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Talk by Mr. Falih Al-Fayyadh, National Security Adviser, Republic of Iraq December 20, 2013 Other


IDSA organized an interaction on Current Developments in Iraq and the West Asian Region on 20 December, 2013. A five member delegation from Iraq led by His Excellency Minister Falih Al-Fayyadh, National Security Adviser; Republic of Iraq gave insights into situation prevailing in Iraq and commented on the scope for India-Iraq ties. Dr. Arvind Gupta, DG IDSA chaired the talk.

A bilateral agreement was also signed between Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (Delhi) and Al-Nahrain Center for Strategic Studies (Baghdad).

Following points were highlighted by Mr. Al-Fayyadh during his address:

Mr. Fayyadh stated that Iraq has successfully traversed from dictatorship to democracy after fall of Saddam Hussein. However, Iraq has transitioned from authoritarian to democracy under difficult conditions, and now faces the brunt of international terrorism, which is attacking the democratic process. In the last seven years, terrorism is the biggest challenge facing Iraq. He labeled the terrorism as an “unrealistic ideology” and emphasized that all the terrorist groups within Iraq operate under the umbrella of al-Qaeda. Terrorism in Iraq was “international” in nature, according to Mr. Fayyadh, who believed that this ideology was being protected and nurtured by rich countries in the region. The Minister however expressed satisfaction that the International community is now beginning to understand this and is willing to cooperate and assist Iraq in dealing with terrorism.

Regarding India-Iraq cooperation, he said that with around 7 million Indians working in Gulf, India has strong interests in the region. Significantly, India like Iraq faces same challenges from externally supported extremist groups. Therefore, with vital interest in the region and itself a victim of terrorism, it is logical that both India and Iraq cooperate over the issue of terrorism.

Mr. Fayyadh identified two ways of counter-terrorism cooperation between the two nations:

Direct cooperation: By transparency in exchange of information, experience-sharing and capacity building/investments in Iraq to enhance anti-terrorism infrastructure.

Indirect cooperation: To adopt anti-terrorism policy and voice the concerns at an international platform. He further added that there was a need to encourage diplomatic visits and exchange.

In conclusion, he reiterated the need and scope for strengthening India-Iraq relations.

Open Discussion:

Following issues were raised in the subsequent session:

Foreign involvement and terrorism in Iraq:
Mr. Al-Fayyadh acknowledged involvement of foreign hand in funding and supporting terrorist groups. He stated that while most of the infiltration was happening from Syria, the funding was coming from some Gulf countries and the fighters on the ground belonged to different nations.

Sectarian divide in Iraq:
He dismissed the claims of sectarian strife in Iraq and emphatically stated that the ultimate victims of such attacks were innocent masses. He added that Iraq was a multi-cultural society represented by ethnic diversity and Shia-Sunni differences were labeled as unrealistic and exaggerated. “The war in Iraq was a war of extremism”, Mr. Fayyadh stated.

Iraq’s perception of Arab Spring:
Mr. Fayyadh said that the rebels had tarnished the image of Arab Spring by mis-using terrorism as a tool against existing regimes. According to him, the uprising was at best an “extremists’ spring”

Separatism and Kurdish Issue in Iraq with reference to recent oil deal between Kurdistan and Turkey:
He asserted that oil and gas resources belong to all the people of Iraq and admitted that there were disputes between Federal Government and KRG regarding use of oil and gas resources. While addressing the issue of distribution of revenue from Oil-Gas trade, he stated that legislation on Oil-Gas resources was in the pipeline but political disputes were a major hindrance.

Iraq-Turkey relations:
Mr. Fayyadh stated that both the nations enjoyed very cordial relations till the rise of Arab Spring. However, shift in Turkey’s foreign policy from “non-interference in internal affairs to harsh interference” has altered the equation. Turkey’s interference in Syria was tagged “unreasonable and unwise”

Iraq’s take on situation in Afghanistan post-2014:
Mr. Fayyadh stated that unlike Iraq which has significant oil wealth, Afghanistan is relatively poor (Fakir) and will have to bank upon foreign aid to ensure political stability after withdrawal of US and NATO troops. He pointed that Iraq has been making huge investments in anti-terrorism activities. For Afghanistan to deal with the threat of terrorism, financial help from international community remains indispensible. Referring to US troops in Afghanistan post 2014, he gave example of US-Iraq Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) and stated that even in presence of US troops Iraq witnessed high levels of violence. In 2006 alone, 50 cars had exploded in the Baghdad. He added that there is critical need for sincere support and economic help from Afghanistan’s neighbours.

Iraq’s outlook towards Iran-US nuclear deal:
Mr. Fayyadh affirmed that Iraq was in favour of any deal or policy which ensures peace in the region. According to him, “Iraq was perhaps a unique state which has been able to maintain cordial ties with both US and Iran”. He added that both US and Iran have accepted Iraq’s foreign policy stance and have not pressurized Iraq to deviate from its stated position.

Prepared by Ms Divya Malhotra, Intern, West Asia Centre, IDSA

Amended

Under “Foreign involvement and terrorism in Iraq”, ‘Saudi Arabia’ was erroneously & inadvertently mentioned. The speaker had used the phrase “the Gulf Region”. The error is deeply regretted and has since been rectified.

The Royal Embassy of Saudi Arabia, in a rejoinder objecting to the mention of the name of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, has also pointed out that “The Kingdom has been in the forefront of the international efforts of countering terrorism, eradicating terrorists and combating terror financing. It has taken many initiatives and measures in this regard, including signing in 2011 an agreement with the United Nations Counter-Terrorism Centre (UNCCT) and donating $10 million towards its creation. In 2013, the Kingdom pledged another donation of $ 100.millions for the Centre.

Eurasia & West Asia
The Importance of Nuclear Security: An Asian Perspectives January 31, 2014 Reshmi Kazi 1030 to 1300 hrs Fellows' Seminar

Chairperson: Professor R Rajaraman
External Discussants: Shri Amandeep Singh Gill and Dr Sitakanta Mishra
Internal Discussants: Dr Ashok K Behuria and Shri Kapil Patil

Nuclear and Arms Control
Prospects of Cross Line of Control (LoC) Travel and Trade January 31, 2014 Priyanka Singh Fellows' Seminar

Chair: Air Vice Marshal (Retd) Kapil Kak
External Discussants: Professor Riyaz Punjabi and Professor K Warikoo
Internal Discussants: Dr Smruti S Pattanaik and Col (Retd)Vivek Chadha

Dr Priyanka Singh, in her presentation, analysed the prospects of travel and trade across the LoC, which according to her, were of strategic significance for India. She applauded the efforts made by the respective governments to soften their stand on LoC and discussed the way in which the LoC links were activated by the two governments in the aftermath of the ceasefire of 2003 transcending constitutional barriers in both the Indian state of Jammu & Kashmir and the so called ‘Azad Jammu and Kashmir’ (AJK) under Pakistani occupation.

She argued that people-to-people contact, promoting economic interdependence and making borders irrelevant were imperative for the success of cross-LoC linkage. The presentation also contained informed about the operation of bus service on two routes, Srinagar-Muzaffarabad and Poonch-Rawalkote, which were loosely modelled after Delhi-Lahore bus service. It was observed that sustaining lines of trade across the LoC was a significant step forward to soften the LoC, an important CBM between India and Pakistan.

She highlighted the key recommendations of the Working Groups, which were constituted to recommend measures for softening the LoC for transit and dwelt on the composition of cross LoC trade—comprising mainly of handicraft, handloom and food items (agricultural and horticultural). Providing further details about cross-LoC trade Dr Singh said that it was not trade in the conventional sense of the term, and it was duty-free and barter based trade and operates on a limited basis through 1-1.5 ton capacity trucks.

The scholar isolated events which catalysed the process of change which included the stakeholder’s meeting at Istanbul in November 2011, where Jammu & Kashmir Joint Chamber of Commerce and Industry was formed. This was a milestone in institutionalizing trade between the two sides. She also discussed several bottlenecks which are inhibiting process of trade and travel, which included the never-ending security concerns, limited scope of trade, financial constraints, communication gap, logistical hurdles, and vulnerability to misuse.

In spite of such hurdles, she argued that there was a growing demand for additional routes in the region which shows that such linkages are valued by people on both sides of the LoC. She also brought it to the notice of the audience that there was a feeling of being left-out in those regions of Jammu, Ladakh and Gilgit-Balitstan, where there are additional demands for cross-LoC linkages. People in these areas believe that too much focus is being laid on the Kashmir valley. The author quoted PM Manmohan Singh to prove this. The PM had in fact acknowledged recently that he was aware of the growing demand from the people in Kargil to have links restored with Gilgit and Baltistan, as a result of which the opening up of Kargil-Skardu is under consideration. Such links would not merely yield economic dividends, they would also address the issue of divided families in the state.

The author noted that the record of cross-LoC travel so far was impressive and there was surprisingly no major incident of violence, apart from the one on the tourist facility center in Srinagar, a day before the bus service between Srinagar-Muzaffarabad started. She mentioned various incidences which affected cross-LoC trade between, including the 26/11, which occurred only a month after cross-LoC trade was inaugurated, the land controversy in Amarnath which flared communal tensions in the valley, beheading of an Indian soldier by Pakistani border guards and the allegations of drug-smuggling by Pakistani operators resulting in stalling of the process following 47 trucks carrying goods from PoK being withheld by Indian authorities.

Dr Singh raised a pertinent point in her paper that the initiative has remained largely insulated from the larger complexities involving India-Pakistan relations. She held that it was natural to expect India-Pakistan relations would influence the Cross-LoC trade and travel. She mentioned various such instances when, the bus service was suspended, like suspension of the Delhi-Lahore bus for about two years in the aftermath of the militant attack on the Indian Parliament in December 2001.

However, she found through her research that there was a tremendous enthusiasm amongst people on both sides about such linkage mainly because it gives them an opportunity to unite with the divided families across the LoC on either side, and partially due to the economic prospects it offers. The desire in the people of the region to see trade and travel flourish for a secure and better future for themselves was also highlighted.

However, it was noted that while on the Indian side both the mainstream regional parties in J&K— National Conference (NC) and Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP)—expressed their faith in cross-LoC linkage the opinion was divided among the political elites of ‘AJK’ on how to approach the issue. Some of them feel emphasis on cross-LoC linkage would dilute the main issue of Kashmir. However, the business class in AJK is keen to expand trade-ties and has been demanding that cross LoC trade must be put on the agenda at the highest level of talks between India and Pakistan. The pressure from Gilgit Baltistan United Movement (GBUM) to open Kargil-Skardu route was also discussed.

The popular demands were listed by the scholar well which were:— enhance transit capacity by increasing the number of vehicles, increase the trade basket, promote tourism to allow greater communication amongst people from both the sides, establish better lines of communication amongst the traders’ community, overall easing up access to the LoC, encourage greater participation of the people in the process, introduce integrated banking system and efficient sales policy, and above all carve out a well-conceived policy on security. At the same time due care must be taken, it was argued, to retain and preserve the quintessential Kashmiri character of the initiative.

It was argued that cross LoC interactions could go a long way in managing perceptions not only within Kashmir, but possibly beyond it in both the countries. However, such initiatives are likely to stimulate bigger expectations, and the challenge lies in managing such expectations, which, if remain unaddressed for long, could potentially translate into cynicism, pessimism and anger, which is usually the case in conflict ridden areas.

It was observed that at the India-Pakistan bilateral level, establishing cross-LoC linkage is probably one of the most tangible CBMs between the two. Thus, the fundamental question arises whether cross LoC exchange is a driver of peace? The scholar was of the opinion that in terms of larger long-term gains in pursuit of peace, both countries need to reflect upon these questions and think whether they are willing to make concessions on the larger political problems, most importantly on territorial issues. Ultimately the success of cross-Loc exchange during the last few years depended on whether the travel and trade has created an enabling environment, bridged the gap amongst Kashmiri people, encouraged collective economic consciousness, and more importantly reduced the level of frustrations and angst amongst Kashmiris during these years.

The author closed by offering some suggestions to boost this initiative which included enhancing the scope of trans LoC interaction, maximising economic gains and incentives, opening the line for people other than those belonging to divided families, exploring additional diversified channels of exchange other than educational and medical needs, minimize technical problems, move on from the barter system as it is unsustainable in the long run and explore the option of transit trade by linking the route up to the Central Asian Republics.

External Discussants:

One of the external discussants, Prof Riyaz Punjabi applauded the author and stated that the paper did well to link cross-LoC trade and intra-J&K trade with Indo-Pak Relations. He apprised the gathering that the partition of 1947 did not take into account linguistic affinity, compulsions of geography and other cross-regional trade interests. He noted that before partition, Baramulla-Rawalpindi used to be an all-weather route open throughout the year and pointed out that cross-LoC trade would hold enormous potential if we connect the regions of Jammu and Ladakh to Kashmir.

He stated that the Gilgit-Baltistan region had far been neglected by the Pakistani government and it was even referred to as ‘Northern Areas’ till 2005. He also recalled an incident when a group of journalists from across the LoC came to Jammu and had a gala time with the people out there, for which they had to face a very hostile time in Srinagar because the separatist Hurriyat Conference people were extremely displeased with their affinity with the people of Jammu.

He also stated that the trade between the two parts of the region has enormous potential which has been hampered due the vested business interests of the political class who find it convenient and profitable to transfer the goods from a third destination, preferably Dubai. He accepted that there are several challenges one of which was the illegal drugs trade starting from Afghanistan through Pakistan and India to other markets beyond in South-east Asia. Radical elements will continue to push for this through India and Pakistan, taking advantage of the Cross-LoC and Wagah-Attari trade links. He urged that some mechanism must be found out to deal with such crucial issues in order to keep the cross LoC trade flourishing. In the end he emphasized that barter must be replaced by broader kind transaction system, may be through banks, to boost the process further.

The other discussant, Prof K Warikoo, compared the cross-LoC situation with the situation in the Central Asian Republics. He cautioned the Indian authorities that it was very essential for them to first safeguard the borders before opening it up for trade. He stated that China has settled huge population of Han families, traders and officers in Kashgar area in order to fully sanitize the border before going for trade. The other border he quoted was the Tajik-Afghan border, where Taliban had changed the proportion of tribes in furtherance of its interests as it was a very porous border. Coming to the Indian context, he stated that till 2006, only 17,000 people crossed LoC, while over 10 million people go to Vaishno Devi and over 20 lakh to Amarnath shrine every year. While the Kashmiris are quite vocal about the need for cross-LoC linkage, they have not utilized this bus service to the extent they were expected to. He stated that it is only the Pahari speaking people from Poonch who have utilized the bus service as they have been the worst sufferers of the partition. He recalled his experience where people of Poonch showed their lands adjoining the border, on the other side, while they were confined to our side of the border. Their issues have never been addressed, not even in the Shimla Agreement. He also urged the international community to change its perception of looking at Kashmir as an underbelly of Central Asia and give it its due importance.

Internal Discussants

Dr. Smrutti Pattanaik stated that many people in the valley do not want to take the LoC route as the passport/identification verification process itself takes about 6 months to complete. She also stated that despite lot of clamour about the Kargil-Skardu route, the reservations are more with India than Pakistan, as majority of people in Kargil are Shia, whose pain and agony are often overlooked by the Sunni majority dominating the politics in Kashmir. She asked the author to put the present topic in a larger context and clarify whether she is looking at the cross-LoC trade only from the Kashmiri perspective or larger Indo-Pak perspective. She also asked the author to mention whether cross-LoC trade is crucial enough to feature in India’s larger foreign policy domain. The Chairperson, Kapil Kak noted that we all must have a grand vision for trade and commerce between Central Asia, Afghanistan, Pakistan, India and China.

Col Vivek Chaddha asked the author to be clear about the questions raised in the paper, as to whether she was looking at the subject from Indian or Pakistani perspective, as the security concerns of the two countries were very different. He also urged the author to visit the place and interact with people to take their views into consideration which would be of great importance for this paper. He also asked the author to clarify few topics in the paper which might not be understood by a layman, like the term “Trade Facilitation Centres”. He also asked the author to include the suggestion of J&K CM Omar Abdullah’s in the paper, that simple telephonic conversations should be started along with trade and commerce.

Prof Riyaz Punjabi noted additionally that whatever is produced in Kashmir has a huge market within the country, so we do not need to explore foreign markets for the products of Kashmir. He further stated that it is a cause of concern that very few people from across the LoC visit the shrines in J&K, particularly Hazratbal, and Indian government must look into this issue.

Report prepared by Abhimanyu Singh, Research Intern, IDSA.

South Asia
The Tamil Nadu Factor: Perspectives of Tamils and Muslims in Sri Lanka January 10, 2014 Smruti S. Pattanaik 1030 to 1300 hrs Fellows' Seminar South Asia
Talk by Lt Gen SA Hasnain (Retd), on "Kashmir 2014: A Review and Prognosis" January 06, 2014 Other

The Internal Security Centre at IDSA conducted a talk by Lieutenant General Syed Ata Hasnain (retd) on 06 January 2014 on the topic “Kashmir 2014: A Review and a Prognosis”. Gen Hasnain provided a strategic review of the Kashmir situation through the 1990s and 2000-2013 followed by a prognosis for the period 2014-18. This involved analyzing key concerns like the effect of International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) withdrawal on Kashmir, issues pertaining to the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) in J&K and the need to take Operation Sadbhavna to the next level.

Followings are the key points brought out by the speaker in his talk:

Highlighting the strategic importance of Kashmir, Gen Hasnain argued that it is important to keep in mind the October 1947 ‘Instrument of Accession’ and the 1994 joint resolution of the two houses of the Parliament, asserting the idea that the whole of Jammu and Kashmir and Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (POK) is an integral part of India. Having said that, he laid emphasis on changing the narrative for Kashmir against established narratives and then went on to analyze Kashmir’s current status and where is the situation heading.

After years of antipathy and anguish, many people claim victory in Kashmir today. But the question is, can a victory be declared when there isn’t even an articulated political and military aim? Gen Hasnain felt that while a military aim existed in vague terms, a political aim in Kashmir has been eluding for long possibly because of the unclear external and internal dynamics. . Militarily, infiltration has been taken care of and every year the numbers of successful infiltrators in the valley are dwindling – all thanks to the Line of Control (LoC) fence which was constructed in 2003-4 that changed the mathematics of terror; more terrorists being eliminated than the numbers that could successfully infiltrate. Politically, however, he stated that there is a long way to go and the Army would have to continue to be the lead agency in supporting and rebuilding efforts; this is because of the outreach that it has and the organizing will and zeal to bring normalcy in Kashmir. No other agency has the strength and capacity to pursue the agenda of simultaneously preventing terrorist revival and stabilization. However, the Army’s presence and lead status will always be exploited by inimical elements to question the Government’s intent and resolve to integrate Kashmir. Continuing antipathy towards the Indian establishment, disappointment in governance, unresolved issues of thousands of surrendered terrorists, failure to take stock of the youth, and most importantly the growth of radicalization in Jammu and Kashmir, will continue to add to the negativity surrounding the transition.

Therefore, it may be wrong to assume that the role of the Army is over. While the Army’s place at the remote LoC is well accepted its continuing presence in the urban hinterland is hotly contested by local political parties, ideologues, separatists, intellectuals and human rights activists. In this context, Gen Hasnain conveyed his perception that the Rashtriya Rifles (RR) (which largely manages the hinterland) was raised not only for a militaristic purpose but also for a larger national aim of integrating the Kashmiris with India politically, socially, economically and most importantly, psychologically. The demand for a drawdown of the RR is likely to gather strength in the near future but must not be accepted until completion of the full integration process is completed. He stated that thus far the Army has done its work well; however, it has been successful in eliminating the terrorists but not terrorism in J&K.

Further, while talking about Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA), Hasnain prompted at certain conditions that had first demanded its creation – Pakistan sponsored terrorism, protection of all communities (for instance the Kashmiri Pandits) and symbols of national pride. Highlighting the fact that most of these conditions have still not been met he did not see the logic of getting rid of AFSPA. Moreover, even the army can only expect its soldiers to function best once it guarantees legal protection in case of inadvertent mistakes and empowerment to co-conduct operations without reference. As far as the human rights issues are concerned, it would be important to keep in mind that in an active Counter Insurgency environment, a good number of cases can fall prey to manipulation, which only puts immense pressure on the Army, diverting its attention.

What should be done necessarily to avoid falling for these manipulative triggers? To begin with, the answer most importantly lies in perception management. The army needs to get its perceptions correct. It has to change its narrative and show every Kashmiri that the army is not the enemy of the people. Operation Sadbhavana has to move forward to build a more people-oriented approach where dignity and self-esteem of the average Kashmiri is accentuated. And this can be done, for instance, by managing the force ethos and keeping in mind the cultural sensitivities of the people. The Army therefore needs to pay much more attention towards cultural training of its rank and file so as to respect the sensitivities of the local population.

Overall, for Gen Hasnain, militarily the situation is under control. It is unlikely that 2014 will be a template similar to 1989 (when the Soviet Army withdrew from Afghanistan), and ISAF withdrawal is unlikely to lead to a major influx of foreign terrorists; the security forces just need to ensure that the overall terrorist counts do not rise. What is perhaps more dangerous is that there still is a potential for violence, which is constantly being fuelled by anti-India sentiments and cries of separatist radicalism amongst the people. However, the state can take stock of this situation, mainly by outreach and a greater connectivity between Delhi and Srinagar. True victory will only be achieved when every Kashmiri will start considering himself as an Indian.

Key points that were raised during the discussions:

  • One of the major factors furthering conflict in Kashmir is the huge amount of financial assistance from outside India for various radical and fundamentalist purposes.
  • More often major focus from the security, political and development discourses have always been concentrated on Kashmir valley whereas the areas like Jammu and Ladakh are hardly attended. There is a need to address the issues in these areas as well.
  • Points were raised regarding the status of Kashmir Pandits and their return to the valley. This aspect necessarily puts a question mark on the inclusiveness of the Kashmiri society these days.
  • It has been felt that there rules a sense of victimization among the Kashmiris by the state of India in general and by the Army in particular. This perception, most of the time, over rules all the good intentions of the state establishment.
  • Many outside Kashmir have a feeling that the problem in Kashmir is a self-created one. There are vested interests of the power elite in the state, which as believed by many, tries to keep the conflict in continuity.

Report Prepared by Husanjot Chahal

Terrorism & Internal Security
Talk by Bharat Wariavwalla on "State, Secularism and Democracy: Can Liberal Democracy Prosper in the West Asia?" December 12, 2013 Bharat Wariavwalla Other

Chair: Dr. Arvind Gupta, DG IDSA

Discussant: Amb Talmiz Ahmad

The West Asian region has been making news since December 2010 when the revolution broke out on the streets of Tunis. Since then, the entire West Asia has remained politically volatile and the discourse on so-called Arab Spring and region’s political transformation has found a popular audience world-wide. In the light of recent developments, Mr. Bharat Wariavwalla delivered a talk on State, Secularism and Democracy in West Asia to elucidate the conceptual and practical intricacies involved in democratization of nations in this part of the world.

Mr. Wariavwalla began his talk by commenting on the popular notion of “Islam’s incompatibility with Democracy” and argued that such flawed rhetoric distorts understanding of the Arab Revolution in West Asia. He suggested that events in Tunisia; the starting point of Arab uprisings, reflect spontaneous and sudden reactions of aggravated masses and the revolution had “no political agenda or pre-planned motive”. Briefly touching upon the developments in Libya, Egypt, Syria, he stated that the ultimate aim of these revolutionary movements was to bestow power to the people. Mr. Wariavwalla affirmed that Arab Spring has not yet died down and added that even though democracy has not yet reached the shores of the region, it will find its way sooner or later.

Democracy and Secularism: Theoretical Perspective

Mr. Wariavwalla reflected on theoretical nuances of democracy and examined evolution of secularism in American and French context. He highlighted that 1776 American Revolution carved a secular society where church was considered different from state i.e. both were two different institutions but tolerant of each other in social domain. The French model, on the other hand, takes the position that there can be no manifestation of religion in the society i.e. state would be intolerant of religious expression. Thus most nations were faced with a dilemma of adopting either of the two models of secular thought. He also illustrated the case of Turkey in Twentieth Century when it, after the fall of Ottoman Empire and birth of modern day Turkey, adopted French-secular model. He mentioned that while Turkey has constitutionally tried to keep religion and state separate, the present AKP led Erdogan government has made too many concessions for religion and consequently faced resistance from public. He also drew comparison with the Indian constitution which declares that “Religion and state are to be kept apart”, an idea borrowed from French Revolution.

In next segment of his talk, he spoke on the issue of Islam and Liberal Democracy. He again highlighted the spirit of French revolution to suggest that even in the past, democracies were born as a result of efforts and aspirations of common people. Thus, democracy adapted to Islamic principles could still flourish in the West Asian region and it will be guided by people of the region. With reference to current geo-political developments, Mr. Wariavwalla analyzed the role of west in West Asian region and stated that the West (U.S. in particular) has been very comfortable with monarchy in West Asia. To support his argument, he elaborated the case of Tunisia and how US was at ease with Ben Ali’s dictatorial regime. He pointed that the Arab uprisings have challenged the authoritarian rule in the region and it is unlikely that dictatorial regimes will find their way back in the region.

Islam and secularism:

To address the issue of secularism in Islamic nations, Mr. Wariavwalla asserted that there were two forms of Islam; Lived Islam and Scripted Islam. The former is a socio-cultural manifestation of Islam which is tolerant of religious differences unlike the conventional and dogmatic scripted Islam. He analyzed the case of two west Asian nations; Egypt and Tunisia, to build his argument.

Egypt, a nation with multi-religious identity, has 10% Coptic Christians. So far the Christians have not been targeted in the process of political transformation. However how accommodative the Egyptian state will be of its minorities will be decided in summer of 2014 when first draft of the constitution is passed. In Tunisia, though Islam is the official religion yet the idea of liberalism and religious freedom has been imbibed in the institutional framework of the society. Furthermore, Islamic Salvation Front (Algeria), Hamas (Gaza Strip) and Morsi (Egypt) epitomize the situation where state opposed to religious parties from coming to power in name of secularism. In case of Islamic nations, it may not be possible to treat state and religion as two distinct institutions yet state can adopt the position of religious tolerance. Evidently, secularism and democracy can coexist and flourish in Islamic nations. He also commented on Western discourse on Islam and stated that West has popularized the stereotypical image of Islam being a non-democratic religion. The Western perception of Islam needs to be revised and contra-factual image of Islam should be changed.

Discussant’s remarks: Amb Talmiz Ahmed

Amb Talmiz appreciated the speaker’s effort to reflect on complexities of Islamic democracy in West Asia. He labeled Arab Spring as a “work in progress” and stated that it was a robust and popular movement which unleashed aspirations of the young generation. As a prognosis of Arab Spring, he reiterated Mr. Wariavwalla’s point that authoritarian rule cannot be revived in West Asia and a new liberal documentation of constitution is needed. It was emphatically noted by him that constitution was a mere document which acquires its spirit only from implementation. Thus Egypt’s revised constitution will be put to test once it’s implemented.

Amb Talmiz also referred to the case of Tunisia; where the Islamic government projected an inclusive vision by allowing the non-Islamists to participate in office of president of the republic and constituent assembly. Thus in congruence with Mr. Wariavwalla’s argument, Amb Talmiz affirmed that Sharia offers “extraordinary flexibility” and professes the idea of secularism.

Evolution of Islamic thought: In a historical perspective, Amb Talmiz shared how the idea of political Islam was born and religious flexibility was a defining principle of the Sharia. References to scholarly works produced by Islamic scholars like Mohammed Abdu, Rashid Rada were made to elucidate that Islam per se did not provide a political framework and thus there was a considerable flexibility in structuring political thought over time. He quoted Abdur Razak to suggest that Prophet Mohammad’s only intention behind Quranic verses was spiritual and the idea of Islamic state emerged after Prophet Mohammad. He also informed the audience about two schools of Islamic thought; Mecca school which deals solely with spiritual revelations and the Medina school which was a response to specific challenges faced by prophet. It was suggested that in political discourse, preference should be given to the latter.

Religion and State: Commenting on role of religion in State, Amb Talmiz highlighted importance of religion to set moral code of conduct and social limits. A reference was made to the Constitutional movement of Iran in 1906 that brought together different social classes; business class, intellectuals. It was during this period that issues of women security, liberty and freedom were brought to table.

Western discourse on Islam: He agreed with speaker’s contention that Islam is often mis-represented as an un-secular and non-democratic religion and added that West often projects this tainted image of Islam as inhumane religion. He stated that Islam was in fact, the originator of human rights and it was the rigid Salafists who follow “scripted Islam”. As a matter of fact, “lived” Islam offers immense scope for religious accommodation.

Future of Islamic democracy: On the question of Islamic democracy, he stated that even though Islam and democracy are compatible, their coexistence in the Arab world is uncertain. The ongoing struggle and political experimentation in West Asia is the best way to check if Islamic democracy can sustain and flourish in the region. He further quoted Tariq Ramadan’s statement, “there is no successful model to prove that democracy and Islam can coexist” to suggest that this is a sterile debate in the Arab world. In spirit, Arabs support the idea of liberalism to accommodate all religions but Arabs don’t accept the word “Ilmania”; the Arabic word for secularism.
Contemporary challenges: He identified the challenge of globalization; which has faded borders and decentralized state orders led by pressure from civil society and international partners. It was mentioned that there has been an increased cultural mixing and cross-border interaction which directed the contemporary generations to fight for change. Concludingly, it was suggested that the world order is dominated by western interests and Islamic societies will have to come up with creative ideas to sketch their destiny.

Comments and Suggestions:

In the ensuing session, it was suggested that broad generalizations about Arab Spring should be avoided, and historical circumstances and internal political conditions of each nation should be studied to understand the nature of revolution. Finding a universally acceptable definition of democracy and secularism was highlighted as a major challenge while deliberating on democratization. There is often a problem of perception while dealing with these concepts and a lack of consensus on terminology or definition often dilutes the issue

Prepared by Ms Divya Malhotra, Intern West Asia Cluster, IDSA

Eurasia & West Asia
Special Address - Talk by Cho Tae-yong on “The Situation of the Korean Peninsula and the ROK Policy towards North Korea” December 06, 2013 1430 hrs Speeches and Lectures

Speaker: His Excellency Cho Tae-yong, Special Representative (Vice Minister level), for Korean Peninsula Affairs, Republic of Korea

Speaker's Profile

Mr Cho Tae-yong is the Special Representative (Vice Minister level), for Korean Peninsula Peace and Security Affairs for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Republic of Korea since May 2013.

He is a career diplomat and started his diplomatic career in the year 1980. During his tenure in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, he has worked in various capacities for the ministry and has held important positions for the Republic of Korea in United Nations, Iraq, US, Thailand, Ireland and Australia.

Mr. Cho Tae-yong is an alumnus of Seoul National University, Seoul, Korea and the Oxford University, UK.

RSVP

Email: cc.idsa@nic.in

East Asia
Talk by Mr Nabil Fahmy on "Developments in Egypt and the Region" December 05, 2013 Other

Speaker: Hon'ble Foreign Minister of Egypt, Mr Nabil Fahmy

Moderator: Ambassador (Retd) S K Bhutani

Eurasia & West Asia
16th Asian Security Conference: Emerging Strategic Trends in Asia and India’s Response February 19, 2014 to February 21, 2014 Conference
Asian Security Conference
Domestic Politics of Bangladesh and India - Bangladesh Relations December 20, 2013 Anand Kumar Fellows' Seminar

This paper primarily made an attempt to discuss the effect of domestic politics of Bangladesh on India-Bangladesh Relations. It delved into some of the historical processes that resulted in the formation of community-consciousness among the Bengali Muslims whose interests were often at variance with not only the Hindus but also members of their own religion living elsewhere in the country. It was also noted that the Bengal Renaissance further strengthened the community consciousness of Muslims because they perceived it as an upper caste Hindu phenomenon.

The author noted that for a brief period, immediately after liberation of Bangladesh, India-friendly policies were pursued. India and Bangladesh signed a twenty-five year Treaty of Peace and friendship in 1972 and even decided to sort out border disputes under Indira- Mujib Accord. But this bonhomie proved to be short-lived and after the assassination of Sheikh Mujib, Bangladesh politics moved on a completely different path. It was alleged that India was selectively aiding groups close to the Awami League serving its political interests. From 1975 to 1990 Bangladesh was first ruled by Gen Ziaur Rahman and subsequently by Gen Ershad. The latter declared Islam as state religion of Bangladesh. With this step Ershad hoped to get greater support of the Islamist forces like Jamaat. But actually this angered Jamaat, as he had only declared Islam as state religion, but did not declare Bangladesh to be an Islamic state.

The role of army was elaborately dealt in this paper and the author points out that the army played an important role in the politics of Bangladesh. It is also noted how the Bangladesh Army has had closer links with Pakistan and China, despite the fact that the country was liberated with India’s help and China had refused to recognise Bangladesh in initial years. It was also observed by the author that in recent times the nature of Bangladeshi external trade had changed. The country which was perennially facing trade deficit has managed to considerably narrow it down. Moreover, it is the only country in the south Asian region which has consistently shown progressive GDP growth, which is impressive by Bangladesh’s standards. As a result of which the businessman have started playing an active role Bangladeshi politics in recent years. The paper also notes the issue of trade imbalance of Bangladesh with important trading partners like China, which has replaced India as the largest trading partner. It is interesting to note that both India and China have similar kind of export basket and Chinese exports are now seen replacing Indian exports.

The paper referred to an anti-India section which found problems about everything India doid. In comparison, China has been able to create considerable goodwill by constructing six friendship bridges and a conference centre earlier named as Bangladesh-China Friendship Conference Centre. But when India gave $1billion credit line to Bangladesh for infrastructural development there was great difficulty in finalising the projects. India-Bangladesh agreed to construct a power plant at Rampal. But the anti-India lobby has created an impression that this project is not in Bangladeshi interests. They say that this project would damage the environment of Bangladesh as it is close to Sunderbans. However, what is to be remembered is that Sunderban is a shared heritage of India and Bangladesh.

The author also took into account the fact that the domestic politics was also affecting connectivity in the region. The Bangladesh, China, India and Myanmar (BCIM) economic corridor, which has been in the back burner due to India’s concerns figured in the joint statement when Chinese Prime Minister visited India. Bangladesh wants China to develop its Chittagong port and build even a deep sea port at Sonadia. Moreover, BCIM wants to link Kolkata with Kunming through Bangladesh and Myanmar. It was also noted that Bangladesh analysts some of whom are hostile to India often try to remind us that if Bangladesh is surrounded on three sides with India, then India’s northeast is also Bangladesh locked. They want to use it as leverage. They think that if they keep northeast this way then it is not only in the strategic but also economic interests of Bangladesh.

That author argued that it had not been easy for any government in Bangladesh to follow India-friendly policies. In fact, he noted that if you wanted to ruin your political career in Bangladesh politics then get yourself branded as pro-India. The chorus against India becomes shriller the moment Sheikh Hasina comes to power.

In Bangladesh, parties are defined on the basis on their approach towards India. BNP tries to establish its nationalist credentials by being anti-India. Jamaat in any case is anti-India and it espouses Islamic rule in Bangladesh. These two parties have painted Awami League as being pro-India, while in reality the party at best could be described as being India-friendly. The author makes an inference that on the eve of January 2014 elections, India was not an issue. This does not mean that India no longer remained important for parties in Bangladesh. Actually there were two other issues of the caretaker government and the perception of Islam under threat which were far more important than India.

After Sheikh Hasina’s visit to India, it has often been alleged that India has not sufficiently reciprocated her friendly and cooperative gesture, by not signing the land boundary agreement (LBA) and Teesta Water Sharing agreement, two big ticket issues which have bedevilled the bilateral relation for a long time. It has also been argued that a greater response from Indian side would have helped Hasina in the January 2014 elections. But the author notes in the paper that such a view is rather simplistic. The solution of major issues between India and Bangladesh is desirable in their own right, but this may not necessarily translate into electoral goodwill for Hasina. Even if India were to make major concessions and get these issues resolved the hostile section in Bangladesh would never fail to give it a different colour and tell how India has swindled Bangladesh and Hasina has sold-off the country. The author quotes the example of Sri Lanka, where India gave away the Kachatiwu Island, but India-Sri Lanka relations at present are far from being friendly.

The author closed by noting that the democracy in Bangladesh is at the crossroads. The secular, progressive and pro-liberation forces are pitted against pro-Pakistan Islamist elements. The deligitimization of anti-Liberation forces can change the flavour of domestic politics in Bangladesh, because it might be easier for India then to get acceptability of both the major political parties.

External Discussants

One of the external discussants, K. Srinivasan, cautioned the author that after only 2007 they have been talking of 1971 as a Liberation War. He continued by adding that on anti-terrorism front, the amount of progress which has been made is commendable even if the issues of water and land boundary agreements remain unresolved. He was also sceptical of the fact that Awami League is India-friendly because it accounts for most irritants to India.

The other discussant, Joyeeta Bhattacharjee, suggested that it was very essential to first understand the internal politics of Bangladesh, and in this regard, the author needed to go back and understand the formation of Awami League and BNP. She further corrected the author that BNP was a centre-right party, not an anti-India group. Though, BNP leaders are closer to the Jamaat, they could not be held as “anti-India”, rather such observations might irk them. She also considered it important to factor in the perspective of Bangladesh Army in internal politics. She also added that the Awami League government also made use of the China factor very effectively. As because China does not share any direct land boundary with Bangladesh, like India— which gives rise to fear and scepticism in the minds of common people of Bangladesh— China is regarded as a friendly country. She further noted that it was natural for Bangladeshis to conduct their foreign policy to serve their national interests, which might not always fulfil India’s expectations. She also counter-argued that India was not a major factor in the internal politics of Bangladesh, and issues like price rise, inflation, caretaker government usually assumed centre-stage in domestic politics.

Internal Discussants

Gulbin Sulatana raised four issues. She first asked the author to find out why political parties in Bangladesh regard India and not any other country as a factor in domestic politics and why the business community in Bangladesh preferred to do trade with China ignoring India, despite having a huge trade deficit with China. She also expressed her doubts about the author’s claims that de-legitimization of anti-liberation forces could change the anti-India mindset of the people in Bangladesh. Lastly, she urged the author to throw more light on the anti-India section within the Awami League.

Anshuman Behera suggested the author to include more historical portions in his paper and look at the peasant movement incited by Haji Shariatullah more critically. He suggested the author to study Bengali renaissance and the role of Brahmo Samaj in it. Moreover, he argued that the author should ideally include an analysis of Bangladeshi politics during 1947-71 and examine how Bengali nationalism and anti-Indian sentiment shaped up during this period. He also considered it important for the author to discuss other anti-Indian organizations in Bangladesh like Hizb ut-Tahrir and the neo-radicals which played a great role in fuelling anti-Indian sentiments in Bangladesh.

Lastly, he said that all neighbouring countries do have a devoted anti-India constituency and the author needed to provide recommendations as to what should India do in order to erase that sentiment and improve its relations with the neighbours.

Dr. Arvind Gupta noted that it doesn’t matters what Bangladesh thinks about India, rather it should be noted that how India should deal with its neighbours. Indian scholars must analyse how countries like China, Turkey and Brazil deal with their neighbours. He also suggested that no matter how much anti-Indianism was there in our neighbours, we must deal with it in a pragmatic manner. If polarisation and anti-Indianism is there, we must accept it. We have learned enough lessons from history that tit-for-tat policy is not going to be in India’s interests. He suggested that there should be more telephone calls and visits between the leaderships of the two countries. The Chair, Amb. R. Rajgopalan, commented that India had a distinct advantage vis-à-vis China in Bangladesh because of the long border it shared with Bangladesh, which India must take full advantage of and use to good effect.

Report prepared by Abhimanyu Singh, Research Intern, IDSA.

South Asia

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