The Asian Security Conference (ASC) is a major calendar event of the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA), New Delhi. Since 1999, when the conference was first held, the ASC has emerged as an important platform for debating issues relating to Asian Security. For the last ten years, the ASC has been providing a forum for security analysts, practitioners and policy makers from around the world to share their views on the challenges facing the Asian continent. The eighteenth conference in this series is being held on the topic “Securing Cyberspace: Asian and International Perspectives”.

Cybersecurity is increasingly drawing attention from policy makers as the world becomes increasingly interlinked and dependent on digital pathways. Use of cyber space by governments, businesses and individuals has provided economic benefits and helped connect the world in beneficial ways. Simultaneously, however, there are attempts being made by state and non-state actors to deny its legitimate use by others. Use of cyber space for espionage, both commercial and security-related, are common. Its use by criminals and extremists is no less dangerous. Managing this nascent and rapidly developing threat has proved to be problematic given that it now touches almost every aspect of human existence, from communication to commerce. It equally impact on a variety of stakeholders, individuals, corporations and states, all with differing priorities and perspectives. The large number of users and actors involved, and their varying perceptions of the threats and responses to emanating from cyber space have led to conflicting voices on how best to mitigate and overcome them.

Even as the connected systems and networks have grown more intertwined and complex, Cyberspace is being used for a variety of malicious activities, from crime to state-sponsored attacks on critical infrastructure. The interconnectedness of cyber networks means that even the most basic responses end up having a ripple effect or unintended consequences. Maintaining a balance between security and benefitting from the many opportunities provided by the deployment of new cyber technologies is proving to be one of the most vexatious issues of the 21st century.

The risk from cyber threats to government agencies, private enterprises, public sector undertakings and research institutions of strategic importance can manifest in many forms. A Distributed Denial of Service (DDoS) attack can disrupt business operations or it may cause severe outages, thereby having a direct impact on their revenue and reputation. Companies also face the risk of losing trade secrets or intellectual property rights. Moreover, a massive data breach for companies or governance portals storing data of customers or citizens can compromise personal information. A cyber-attack on entities that are part of critical infrastructure can have a debilitating impact on national security. The risk increases manifold for electricity grids, nuclear installations, and telemetry/command and control network of space assets. Surprisingly, social media, as a threat vector, has become a channel of least resistance for threat actors to conduct reconnaissance, identity thefts and gather information on employees, projects, systems and infrastructure, besides spreading hateful propaganda and enticing impressionable youth to follow extremist ideologies.
Cyberspace has become an intricate constituent of national power. The strategies for the development of Cyberspace are not just restricted to civilian purposes; rather, this domain now falls well under the ambit of the armed forces. With the advent of Network Centricity in military operations and Revolution in Military Affairs, armed forces are at elevated risk of cyber incidents. The integrated use of land, air, maritime and space assets for enhanced domain awareness or real-time information access warrants the armed forces to build expertise in both defensive and offensive cyber operations. Nation states have documented their Cyber Strategies and executed them in the form of Cyber Commands, both overt and covert. With the military dimension, Cyberspace is witnessing a race for development and deployment of cyber weapons. An arms control regime, the Wassenaar Arrangement has enlarged its controls list in consonance with the way Cyberspace has altered present day security landscape. The development of cyber weapons and their potential usage against high value targets has been one of the major security concerns for nation states.

The threats in Cyberspace are varying in nature and intensity. Leading companies operating in the domains of energy, telecommunications, finance, and transportation sectors are targets of Advanced Persistent Threats (APT). Non-state actors, such as terrorist organizations and criminal syndicates have become tech-savvy, thereby employing human resources to develop malware. These tools are used extensively in committing Cybercrime. Terrorist organizations leverage the benefits of Cyberspace, harnessing it for ideology propagation, recruitment and communication. The terrorist organization, the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) has been a prime case study. It has tremendous presence on social media helps spread its propaganda and recruit sympathizers across the globe. Al-Qaeda is also reported to have developed encryption software to secure their communication in Cyberspace.

As the extent of commerce transacted over Cyberspace grows, along with increasing reliance on information technology to drive cost-efficiencies, the risk exposure to enterprises have increased. According to the 2013 Security Threat Report published by the cyber security company, Sophos, Asia accounted for eight of the top-10 countries most vulnerable to Cybercrime. Asia, the largest continent on earth, represents 60 percent of the world’s population. It is the fastest growing economic region globally. On the other hand, the unprecedented growth of rising economies, rapid industrialisation, rising demand for energy, expanding markets and, depleting natural resources have led to competition and confrontation with respect to the access and control of resources. As Asia continues to grow its share of the global trade and commerce, the threats from cyber-attacks are expected to increase in tandem.

Cyber-attacks, like many of the new security challenges, are transnational in origin and nature, and no nation can combat them alone. Despite variations in ethnic, economic and government systems, Asian countries need robust security architecture to resolve the issues specific to the geographical region as well as international issues detrimental to Asia’s economic and societal growth.

With the shift of power towards Asia, its representation in the rule-making mechanisms and inputs towards creating a secure cyberspace is critical to international politics, the world economy, and the credibility of international institutions and cybersecurity regimes. Within Asia, cyber threats have altered the security perceptions of institutions and government systems. Against this backdrop, the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi will organise the 18th Asian Security Conference focusing on the emerging threats and challenges from cyber domain to national and regional security. The two-and-a-half-day conference will consider international and regional responses to cyber security and the scope for cooperation amidst varying national policy frameworks and legislations.

The major themes to be discussed include the following:

1. The Global Cybersecurity Environment
2. International and Regional Responses to issues in Cybersecurity
3. Non-State Actors and Cyberspace
4. Securing Strategic Critical Infrastructure
5. Cybersecurity and the Digital Economy
6. Role of Military in Cybersecurity
7. Disruptive Technologies and Cybersecurity

Tuesday, February 9, 2016 (DAY ONE)

09:15-09:40 Registration

09:45-10:15 Inaugural Address
Welcome Remarks: Shri Jayant Prasad, Director General, IDSA
Key Note Address: Air Marshal PP Reddy VM, ADC, Chief of Integrated Defence Staff
Vote of Thanks: Brig. Rumel Dahiya (Retd), Deputy Director General, IDSA

10:15-10:45 Tea

10:45-13:00 Session 1: The Global Cybersecurity Environment
Chairperson: Nitin Desai
Ammar Jaffri - Cyber Security Challenges & Opportunities in the Fast Changing World Today
Varun Sahni - Cyber Redefinitions and the Challenged State: Security Implications
Greg Austin - Mutual Restraint in the Cyberspace Diplomacy of Great Powers
Cuihong Cai - Global Cybersecurity Environment: Perspectives of the US and China in Comparison
Yasuaki Hashimoto - Present Situation of Japanese Cyber Security

13:00-14:00 Lunch

14:00-15:30 Session 2: International and Regional Responses to Cybersecurity Challenges
Chairperson: Latha Reddy
Alexandra Kulikova - Working out the Rules of Global Cyberspace Governance
Nandkumar Saravade - International and Regional Responses to Cybersecurity Challenges
Candice Tran Dai - Economic Dimensions of National Cybersecurity Strategies in the Asia-Pacific Region
Munish Sharma and Cherian Samuel - A South Asian Regional Cybersecurity Cooperation (SARCC) Forum: Prospects and Challenges

15:30-16:00 Tea

16:00-17:30 Session 3: Non-State Actors and Cyberspace
Chairperson: Ravi Kant
Alok Vijayant - Asymmetrism in the Cyberspace: State vs. Non-state Actors
Sanjeev Relia - Non-State Actors and Cyberspace: An Overview
Arun Mohan Sukumar - State and Non-State: Residual Actors in Cyberspace
Gillane Allam - Non-State Actors & Cyberspace- A North African Perspective

Wednesday, February 10, 2016 (DAY TWO)

10:00-11:00 Keynote Address by Dr. Arvind Gupta, Deputy National Security Advisor
11:00-11:30 Tea
11:30-13:00 Session 4: Securing Strategic Critical Infrastructure
Chairperson: Alhad G. Apte
Ted Lewis - Challenges of Cybersecurity: Malware and AS-level Structure
Kah-Kin Ho - Evolving Role of Government in Critical Infrastructure Protection
Jana Robinson - Governance Challenges at the Intersection of Space and Cybersecurity
Caroline Baylon - Cyber Security Threats to Critical Infrastructure: A Case Study of Nuclear Facilities
A. Vinod Kumar - Securing Critical Infrastructure from Cyber Threats: Developing Defence, Deterrence and Norms

13:00-14:00 Lunch

14:00-15:30 Session 5: Cybersecurity and the Digital Economy
Chairperson: V. K. Saraswat
Liam Nevill - Challenging Opportunities for Asia-Pacific's Digital Economy
Madan M. Oberoi - New Technologies and New Forms of Crime: Need to Recalibrate Law Enforcement Strategy / Procedures / Law
IL Seok, OH - Korean Legal Initiatives to Combat Cybercrime and Enhance Digital Economy
Uchenna Jerome Orji - Regionalizing the Cybersecurity Governance in Africa: An Assessment of Responses

15:30-16:00 Tea

16:00-17:30 Session 6: Role of Military in Cybersecurity
Chairperson: Prakash Menon
Liina Areng - Role of Military in Cybersecurity
Amit Sharma - The Triad Theory of Cyber Warfare: A Framework for Strategic Cyber Warfare
Caitriona Heinl - International Military Cyber Cooperation in Asia
Li-Chung Yuan - Role of Military in Cyberspace: Case of Republic of China (Taiwan)

Thursday, February 11, 2016 (DAY THREE)

10:00-11:30 Session 7: Cybersecurity Futures
Chairperson: K. Santhanam
Tobby Simon - Cybersecurity Futures
Sico van der Meer - Defence, Deterrence, and Diplomacy: Foreign Policy Instruments to Increase Future Cybersecurity
John Ellis - Disruptive Technologies and the Trusted Cyber Future
Jonathan Reiber - Cybersecurity Futures and the U.S.-India Strategic Partnership

11:30-12:00 Tea

12:00-14:00 Session 8 - Panel Discussion on Way Forward

Vote of Thanks

14:00-15:00 Lunch

West Asia is at strategic crossroads today. Dramatic changes are taking place in domestic and regional political environments in most of the countries of the region. Despite imperative need for peace and stability, the region continues to slip into deeper conflicts and instability; the emergence of new non-state actors and increasing violence have added to the existing problems and challenges leading to an uncertain future.

The West Asian region continues to be in a state of flux for more than four years since the beginning of the Arab Spring. The pace as well as nature of transition in the countries which witnessed regime change during this period has been different but all these countries have witnessed unprecedented violence and mayhem. Moreover, there has been a clear lack of consensus among different groups struggling for power about the future roadmap for their countries. Chaos and confusion continues unabated as leaders, parties and people ponder over the probable alternatives available to them. The current trends— involving widespread use of force, increasing violence, failure of the state mechanisms, humanitarian crises, spread of terrorism, growing sectarian conflict, intervention by regional and extra-regional players and changing regional geopolitics— are not encouraging.

Ideology combined with popular aspirations for liberty, dignity and equality played an important role in the beginning but the absence of viable alternative mechanisms and incapacity of states to manage the resulting disorder have led to further escalation of the conflict. The resolution of various intra-state conflicts seems like a distant dream. Ideological differences are, in many cases, clearly evident in providing stimulus to conflicts within as well as among states. Ideological conflicts, in the absence of a democratic order, tend to give rise to an atmosphere of intolerance and provide an impetus for violence. Ironically, such violence is legitimized as being sanctioned by the very ideologies that are in contention.

In the West Asian region, the ideological differences stem primarily from different interpretations of Islam by different schools of thought within Islam. The assertion of the “Takfiri” strain within the fold of Sunni sectarian version of Islam— which regards people from other sects as apostates and fit for physical elimination— has made violence inevitable. The appearance of Da’esh or Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS or IS) points to this reality and expansion of its ideology beyond is a matter of concern for all the stakeholders.

The mixture of ideology and geopolitics has also hampered peace building in the region and impacted inter-state relations adversely. An example of this is ideological differences among Sunnis and Shias assuming the shape of a regional conflict between the Shia- and Sunni-dominated states in the region. These differences were always there in the region, but the ongoing political turmoil has sharpened these divisions— due to unthinking manipulation of these fault lines by competing elites in these countries in their quest for power. Ideological differences have slowly and steadily escalated into major sectarian conflicts throughout the region. Saudi Arabia and Iran are now perceived to be representing Sunni and Shia interests respectively though the other countries have also been playing their part in the ideological competition. The sectarian conflict has been witnessed in the form of proxy wars in places like Syria, Iraq, Yemen etc. with Riyadh and Tehran supporting the opposite forces.

While the peoples’ aspirations remain unaddressed, their attention is diverted to the ideological competition. The rise of Islamists in Tunisia and Egypt by electoral means indicated popular acceptance of political Islam as an alternative to existing political systems in the region. This created a political tremor in the region and raised the level of expectations of leaders advocating different ideological positions in the region such as Wahhabism, Salafism etc. The success of Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and its continuation in power for a year unleashed political Islam as a potent force in the entire region. The subsequent military intervention in Egypt leading to the end of Islamist rule— rather than reversing the trend— turned the attention away from a democratic alternative and galvanised an armed movement in favour of rule by one ideology or other.

In the regional security paradigm, the emergence of the Islamic State (IS) has become a major threat to regional peace and stability. The declaration of a ‘Caliphate’ over an area carved out from the geographical spaces of Iraq and Syria shows a dangerous trend that has the potential for changing the entire political landscape of the region. While some countries of the region are reluctantly fighting against it, the IS continues to spread its reach and ideology to other countries in the region. Besides, the Al Qaeda continues to grow in Yemen where it finds a suitable environment for growth in the absence of a strong central authority and a weak security apparatus. These developments not only pose a long-term threat to the regional security but also to the world at large since citizens of many countries outside the region have since joined IS.

Signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), colloquially called as Iranian Nuclear Deal, on 14 July 2015 is another important development which is likely to have its impact on the regional strategic landscape. With the sanctions likely to be lifted gradually, the deal has the potential to change the regional balance of power with Iran realising its full potential. That is unlikely to be received well by countries like Saudi Arabia and Israel. Heightened perceptions of mutual insecurity among leading countries in the region can give rise to increasing defence expenditure, arms race and continued proxy wars. With the nuclear deal signed, the GCC countries are already concerned about its security implications for them. Though the GCC countries have been assured by the US of continued security engagement with them, their apprehensions, nevertheless, remain high.

Among the countries of West Asia there is a complete absence of consensus over the ways to resolve major conflicts in the region or to combat and neutralize the threat posed by IS. Rather, the regional powers remain polarized and are intentionally or unintentionally fuelling the conflicts. This is witnessed most prominently in Iraq, Syria and Yemen. The differences have both political and ideological undertones, thus drawing them away from reaching any consensus and thereby making it even more difficult to find a solution.

The most emblematic feature of the regional scenario of the recent past has been increasing role of Asian countries, particularly, that of India and China. Given Asia’s interest in and involvement with the region, the security and stability of West Asia has become a vital imperative for Asian countries. Simultaneously, the US interest in the region is perceived to be declining and its policy approach towards the region seems to be undergoing significant change. These new developments have led some regional experts to argue that there is an urgent need for a re-constructing of the West Asian order based on trust, interdependence and a spirit of tolerance and accommodation.

India has expressed its concerns about recent developments taking place in the region. The spread of IS remains a major concern for India as some Indian youths have joined the IS. The capture of some Indian citizens by the IS in Iraq and recently in Libya is also a matter of concern for India. India has huge stakes involved in the region. Its energy dependence on the region, increasing trade and commerce, safety of around seven million Indian citizens working in the region are some of the major concerns for India.

The hydrocarbon resources of the region have always drawn attention of the international community. The major Asian economies, both developed and still developing, have collectively become the largest purchasers of hydrocarbons from the Gulf region. Their demands are projected to keep increasing substantially in years to come. The Gulf region’s role as an energy supplier for Asia will, therefore, continue to grow incrementally for the foreseeable future, even as America’s and Europe’s requirements of oil and gas from the Gulf region are projected to diminish significantly. Therefore, the impact of the conflicts in the region on oil prices cannot be ignored. The current crisis has had some impact on the oil prices. A sudden spike in crude oil prices was witnessed immediately after the outbreak of the protests in 2010-11. The oil prices have moderated since then and may fall further in the short to medium term with Iran likely to ramp up its oil production in coming months. Whereas this has helped India in reducing its current account deficit and improving macro fundamentals of its economy for the moment, any deterioration of security situation in the region may impact oil prices unpredictably in future. Prolonged conflicts throughout the region have the potential to affect the production, supply as well as the market prices of crude oil in the long run besides increasing the chances of sudden spikes every now and then. Amid such a scenario, the politics among the countries over oil also adds up to the existing uncertainty.

Against this backdrop, IDSA proposes to organise the Second Annual West Asia Conference on January 19-20, 2016 to deliberate upon the above mentioned issues and trends which have emerged in the region in recent times. The challenges likely to be faced by India due to the plausible political, economic, and security scenarios in the region will also be discussed during the conference. Besides, likely future trends and prospects for the region as also ideas that can help in conflict management and possible ways of resolving regional disputes will also be discussed. The conference will focus on the following issues:

Day - 1

• Changing Security Paradigm in the West Asian Region
• Conflicting Ideologies and their implications for the Region
• Resurgence and Spread of Extremism and Terrorism in West Asia: Rise of ISIS and its Impact

Day – 2

• Strategic Transformation in West Asia and Involvement of Extra-Regional Powers
• Energy and Changing Geopolitics of West Asia
• India and the region: Building Partnerships and Managing Challenges
• Future Trends and Prospects for Cooperation in the Region.

Day – 1, January 19, 2016

0945-1000hrs - Registration

1000 – 1115hrs - Session I (Part - A) Including Q&A

Changing Security Paradigm in the West Asian Region

Chair: Shri Talmiz Ahmad

Speakers:

• H.E. Ahmed Abderraouf Ounaïes, Former Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Tunisia.
• Shri M. J. Akbar, the Hon’ble Member of Parliament, Rajya Sabha, India.
• 3. H.E. Hadi Soleimanpour, Head of the Centre for International Research and Education (CIRE), affiliated to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Tehran, Iran.

1130 – 1200hrs - Special Session

Welcome Remarks by Shri Jayant Prasad, Director General, IDSA.

Keynote Address by Shri Mohammad Hamid Ansari, the Hon’ble Vice President of India.

Vote of Thanks by Brig Rumel Dahiya (Retd), Deputy Director General, IDSA.

1200 – 1215hrs High Tea

1215 - 1330 Session I (Part - B): Changing Security Paradigm in the West Asian Region

Chair: Shri Rajiv Sikri

Speakers:

• Shri Rajendra M. Abhyankar was the Indian Ambassador to the European Union, Belgium, and Luxembourg
• H.E. Ahmed Al-Wahishi, Executive Director, Yemeni International Affairs’ Centre (YIAC), Yemen.
• Dr Meena Singh Roy, Research Fellow, Coordinator, West Asia Centre, Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA), India.

1330-1430hrs Lunch Break

1430 - 1600hrs: Session II Conflicting Ideologies and their implications for the region

Chair: Shri Zikrur Rahman

Speakers:

• Prof Amr Hamzawy, Department of Public Policy and Administration, American University, Cairo, Egypt.
• Dr Reza Eslami, Director Human Rights Department, Faculty of Law, Shahid Beheshti University, Tehran, Iran.
• Shri Talmiz Ahmad, Former Indian Ambassador to Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, India.
• H.E. Thuraya Al-Arrayed, Member of Majlis Al Shura, Riyadh, Saudi Arabia.

1600-1615hrs Tea Break

1615 – 1800hrs: Session III Resurgence and Spread of Extremism and Terrorism in West Asia: Rise of ISIS and its Impact

Chair: Shri Syed Asif Ibrahim

Speakers:

• H.E. Shaaban Bouthaina, Minister, Political and Media Advisor at the Syrian Presidency and Former Minister of Expatriates in Syria.
• H.E. Khalid Ebrahim Alfadhala, Chairman of Board of Trustees, Bahrain Centre for Strategic, International and Energy Studies, Bahrain.
• Dr Haytham Mouzahem, Executive Director and Editor-in-Chief at the Levant News, President, Beirut Centre for Middle East Studies, Lebanon.
• Dr Entifadh Kamal Qanbar, P.E, Chairman of the Iraqi Future Constitutional Party and Adviser to the Deputy President of the Iraqi Parliament, Baghdad, Iraq.
• Brig Rumel Dahiya (Retd), Deputy Director General, Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA), India.

Day – 2, January 20, 2016

0930 to 1000hrs: Special Address by Shri Anil Wadhwa, Secretary (East), Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India.

1000 to 1200hrs: Session IV Strategic Transformation in West Asia and Involvement of Extra-Regional Powers

Chair: Shri Ranjit Gupta

Speakers:

• Dr Alexander Lukin, Department Head, Faculty of World Economy and International Affairs, School of International Affairs, National Research University Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russia.
• Prof Franklin P. Lamb, Visiting Professor of International Law at Damascus University Faculty of Law, USA.
• Prof Mustafa Aydin, Rector, Kadir Has University, Istanbul, Turkey.
• Dr Jin Liangxiang, Research Fellow, Center for West Asian and African Studies, Shanghai Institute for International Studies, Shanghai, China.
• Brigadier General (Retd) Alain Lamballe Centre Français de Recherche sur le Renseignement, Paris, France.

1200 – 1215hrs Tea Break

1215 – 1330hrs: Session V Energy and Changing Geopolitics of West Asia

Chair: Commodore C. Uday Bhaskar (Retd)

Speakers:

• Dr Takeuchi Toshitaka, Osaka School of International Public Policy, Osaka University, Japan.
• Dr Jang Ji-Hyang, Research Fellow and the Director of Middle East and North Africa (MENA) Centre at the Asan Institute for Policy Studies, Seoul, Korea.
• Prof Girijesh Pant, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India.

1330 – 1430hrs Lunch Break

1430 – 1600hrs: Session VI India and the Region: Building Partnerships and Managing challenges

Chair: Shri Sanjay Singh

Speakers:

• Prof Ebtesam Al-Ketbi, Founder and President of Emirates Policy Centre, member of GCC Council Advisory Board, and Professor of Political Science at UAE University, Abu Dhabi, UAE.
• Dr Khalid Al Ghailani, Minister, Plenipotentiary, Oman.
• Prof Ghanim Alnajjar, Professor of Political Science at Kuwait University and Chair of Arab Human Rights Fund.
• Prof Efraim Inbar, Director, The Begin-Sadat Centre for Strategic Studies (BESA), Bar-Ilan University, Tel Aviv, Israel.
• Dr C. Raja Mohan, Head - Strategic Studies & Distinguished Fellow, Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi, India.
• Prof Aswini Mohapatra, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India.

1600 – 1615hrs: Tea Break

1615 – 1800hrs: Session VII Future Trends and Prospects for Cooperation in the Region

Chair: Shri Jayant Prasad

Panellists:

• H.E. Hadi Soleimanpour, Head of the Centre for International Research and Education (CIRE), affiliated to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Tehran, Iran.
• Dr P.K. Pradhan, Associate Fellow, IDSA, India.
• Dr. Khaled Al-Hroub, Professor in Residence of the Faculty of Liberal Arts at North western University, Doha, Qatar.
• Prof P. R. Kumaraswamy, JNU, India.
• H. E. Thuraya Al-Arrayed, Member of Majlis Al Shura, Riyadh, Saudi Arabia.
• Dr N. Janardhan, Political Analyst based in the United Arab Emirates, India.
• Prof Ebtesam Al-Ketbi, Founder and President of Emirates Policy Centre, member of GCC Council Advisory Board, and Professor of Political Science at UAE University, Abu Dhabi, UAE.
• Prof Anwar Alam Department of International Relations, Faculty of Economics and Administrative Science, Zirve University, Kizilhisar Campus, Gaziantep, Turkey, India.

Most states in South Asia are multi-cultural in character. In the post-colonial phase of their existence, they were confronted with the twin problems of state and nation building. While the former involved building institutions of governance the latter necessitated efforts to achieve unity in diversity. States seeking to construct a monolithic identity amalgamating diverse linguistic, religion and ethnic identities faced the challenge of integrating the minorities. In view of the overlapping cultural spaces cutting across state borders, such homogenization efforts led to spilling over of ethnic conflicts across states. The borders thus became new frontiers of such contested identities— national versus sub-national. It was natural, therefore, for discourses on interstate relations to be enmeshed in arguments in favour of, and against, pluri-cultural national identities. Recognition of plurality was often misconstrued as shedding of sovereignty to other states which housed same ethno-linguistic and cultural communities. While in many cases such geo-cultural continuity and commonality have led to inter-state tension and conflicts, there is distinct possibility of culture playing an integrative role and creating and propelling regional integration in South Asia or at least playing a positive role in contributing to bilateral relations.

As South Asian states are pushing for regional integration, culture has emerged as a force to connect, to build relations and heal the ruptures created by history and politics. As cultural actors challenge the territorial limits that nation-states impose on culture, they engender new possibilities of states caving in to their demands and using their borders as bridges rather than barriers. William Van Schendel in his path breaking work titled as The Bengal Borderland: Beyond State and Nation in South Asia identifies the beginnings of such a change when he argues that “territoriality is being re-scaled by states that should be seen as active partners in global restructuring and not as passive victims of deterritorialisation”. However, it may take a long time for such process to mature in the region as the nation states in South Asia continue to be apprehensive of cultural connectivity across states which is perceived to be ‘deterritorialising’ the process of construction of exclusive nation-states.

Nevertheless, there are several developments which signal a movement in that direction. The nation-states in South Asia in spite of their exclusive nation building projects, are succumbing to the process of globalisation and revolution in the information technology that has propelled emergence of the new media. Cultural contacts and social interactions no more require state sanctions and visas; rather the netizens have been able to dilute the exclusivity that they imbibed through their political socialisation and textbook education. Television channels, movies and visits by cultural troupes have contributed to the cultural connectivity even across ethno-cultural groups.

Even if culture has so far been used in South Asia sparingly and cautiously as a foreign policy tool, the use of culture as a connecting tool is quite noticeable in recent years. There are efforts today to jointly produce movies especially in the India Pakistan context; effort is also being made to make people to people contact part of bilateral as well as regional agenda.  Recently Tagore 150th birth centenary was celebrated by India, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka and Nazrul birth anniversary were jointly celebrated by India and Bangladesh. The old Buddhist tourism circuit is being revived to link up with Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bhutan and the wider world. Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and India are taking steps to celebrate their common cultural heritages. There are many in Pakistan who are trying to revive, re-establish and reinvent their past socio-cultural connectivity with India. In the words of Yousef Lapid and Fredrich Kratochwil in their book The Return of Culture and identity in IR Theory write, “The forces disposing states towards particularism, however, sometimes confront others disposing them towards collectivism”. Therefore, it can be argued that “culture” is staging a comeback in inter-state and regional politics and it could help states to overcome years of mutual mistrust and push the process of regional integration forward.

The 9th South Asia Dialogue being hosted by IDSA in 2015 seeks to focus on how India and its South Asian neighbours perceive their common cultural heritage and to what extent inter-state cultural linkages will help the nation states establish a new of trust and understanding and help construct a new regional identity. Some of the questions this conference aims to look at are:

• Does culture play any role in international relations and does it matter as a tool of foreign policy?
• What role can culture play in the region in building trust and understanding?
• How do the South Asian countries look at the common historical and shared cultural experiences?
• How can cross-cultural ties be built across states?
• Can culture help in forging a regional identity and foster regional cooperation?

Day I, November 26, 2015

0930-1000hrs: Registration and Tea

1000-1030: Inauguration, 

Chair: Amb Jayant Prasad, Director General, IDSA

Keynote speaker: Dr Karan Singh, Member of Parliament, Rajya Sabha

1030-1045: Tea Break

1045-1300hrs - Session 1: Cultural Profile of South Asia and Foreign Policy

Chair: Amb Virendra Gupta

• Culture, Cultural Productions and South Asian Spaces -   Prof Partha S Ghosh, ICSSR Fellow, IDSA
• India-Nepal Relations: Has Cultural commonality Helped? - Dr Sudhindra Sharma, IDA, Kathmandu
• Culture as a Foreign Policy Tool: India’s Experience in South Asia - Dr Smruti S Pattanaik, IDSA
• Culture as a Foreign Policy Tool: Pakistani Perspective - Dr Rubina Saigol, Lahore, Pakistan

1300-1400hrs: Lunch

1400-1730hrs - Session 2: Culture as a Soft Power: Can it further Regional Cooperation?

Chair: Amb Suresh Goel, former DG, Indian Council of Cultural Relations

• Can the Cultural Commons be Harnessed to further Regional Cooperation? - HE Sayed Mossadeq Khalili, Deputy Minister of Culture, Afghanistan
• Using Cultural Commons in Regional cooperation: Bhutanese Perspective - Mr. Kunzang Delek, National Archives and Library, Bhutan
• Can Heritage further Regional Cooperation in South Asia? Sri Lanka’s Experience - Dr Sarala Fernando, Sri Lanka
• Role of Media in Promoting Soft Power in South Asia - Shyam Tekwani, Asia Pacific Centre for Security Studies, Hawaii
• Culture and Regional Cooperation in South Asia: Bangladesh’s Experience - Lt Gen. M Akbar Fazle, Bangladesh
• Culture and Regional Cooperation: Pakistani Perspective - Raza Rumi, Columnist and Writer, Scholar in Residence at Ithaca College

 Day II, November 27, 2015

0930-1000 hrs Tea and Registration

1000-1230 hrs - Session 3: Culture, Identity and Politics and its Impact on Bilateral Relations 

Chair: Amb P. Stobdan, Senior Fellow, IDSA

• Distant Neighbours: Could People and Culture Bridge Relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan - Mr. Aref Dostyar, Afghanistan
• Bhutan-India Relations: Does culture matter? - Mr. Sangay Chophel, Centre for Bhutanese Studies
• The Dilemmas of Relatedness: India and Sri Lanka - Dr Pradeep Jeganathan, Sri Lanka
• Folklore and Evolution of National Identity in the Maldives - Dr. Abdul Rasheed Ali, Dean, Maldives National University
• Cultural Symbols as Resistance and the Making of the Bengali Identity - Prof Sonia Nishat Amin, Dhaka University

1230-1345 hrs: Group photo & Lunch

1345-1600hrs - Session 4: Culture, Identity and Politics and its Impact on Bilateral Relations (continued)

Chair: Ms. Ajeet Cour, President, Foundation of SAARC Writers and Literature

• Civilisational and Cultural linkages in South Asia: Continuities and discontinuities - Prof S.D.Muni, Distinguished Fellow, IDSA
• New Constitution and Identity Politics in Nepal - Prof Krishna Hachhethu, Tribhuban University, Kathmandu
• Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Hegemony in Bangladesh: Imperatives for More Inclusive National and Regional Identities - Prof Prashanta Tripura, Department of Economics and Social Sciences, BRAC University, Bangladesh
• Does Religion Triumph Culture in Identity Formation? The Arabisation of Maldives and its Regional Implications - Dr. Azra Naseem, University of Dublin, Ireland
• Culture, Identity and Politics: Pakistan’s Experience - Dr Yaqoob Bangash, Pakistan

1600-1730 hours- Session 5: Roundtable discussion on Way Forward

Chair: Prof Muchkund Dubey

Speakers

• Ms. Ajeet Cour
• Amb Suresh Goel
• Dr Ashok K Behuria
• H.E. Sayed Mossadeq Khalili, Deputy Minister of Culture, Afghanistan
• Dr. Yaqoob Bangash, Pakistan
• Dr. Pradeep Jeganathan, Sri Lanka
• Dr. Sudhindra Sharma, Nepal
• Mr. Kunzang Delek, Bhutan
• Prof. Sonia Nishat Amin, Bangladesh
• Dr. Abdul Rasheed Ali, Maldives

1730-1735: Vote of Thanks by Dr Smruti Pattanaik, Research Fellow, IDSA and Coordinator of the Conference