Events

A talk by Shri Virendra Gupta, former High Commissioner of India to South Africa, on “India- Africa relations” was organized by the Africa, LAC and UN Centre on October 16, 2014. During the talk and the ensuing discussion several issues related to India engagement with the continent were raised.

Many regions within Africa have fast growing economies, for example, Ethiopia, Tanzania, Zambia and Nigeria. As a result of this there is an increase in the confidence of the African nations to be more assertive and wanting to take decisions on their own issues. But the increase in economic growth and the abundance of natural resources that are needed to be tapped continues to attract developing economies like China and India. But the new assertiveness that the African nations are demonstrating has forced many countries like India to change its strategy of engagement in the continent.

It is also important to understand the changing nature of the political environment. Democracy in Africa has taken stronger root and there is a huge intolerance towards any form of autocracy or military coup. This has shown that Africa is slowly maturing in dealing with its own affairs. Rwanda is a good example of how good governance can revive a nation which was once engulfed with a brutal civil war.

At present, growth in Africa is based on its mineral wealth and India is becoming increasingly dependent on Africa for its requirement for resources to fuel its own economic growth. The economic footing of India in Africa has increased considerably since 2001. India has made substantial investment in Africa and about 150 Indian companies have interacted with the region. The Indian companies’ main offices are in South Africa which will eventually branch out to different regions.

Gradually, African nations are resenting the way China is conducting itself. China is following a more Western mercantilist (predatory) approach where they are solely engaging in Africa for extracting its valuable resources to fuel its own economic development. Also the relationship between China and African regions is of donor and recipient.. China only gives material aid to the African regions and does not participate in skill development and job creation for the local African population. The Chinese model has therefore been exposed and is something that India should not replicate.

Historically, India has been part of the freedom struggle and decolonization movement in Africa. As a result of which India has attained a certain level of good will and respect from the African people. Keeping this similar history of colonization in mind, India has always been involved in Africa not as an exploiter but as a contributor.

It is wrong to perceive the continent as a homogenous entity. This is because Africa is very diverse. Also, African Union as an institution is not roboust. Many strong players in AU for example South Africa and Nigeria often not represent the affairs of the other less significant regions in the continent. Also, since the AU is not a cohesive organization, channeling foreign aid collectively is difficult. Hence, a Pan-African engagement is not advisable for India until there is a certain level of cooperation among the African nations themselves.

However, India-Africa Forum (IAF) Summit is a platform through which India engages with African nations. Though the last two summits have been relatively successful, it is still a challenge to deal with many diverse African nations collectively in one forum. Unfortunately, the current IAF Summit which was scheduled for 2014 had to be postponed till 2015 due to the Ebola crisis in West Africa.

India should consider building stronger ties with African nations through regional engagement. Like China, India is also an emerging donor country from the South. However, unlike China, India treats the African nations as an equal partner. It would be easier for India to deliver on its commitments on technology transfer, skill development and job creation with African regions separately. India can also enhance this connection culturally with the help of the Indian diaspora, especially with those who relate more to their Indian roots, and create an awareness regarding India's contribution and investments in the different regions.

There has been some muted criticism of India’s Africa policy. It has been noted that the Indian missions in Africa are not sufficient in number and this may be a hurdle in enhancing relations with the continent. At the same time there are problems from the African side too. In terms of India’s development assistance to the region, the mechanism of identifying projects is very bureaucratic which results in delay. Hence, a mechanism has to be discovered so that aid reaches efficiently.

There is also a lack of academic collaboration between India and Africa. Indian tertiary level of education is well established and should offer more opportunities to African students to come and study and contribute in generating knowledge about the African subcontinent and also equally learn about India. This knowledge generation will help strengthen the ties between India and Africa.

The meeting ended with following recommendations:

• India should only offer help to the African nations which it can fulfill. Raising the expectations of the African communities and then not delivering on it would send the wrong message.
  As the Africans are now becoming more independent and are capable of solving their own affairs, they will value India's aid and contributions if it seems beneficial to them.
• Engagement at a bilateral level is more effective for enhancing India-African relations.
• India should not follow the predatory policies of China and treat the African nations as equal partners.

(This report was prepared by Ms. Kuhoo Saxena, Research Intern, IDSA)

On July 1, 2014, a group of senior Congressional Staff visited IDSA for a briefing and interaction with scholars. The discussion covered a wide range of issues pertaining to India-US relations, regional security issues and other pressing foreign policy issues. Such interactions are generally efforts to educate US Congress on issues relating to India as well as India-US relations.

The IDSA participants briefed the delegation on important issues of energy, defence, technology transfer, nuclear liability, and trade and investment. The congressional staffers were also briefed on India’s security environment pertaining to Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iran, Iraq, China and other security issues such as terrorism, nuclear proliferation, maritime security challenges, and the emerging trends in the Indo-Pacific. The issues of energy, nuclear liability, current situation in Iraq, Afghanistan and Iran’s nuclear programme attracted much of the attention during the interaction.

On energy, it was pointed out that though the energy consumption has rapidly increased, a large number continue to still live without having electricity. The growing energy challenges are also affecting India in achieving its developmental goals. India is thus competing and cooperating with a lot of countries to ensure its energy security. To meet its growing energy needs, it has made some substantial progress in renewal energy sector but that is not sufficient. Given the present energy scenario, how India is going to address its growing energy needs is a question of utmost importance. Particularly, because of the connection between India’s security policies and external security environment which affect its energy security. For instance, India has very important relationship with Iran. In fact, it is India’s second largest oil supplier and also strategically very important for India. Though India has taken a stand against Iran’s nuclear programme in line with international community, the ongoing crisis over it and the sanctions has been affecting India’s energy imports from it. Iraq is another largest supplier of oil to India but the unfolding of current crisis has raised serious concerns as well. In this context, it was highlighted that the Shale Gas revolution in the US is extremely important for India. However, the two sides need to speed up their negotiations to further enhance their cooperation in this field. On civil nuclear cooperation, it was broadly pointed out that despite existing Indian nuclear liability law there are ways to enhance cooperation by addressing the concerns over it.

On the India-US defence cooperation, it was highlighted that in the last three years India-US defence forces have conducted over fifty joint military exercises, including ‘Malabar’ naval exercise. Besides, defence trade between the two countries have increased significantly. India has bought over ten billion dollar defence equipment such as C17, P-8I maritime surveillance aircraft from the US in recent past. It was underlined that while India is regarded as a ‘lynchpin’ in the US rebalancing strategy towards the Indo-Pacific region, it, however is not clear what exactly the strategy means, what are its limits, how far the US is committed to the defence and security of its allies and partners, etc. While some point out this strategy is primarily driven by economic and political dimensions, others see it purely from military dimension which aims at maintaining balance of power in the region. Though the US military strategy has been taking shape, the sudden rise of conflicts in the greater Middle East region has led to the shifting of its focus towards this region again. Nonetheless, it is expected that India-US defence cooperation is most likely to grow in coming years, including in the field of defence technology transfer, joint research & development, and co-production.

It was highlighted that there is rapidly shifting of balance of power in the world and the rise of China has implications for both India and the US. So far as India’s relations with China are concerned, China is an important neighbour of India and the fundamental foreign policy principle of India is to engage China but with a caution. While economic relations between the two countries has grown rapidly, there are significantly problems exist, including the border problem. Besides, the security issues involving China’s military modernisation, its aggressive military posture in South China Sea, and its growing maritime footprints in Indian Ocean Region are increasing concerns for Asian countries as well as for India. In general, though the overall US foreign policy towards South Asia, South East Asia and Middle East effect India, the direction of Sino-US relationship is a major concern for India.

The issue of Afghanistan also attracted attention during the interaction. It was noted that a swift transition is taking place in Afghanistan which requires continued attention from international community for at least next one decade in establishing a peaceful and stable Afghanistan. Last ten years of international communities engagement with Afghan cause is very encouraging, but it is now dwindling down because of the rise of domestic issues in the US and the Europe. It was stressed that the failure of Afghanistan will have disastrous consequences for the entire regional security, including the areas spanning from Central Asia to Mediterranean. In this regard, the case of Iraq was cited as clear evidence. So far as Pakistan is concerned, they have the taste of their own medicine. It has been raising the militant forces particularly against India and also against Afghanistan. It has been using Afghanistan as its strategic depth. At this junction, these forces are harming Pakistan as well. They are now unleashing their forces everywhere. Pakistani Army has taken a stand and engaging them in the tribal areas. However, this will not be easy for Pakistan Army to handle these forces. As the immediate neighbour of Afghanistan and Pakistan, India has been grappling with these security problems over the years. India-Afghanistan relations, including the trade and commerce relations are major victim of this. It was therefore emphasised the greater necessity of continued international attention to this region, especially in nudging the Pakistan in the right direction.

In addition, given India’s deep strategic interests in the West Asia, India is worried about the deteriorating security situation in Iraq. The rise of terrorist groups, particularly al Qaeda and ISIS are matters of serious concern for the region as well as for India. The continuing instability in Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Iraq will give fillip to such groups. There is need of regional and international cooperation to address the threat of terrorism as well as the current crisis in Iraq. It was strongly believed that development of a more inclusive and secular Iraq government would serve the interests of all Iraqi people and also the region.

Finally, it was expressed that the emergence of India as a world power will have positive impact on Asia’s peace and security which is very critical to American foreign policy interests in the region and beyond. India, however, needs to play a leadership role in Asia. In this regard, suggestions were made that the US must help India in at least three key areas: innovation and technology, establishing indigenous defence industry, and mitigating the challenge of energy security which will significantly help India’s rise. It was noted that this will be critical for India’s rise as well as for the progress of India-US relations.

Congressional Staff Participants:
Ms. Reva B. Price, Director, Outreach, Congresswoman Nancy Pelosi
Mr. Thomas S. Kahn, Staff Director, House Committee on Budget
Mr. Robert Saul Lattin, Policy Analyst, Deputy Director, Communications, House Foreign Affairs Committee
Mr. Yuri Rega Beckelman, Legislative Director, Congressman Mark Takano
Mr. Mathew Steven Weiner, Legislative Director, Congresswoman Susan Davis
Ms. Jessica Maren Schwartz, Legislative Director, Congressman Steve Israel
Mr. Michael Damast Fleischman, Legislative Director, Congresswoman Grace Meng
Mr. Evan Nathan Polisar, Press Secretary, Legislative Assistant, Congressman Alcee Hastings
Ms. Lauren Helene Shapiro, Legislative Assistant, Congresswoman Carolyn Maloney
Ms. Elizabeth Stuart Leibowitz, Legislative Correspondent, Congressman Robert Brady

IDSA Participants:
DG, IDSA, Dr Arvind Gupta
DDG, IDSA, Brig Rumel Dahiya (Retd)
Dr Ashok Behuria, Research Fellow, IDSA
Ms Shebonti Ray Dadwal, Research Fellow, IDSA
Dr Jagannath Panda, Research Fellow, IDSA
Prof S.D. Muni, Distinguished Fellow, IDSA
And, a number of other IDSA and visiting scholars

Report Prepared by Dr Saroj Bishoyi, Researcher, IDSA, New Delhi

Chair: Vice Admiral Anup Singh (Retd)
External Discussants: Brig Rahul Bhonsle (Retd) and Gp Capt Vivek Kapur
Internal Discussants: Col Vivek Chadha (Retd) and Gp Capt Naval Jagota

The paper was an attempt to bring out the necessity to establish unified commands for enhanced jointness and integration at the strategic and operational level in the Indian context. While delving on the essential arguments for and against unified commands, the paper outlined various options available for India for establishing unified commands.

The author argued that jointness and integration of the military is an inevitable requirement for the modern day battlefield. The principles underlying these features are inter-service cooperation and economy of effort, both of which are crucial to war-fighting. Unified commands that come about as a consequence of the said principles provide synergy to military endeavours. But integration and jointness are contingent upon the presence of an effective higher defence organisation. The lack of strategic thinking within the politico-bureaucratic establishment in India has, however, resulted in a higher defence structure, which excludes the services from the process of defence decision-making. The services too haven’t been united in demanding the appointment of a CDS. Despite the acknowledgement of the tremendous operational and administrative benefits that would accrue by having unified commands – theatre commands has not come through.

The author concluded that the biggest challenge to jointness in India is to bring about an attitudinal shift by turning the sense of insecurity and mutual suspicion into a sense of belongingness amongst the services as well as the politico-bureaucratic establishment. Taking clue from UK and USA in this regard, the paper stressed that the change will need to be implemented top down for it to take root and be effective.

Major Points of Discussion and Suggestions to the Author:

• One of the reasons for the slow progress in the direction of unified commands in India; it was argued is the lack of informed debate and making a strong case for it. The concept of a mountain strike corps germinated in 2004 and became a reality almost a decade later. Similarly, if we start pushing the case for unified commands now; sooner than later the idea will get traction in the policy making circles.
• It was observed by many participants that change of mindset is most essential in order to make any headway in the direction of jointness as equipment; resource issues, etc. come only next. Jointness can be managed by adjusting attitudes. Personality-cult has been the bane of India in all walks of life and military is no exception.
• The role of Air Force since independence has been very crucial. Even during the 1948 crisis, the Air Force played a very important role in pulling off victory. Similarly, in Siachen, though army is on the front the logistics support provided by the Air Force is key to sustaining Army’s presence.
• It was argued that the essence of unified command is to empower theater commanders which will increase the functionality of operations.
• One impediment in establishing unified commands in India is that it will undermine the role and importance of service chiefs as in the case of USA. However, sooner or later it will happen.
• It was argued that jointmanship should be the first step in order to achieve jointness. From the former will follow everything else; joint planning, procurement, training etc. In essence, jointness should flow from oraganisation and not the other way round.
• One argument was that theater commands in India are inevitable, but the tendency to draw comparison with US theater commands is erroneous as the latter’s area of interest and influence are far stretched and vast. Moreover, the resources at the disposal of the US theater commands are huge compared to India.
• Civil-military integration should be one of the key areas to work on in order to achieve jointness in its totality. To date there has been constant turf battle going on between the two which is detrimental to the interest of the armed forces.
• The role of HQ IDS was discussed at length. It was opined by many that HQ IDS is the prime example of jointness in India and since its inception has played a pioneering role in ensuring synergy among the services. It strengthens the case for jointness in India.
• It was argued that the paper would enrich if it analyses the operational arguments to support the case for unified commands. A case in point is out of area contingencies. Similarly, scenarios in which the armed forces could be tasked to operate under unified commands be explored. We have many examples in the past viz; IPKF, Maldives, and evacuation of Indians from the gulf region.
• The author gave four models of unified commands and recommended the one most suitable for India. It was suggested that the paper would benefit if it analyses the pros and cons of all the four models and then arrive on the recommended model.
• The author was advised to explore the role of information technology in enhancing jointness.
• It was also suggested to analyse the reasons for Air Force’s reluctance or not so enthusiastic support to unified commands. May be geographical commands are more relevant for army and navy and not for air force which can deploy resources quickly in any theater.