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| IDSA-Pugwash (India) Commemorate the Shakti Series of Tests | May 11, 2018 | 1030 hrs | Round Table |
Topic: The Nuclear Policy of India and Strengthening it in the Future Venue: Seminar Hall - I Gust of Honor: Shri K Santhanam, Former Director-General, IDSA and the coordinator of Shakti-series of nuclear tests Special Address : Dr G Sateesh Reddy, Scientific Adviser to the Raksha Mantri Panelists: |
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| India-Africa Cooperation in Human Resource Development: Education, Training and Skills | April 13, 2018 | Kenneth King | 1030 to 1300 hrs | Fellows' Seminar | Africa, Latin America, Caribbean & UN | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| India - Kenya Maritime Security Cooperation: An Appraisal | April 05, 2018 | Harriet Njoki Mboce | 1030 hrs | Fellows' Seminar |
Venue: Seminar Hall I (Second Floor) |
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| 4th India-Africa Strategic Dialogue: India and Africa: Deepening the Security Engagement | March 27, 2018 to March 28, 2018 | Bilateral |
Concept NoteIndia’s relations with African nations have progressed at a fast pace in the last decade. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has accorded Africa high priority in recent years. India entered into a structured engagement with African countries with the launch of the first Indian Africa Forum Summit in 2008 in New Delhi. This was followed by the Second India Africa Forum Summit in Addis Ababa in 2011. The third India-Africa Forum summit, held in New Delhi in October 2015, renewed the focus of India on strengthening and enhancing its partnership with countries in the African continent. It brought forth two important documents, the Delhi Declaration and the India-Africa Framework for Strategic Cooperation. Both documents offer a direction for Indo-African relations in the coming years. They provide a framework for the establishment of a long-term and stable partnership of equality and mutual benefit between India and Africa. They also serve as a blueprint for India-Africa co-operation in political, economic, social, science and technology, cultural, security and other fields. The concept of security has been broadened in the post-Cold War years. Traditional notions of state - centred military security have been complemented by non-military and non-traditional security concerns with compounded ramifications in an increasingly globalised and interdependent world. The African Union’s African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) is based on this expanded concept of security that takes into account the identification of, and tackling of, threats to the existence, development and sustenance of political, economic, military, human and social, gender and environmental systems at state, regional and continental levels. Over the years, India has played an important role in conflict resolution on the African continent through its active participation in the United Nations peacekeeping operations in African countries. It has also helped in enhancing skills of thousands of officers from a number of African countries through imparting training in its military academies. The Indian navy has been deployed in the Indian Ocean region to avert the threats of tsunami, natural disasters and piracy. India shares concerns with African countries to counter insecurities arising from climate change, cyber warfare, lack of energy, food and water sources. In order to suggest ways of enhancing the security relationship, the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses is organizing the fourth India-Africa Strategic Dialogue on the theme, “India and Africa: Deepening the Security Engagement” on 27-28 March 2018 at IDSA campus, New Delhi. The objective of the India-Africa Strategic Dialogue is to build on existing partnerships between African countries and India, and to explore new areas of convergence for mutual engagement. The upcoming dialogue will cover following themes: Inaugural Session Session I: Perspectives on Evolving India- Africa Security EngagementIn the 21st century India is making an effort to redefine its position and role both in the regional and global context. This is, to some extent, shaped by its growing economic status and also its role as the leader of the South. Similarly, much of Africa has experienced relatively rapid economic growth. It has also taken a leadership role in finding “African solutions” for the diverse and numerous security concerns faced by the region. In this period of flux there is an imperative to enhance the security engagement between India and African countries. This session will look into the existing security engagement between India and African countries. It will discuss following issues:
Session II: Perspectives on Cooperation on Maritime SecurityIt is well known that oceans and seas are a vast reservoir of resources. India and Africa are part of the Indo- Pacific continuum. Over the past decade there has been an increase in attention in countries across Africa towards blue economy. The African Union’s Integrated Maritime Strategy is a pointer towards importance given to maritime resources development and security on the continent. As a country with vast coast line and Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) and increasing dependence on maritime trade, maritime security is of vital importance for India. This session will focus on Maritime cooperation between India and African countries and will discuss following issues:
Session III: Perspectives on Cooperation in Energy and Food SecurityThe food, water and energy nexus is essential for sustainable development. Demand for all three is increasing in India and African countries. Despite significant fossil fuel resources, access to energy is lower in Sub Saharan Africa as compared to any other region. In recent years, there is a growing focus on access to low carbon, clean energy across the world. With abundant solar, wind and water resources, Africa has a promising potential in the field of renewable energy. As an energy deficit country, India too is interested in furthering the development of renewable energy resources. It is also one of the world’s largest agricultural producers. To a large extent much of India’s agricultural success has been a result of its focus on finding innovative solutions to farming challenges such as low cost appliances, seeds and water management techniques. India and African countries have similar conditions for agricultural development that provide impetus for collaboration. This session will examine cooperation between India and African countries in the field of energy and food security and will discuss the following issues:
Session IV: Perspectives on Cooperation for Cyber SecurityUse of new technologies continues to rise in Africa with exponential growth in mobile smart device ownership and increasing use of social media. With growing prosperity and digitization in Africa, there is a rise in risks and vulnerabilities that could undermine progress. In order for Africa to attain benefits from the development of a digitized socio-economic space, policymakers will need to implement effective policies to stem the rising tide of cyber threats. Similarly, India is concerned about rising cyber threats. There is a need to further improve cyber security readiness and raise awareness around the importance of keeping Information Technology (IT) systems secure, and develop new security practices and procedures. India is eager to partner with African countries to deal with cyber threats and forge cyber security technology cooperation. To explore the possibility of building greater synergies between India and African countries in the field of cyber security, this session will discuss:
Session V: Perspectives on Cooperation in Skills and Capacity BuildingAmongst the African countries, there is a growing requirement for skill development. The needs of skills enhancement are divergent across the continent. Africa’s roadmap to development, “Agenda 2063” emphasises undertaking concerted action to address the challenges facing the development of technical skills amongst African youth. In India too, Prime Minister Modi has launched several initiatives for enhancing skills of the growing work force in the country. In the past, India has been involved in training of African youth in traditional and non- traditional security fields under the Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation (ITEC) programme. This session will discuss following issues:
ProgrammeTuesday, March 27, 2018 (Day 1)0900h - 0930h Registration 0930h-1015h Inaugural Session
1015h-1045h High Tea & Group Photograph
1045h-1230h: Session 1- Perspectives on Evolving Indi a- Africa Security EngagementChair: Prof. Rajen Harshe
1230h-1345h Lunch
1345h-1515h: Session 2- Perspectives on Cooperation on Maritime SecurityChair: Amb. Yogendra Kumar
1515h-1530h Tea
1530h-1730h: Session 3- Perspectives on Cooperation in Energy and Food SecurityChair: Amb. Rajiv Bhatia
End of Day 1 Wednesday, March 28, 2018 (Day 2)
1000h-1115h: Session 4- Perspectives on Cooperation for Cyber SecurityChair: Dr. Gulshan Rai, National Cyber Security Coordinator, India
1115h-1130h Tea 1130h-1300h: Session 5- Perspectives on Cooperation in Skills and Capacity BuildingChair: Prof. Ajay Dubey, JNU
1300h-1400h Lunch 1400h-1530h: Session 6 - Panel Discussion: India and Africa: Deepening the Security Engagement Chair: Ambassador Shashank, Former Foreign Secretary, India
1530h-1545h Tea |
Africa, Latin America, Caribbean & UN | India-Africa Relations | system/files/4-india-africa-dialogue.jpg | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Release of DPG-IDSA book on West Asia in Transition Volume II | March 20, 2018 | 1100 hrs | Book Release |
Book Titled: West Asia in Transition Volume II Editor: Ambassador Sanjay Singh Venue: Room # 005, Ground Floor Programme1100 – 1105 Welcome Remarks Dr. Meena Singh Roy, Research Fellow & Coordinator West Asia Centre, IDSA 1105 – 1115 About the Book Ambassador Sanjay Singh 1115 – 1120 Special Remarks Ambassador Hemant Krishan Singh, Director General, Delhi Policy Group 1120 – 1125 Address by Ambassador Biren Nanda, Senior Fellow, DPG Dr. Muddassir Quamar, Associate Fellow, IDSA 1135 – 1200 Tea/Coffee |
Eurasia & West Asia | West Asia | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| IISS-IDSA Workshop on Strategic Stability in the Indo-Pacific | March 22, 2018 | 0930 to 1730 hrs | Workshop |
VIDEO - Keynote address by Shri M J Akbar, Minister of State for External Affairs |
Military Affairs | system/files/m-j-akbar.jpg | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| IDSA-NIDS Bilateral Dialogue | March 12, 2018 | 0930 to 1645 hrs | Bilateral |
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| Talk by Maj Gen Bhupesh Kumar Jain on 'Special Forces in Indian Context' | February 19, 2018 | 1100 hrs | Other |
Venue: IDSA Auditorium Speaker's ProfileMaj Gen Bhupesh Kumar Jain, VSM (Retd) is an alumnus of the National Defence Academy and Indian Military Academy. A graduate of the Defence Services Staff College and Higher Command Course, he has served for approximately two decades in a Special Forces Unit. He has combat experience of Sub Conventional Warfare in Sri Lanka and Jammu and Kashmir. He has raised and commanded an Infantry Battalion, commanded a Brigade along the Line of Control in J&K and a Division on the Western Front, in Punjab. Gen Jain was Defence cum Military Attaché of India to USA and Canada. He has led the Indian Army Team for restructuring and modernising Military Training of the Nepal Army. He has also led the Indian side for the Indo-UK Army to Army Staff Talks. He has also coordinated the functioning of all Indian Army Training Teams in foreign countries in the Army HQ. He has also served earlier in the Perspective Planning, and Staff Duties Directorates at Army HQ. Prior to his retirement, Gen Jain was responsible for post enrolment and commission training in the Army. Currently he is a Senior Fellow at CLAWS. |
Military Affairs | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| 12th IDSA-IPIS Bilateral Dialogue | July 24, 2016 to July 25, 2016 | 1030 to 1300 hrs | Bilateral |
Venue: Tehran |
Eurasia & West Asia | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| A Strategic Perspective on the US National Security Strategy 2017: Report on an IDSA Panel Discussion | December 22, 2017 | Other |
The Trump administration released its National Security Strategy (NSS) document on December 18, 2017. The document was released in the very first year of President Trump’s tenure, cataloguing the themes in US strategic thinking and issues impacting both domestic and foreign policy. In comparison with previous iterations, the latest NSS appears more direct and assertive, hints at a sense of decline in American power in the wake of the rise of powers that have been termed revisionist and as posing a direct threat to the US position in the world. The language is harsh, polarising and counterproductive for a superpower. The Trump administration’s national security strategy comprises of four pillars – Protect the American people, the homeland and the American way of life; Promote American prosperity; Preserve peace through strength; and Advance American influence. Further, the NSS 2017 also highlights America’s interests in various regions and its relations with individual countries. Since the end of the Cold War, the US viewed practically all countries of the world as a de facto partner in pushing globalization forward and in its crusade against terrorism. However, with the changing security environment, the outlook of the majority of nations has also changed. And from the latest NSS, so has the outlook of the United States itself. The document remarks that the current global order is characterised by great power competition. In the doctrine, both Russia and China are named ‘competitors’, while Iran and North Korea are called “rogue” states threatening the American way of life. They all are termed challengers to “American power, influence and interests, attempting to erode American security and prosperity”. The NSS asserts that the assumption that drove previous US administrations to engage and seek to integrate these rival powers, namely, that they will emerge as benign and trustworthy partners, has failed. Further, the NSS highlights Trump’s America first policy throughout, but also states that America will cooperate with its allies and partners on the basis of reciprocity – sharing the responsibility and burdens. This is in contrast to previous US administrations, which followed a high degree of unilateralism in security affairs but resorted to multilateralism in the economic domain. In addition, the latest NSS also gives high priority to technological innovation and the protection of intellectual property. The NSS signals the official recognition that the grand strategy of liberal hegemony pursued since the early 1990s has only contributed to the weakening of America, led to wasted expenditure of blood and treasure, and not helped promote and preserve the American national interest; and hence is no longer viable. Further, the previous grand strategy has neither succeeded in entrenching America's global leadership nor in integrating China and Russia as obedient junior partners in the US-led liberal international order. The NSS clearly acknowledges and echoes the realist view that international politics is characterised by competition and contest for power and influence. On ChinaPart of the great power game brewing at the international level is an emerging competition between a progressive America and regressive China in the Indo-Pacific. The US pull out from the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and its war of words with North Korea has enhanced China’s room for manoeuvre especially in the wake of the Xi Jinping’s consolidation of power at the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC). In previous NSS documents, China’s rise was welcomed and its active participation in international institutions and forums was moderately appreciated. But the latest NSS portrays China negatively, without offering even a slight token of appreciation. It also questions China’s growing presence in Asia, Africa and Europe, indirectly accuses China of engaging in the theft of intellectual property and views its hold over critical infrastructure, growing nuclear capabilities, unfair trade practices, military modernisation and military outreach in South Asia and Southeast Asia as threatening the sovereignty of neighbours. Hence the promise of help held out to Asian nations to maintain their sovereignty. On West AsiaThe document also talks about putting an end to the hitherto undue importance accorded to the Israeli-Palestinian issue by focusing more on the immediate and dire problems facing West Asia like jihadism, the growing influence of the Iranian “rogue regime” and the Syrian crisis. It talks of providing US allies with missile defence systems to ward off threats from Iran and the continuation of US military presence in the region. In effect, Trump’s approach to West Asia is marked by continuity with the long-term US foreign policy trajectory. It seeks to strengthen bonds with tested allies, Saudi Arabia and Israel, and takes a belligerent stance against Iran. Trump’s approach is in contrast to Obama’s who reached out to Tehran and democratic Islamists at the supposed expense of US relations with Israel and Saudi Arabia. However, Trump’s subsequent declaration of shifting the US embassy to Jerusalem has inadvertently brought the Israel-Palestinian issue back to the front burner, contradicting his implied aim of underplaying it in the NSS document. The importance Trump gave to issuing the NSS in the very first year of his presidency, releasing it personally through a televised address, appears to be in apparent response to criticisms about the lack of clarity in his foreign policy. However, the document itself is riddled with contradictions and arguably adds to the confusion. By referring to the word 'competition' about 75 times in the document, the US is inadvertently conceding that it is no longer the unrivalled hegemon of the world, but is facing stiff competition from Russia and China, in particular. Thus, the US is acknowledging that it is a power in decline and needs to get its house in order, as implied in the slogan ‘Putting America First’. On IndiaNSS 2017 highlights India quite positively. The document states that “we welcome India’s emergence as a leading global power and stronger strategic and defense partner. We will seek to increase quadrilateral cooperation with Japan, Australia, and India”. The most recent National Defence Authorisation Act allows US allies to cooperate with it in advancing India’s defence capabilities. While it is clear that the US has initiated a zero-sum game, whereas India only desires a balancing approach, the association with America might have negative consequences for India. The characterisation of Russia as well as of Iran as challengers of the current international order is inconvenient from the Indian perspective, and is likely to complicate India's relationships with these countries and make these relationships issues in India's ties with America. But the mutual need for a stronger strategic partnership is also likely to ensure that these issues do not derail the current trajectory of India-US relations. The starting point for India's foreign and security policy formulation and recalibration should not be how America or China or Russia view the world and who they respectively view as adversaries, but the threats and challenges India perceives, especially from China and Pakistan and terrorism, as well as India's enduring interests in preserving its predominance in the sub-continent, acquiring a high degree of influence and an important role in the extended neighbourhood stretching from Suez to Shanghai, and ensuring that both Asia and the world at large remain multipolar. ContradictionsThe 3rd Viscount Palmerston had noted: “We have no eternal allies and we have no perpetual enemies. Our interests are eternal and perpetual”. The Trump administration’s NSS brings that clear distinction to the fore. However, there remain discontinuities on climate change, China, Russia and Iran. The threats presented by China and Russia to US interests differ: while Russia has military technology and nuclear weapons, it is beatable; but even though China cannot destroy the US, it is not beatable. The NSS mentions how the US had helped to create a network of states to advance a common interest, and engaged both economically and militarily to ensure peace and stability. But the current administration has pulled out of various multilateral forums like the TPP and on crucial issues such as climate change. Not to mention the stir created by President Trump when he recognised Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, which isolated America even more – the majority of US allies and partners (including India) voted against the US proposal in the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA). The move, however, did bring the Arab and Muslim world together on this issue. The NSS states that in order to advance American interests the country must employ forward diplomacy, articulating American interests. But it is not clear if those interests are to be articulated historically. Nor is this administration’s understanding of US national interests clear. Moreover, the announcement of cuts to the state department budget and possible reduction of funds to the UN along with the rejection of economic multilateral forums appears counter-productive in advancing American influence. In the document, several strong statements are used (such as against cyberattacks), which all require international cooperation, but no framework is provided for any such cooperation. In the given framework, the foundation of trade and security cooperation with other states relies on consonance with the terms and conditions proposed by the US. America has moved away from free trade to ‘free, fair and reciprocal’ trade. It doesn’t want to continue with the North Atlantic Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). The document speaks of taking direct action against terrorist networks, sanctuaries and supply chains, but falls short of taking stern action against states such as Pakistan. The Strategy in the Regional ContextThe NSS establishes a fault line implying that if a state is weak and non-democratic, it makes for an aspiring partner. And a strong but non-democratic nation is an enemy, and a danger to world peace. The document does not clearly differentiate between states such as Saudi Arabia and Iran, and Pakistan and Iraq. It appears to be coddling authoritarian powers (Saudi Arabia) in the ranks, while condemning and criminalising the geopolitical ‘other side’ (Iran). According to the observations and policies provided in the document, conflict remains a high possibility. Neither the US nor China is working for international cooperation but only for self-interest, thus creating conditions for a zero-sum game. The NSS encourages joining the US ‘block’ if a state believes in the principles of democracy, rule of law, free and open Indo-Pacific and working towards American interest which is in turn claimed to be in the interest of world peace. President Xi Jinping, on the other hand, has promoted the Chinese model for economic prosperity and governance for domestic development, essentially bifurcating Asia between an Economic Asia and a Security Asia. This can be noticed in his speech at the 19th National Congress of the CPC and in his proposition of a new Security Concept during the Conference on Interaction and Confidence-Building Measures in Asia (CICA) and the ‘New Type of Great Power’ relations approach that China seeks to forge with the US. The NSS articulates the same and repeatedly refers to great-power competition. But what Asia needs is sustained US leadership as well as continuing Chinese economic support. This report is based on a panel discussion on the US National Security Strategy 2017 held at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA). Speakers on the panel were Maj. Gen. Alok Deb (Retd.), Dr. G. Balachandran, Prof. P. Stobdan, Dr. Jagannath Panda and Dr. Adil Rasheed. Comments from Dr. S. Kalyanaraman and Director General Jayant Prasad have also been included. The report has been compiled by Swati Arun. |
North American | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||