power generation, manufacturing, agriculture, and water supply. He also mentioned Exim Bank's focus on sustainability, particularly in environmental, social, and governance, and its commitment to the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the energy transition. Trade assistance and financing were identified as critical areas, with Exim Bank implementing a program to support incremental trade between African countries and India. He highlighted the importance of both physical and digital connectivity, with projects and initiatives supporting these aspects. Lastly, he mentioned India's support for e-governance and digital services in Africa, drawing from successful experiences in India.

Dr. Nivedita Ray (ICWA Director of Research), in her remarks on Africa Day, highlighted the significance of the year 2023 for both Africa and India. She mentioned that it marks the 60th anniversary of the establishment of the OAU (Organization of African Unity) and the completion of the 10-year implementation plan of Agenda 2063 in Africa. She also highlighted the importance of India's G20 presidency and its role in promoting India-Africa ties through the India-Africa Forum Summit and the G20. Dr. Ray raised two main points: the need for better representation of African priorities and concerns within the G20 and the alignment of G20 priorities with Africa's Agenda 2063. She noted the importance of giving voice to African countries and their aspirations, suggesting that the African Union should become a member of the G20 to ensure a more representative platform. Furthermore, she called for aligning G20 priorities with the projects outlined in Africa's Agenda 2063, such as the African Continental Free Trade Agreement, silencing the guns by 2030, extending the Pan-Africa e-network, and developing the Africa Virtual University. Dr. Ray also emphasised the need for India's technical expertise and support in realising these projects and ensuring their success.  She concluded by underscoring India's active role in advancing Africa's agenda within the G20 and aligning priorities for sustainable development.

Ms. Shivali Lawale (Director, Symbiosis School of International Studies) began her remarks by highlighting the Lifestyle for Environment initiative (LiFE) launched by Prime Minister Narendra Modi at COP26 and discussed the need for progress at the grassroots level. She commended the multi-stakeholder approach adopted by the G20 Presidency and emphasised the importance of youth engagement, particularly in countries like India, Nigeria, and Egypt. She underlined the importance of sustainable agriculture, stressing the need to safeguard and sustain indigenous knowledge systems in agriculture from both India and African countries. She suggested using technology to create a repository of oral traditions for future generations.

Ms. Lawale also underlined the significance of sustainable consumption, particularly among the large youth population. They encouraged ethical consumption patterns and highlighted the importance of recycling and upcycling, which have caught the attention of young people globally. Regarding sustainable energy, she cited the example of the Solar Alliance launched by India and France, which includes many African countries. She also suggested focusing on research and development collaborations, dual degree programs, and joint PhDs in sustainable consumption, agriculture, and energy.

During the Q/A session, Ambassador Bhatia and H.E. Mr. Haymandoyal Dillum discussed the potential role of India in engaging with African nations in sustainable development programs through partnerships, knowledge sharing, financial assistance, people-to-people exchanges, regional integration, and research collaboration. By adopting a collaborative approach, India can leverage its expertise, resources, and experiences in sustainable development to support African nations in their development goals. Furthermore, this collaborative model promotes mutual development and strengthens bilateral relations between India and African contries.

Concluding Session

H.E. Mr. Alem Tsehaye Woldemariam (Ambassador of Eritrea to India and Dean of Diplomatic Corps, India) made the concluding remarks. He reiterated that the main aim of South-South cooperation is to provide a framework for collaboration among the countries of the global south in political, economic, social, environmental, and technological areas. In addition to congratulating India on heading the G20, Ambassador Woldemariam emphasised that India's leadership position on the international stage offers humanity a justice-driven approach to addressing persistent problems. He stressed that Africa favoured the proposed global agenda, built on the four R's of respect, response, recognition, and reform. He believed that the G20, led by India, would become the authentic voice for the African continent.

Maj Gen. (Dr.) Bipin Bakshi (Retd.), Deputy Director General, MP-IDSA proposed the Vote of Thanks. He underlined that the opportunity for India and Africa to deepen their strategic partnership is enormous, given India's G20 chairmanship. He emphasised that together, India and Africa can overcome obstacles, seize opportunities, and create a better future for their people by combining their different talents and experiences. He concluded by underscoring that the discussion had been beneficial and reflected the ambitions of the Global South as a whole.

The report was prepared by Mr. Mohanasakthivel J, Research Analyst, Africa, LAC, and UN Centre, MP-IDSA and Ms. Sneha M, Research Analyst, South Asia Centre, MP-IDSA.

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