Breaking its four-decade-long record of dependency on India for fossil fuel, Nepal entered into an oil trade agreement with China on October 28. A memorandum of understanding was signed between the Nepal Oil Corporation (NOC) and China National United Oil Corporation (PetroChina) in Beijing. While confirming the deal China reportedly indicated that it “could well become a long-term fuel supplier to Nepal”.
The Indian reaction has led to notes of caution by some major countries. China, for instance, has suggested to Nepalese leaders that they should make the Constitution broad based.
The BBIN-MVA would enable seamless sub-regional connectivity, deeper integration on economic issues and people-to-people contact between the four counties.
Nepal claims that the Lipu-Lekh Pass, which was mentioned in the India-China joint statement of May 15, 2015, is a disputed tri-junction in which Nepal has an equal share.
In spite of the existence since October 2006 of a SAARC Disaster Management Centre, the Nepal earthquake brought to the fore the difficulties faced by this organization and its failure to rise to the occasion.
The ten years of Maoist insurgency followed by the political vacuum after the abolition of the monarchy and the delay in the drafting of the Constitution has given credence to the role of external powers in shaping the domestic politics in that country. The book examines the nature of external powers’ role during the political transition in Nepal since 2006. It analyses Nepal’s relations with external powers’ in the framework of ‘small and major powers’.
Compared to the worst Maoists-affected state of Odisha, in the neighbouring states of Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand, the level of violence has come down substantially. In the coming years, Malkangiri and other south-western border districts of Odisha will continue to bleed because of the Maoist quest for safe havens in these districts during hot pursuit by the Chhattisgarh police.
Pushpa Kamal Dahal, alias Prachanda, made the trilateral proposal during his official visit to India in April 2013. This was the third time since 2010 that Prachanda had raised this issue. This concept seems to be a modified version of his earlier ‘equidistance policy’, which was declared after he became prime minister in September 2008. He proposed trilateral cooperation for the first time in October 2010 after visiting Beijing.
The Prachanda faction has made an ideological shift from being a revolutionary outfit to a parliamentary party with emphasis on republicanism, and has signalled its friendly posture towards India by discarding the previously ritualistic reference to India as an enemy.
Nepal’s oil diplomacy could hurt India
Breaking its four-decade-long record of dependency on India for fossil fuel, Nepal entered into an oil trade agreement with China on October 28. A memorandum of understanding was signed between the Nepal Oil Corporation (NOC) and China National United Oil Corporation (PetroChina) in Beijing. While confirming the deal China reportedly indicated that it “could well become a long-term fuel supplier to Nepal”.
Post-Constitution Shivers in Nepal and India’s Response
The Indian reaction has led to notes of caution by some major countries. China, for instance, has suggested to Nepalese leaders that they should make the Constitution broad based.
BBIN-MVA: Pushing Regional Integration through Sub-regional Cooperation
The BBIN-MVA would enable seamless sub-regional connectivity, deeper integration on economic issues and people-to-people contact between the four counties.
Controversy over Lipu-Lekh Pass: Is Nepal’s Stance Politically Motivated?
Nepal claims that the Lipu-Lekh Pass, which was mentioned in the India-China joint statement of May 15, 2015, is a disputed tri-junction in which Nepal has an equal share.
The Nepal Earthquake: Could SAARC have been Effective?
In spite of the existence since October 2006 of a SAARC Disaster Management Centre, the Nepal earthquake brought to the fore the difficulties faced by this organization and its failure to rise to the occasion.
Strategic Himalayas: Republican Nepal and External Powers
The ten years of Maoist insurgency followed by the political vacuum after the abolition of the monarchy and the delay in the drafting of the Constitution has given credence to the role of external powers in shaping the domestic politics in that country. The book examines the nature of external powers’ role during the political transition in Nepal since 2006. It analyses Nepal’s relations with external powers’ in the framework of ‘small and major powers’.
Rebooting Democracy: An Analysis of Nepal’s Second CA Elections
Malkangiri: The Tri-junction under Maoist Fire
Compared to the worst Maoists-affected state of Odisha, in the neighbouring states of Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand, the level of violence has come down substantially. In the coming years, Malkangiri and other south-western border districts of Odisha will continue to bleed because of the Maoist quest for safe havens in these districts during hot pursuit by the Chhattisgarh police.
Caution is the Key
Pushpa Kamal Dahal, alias Prachanda, made the trilateral proposal during his official visit to India in April 2013. This was the third time since 2010 that Prachanda had raised this issue. This concept seems to be a modified version of his earlier ‘equidistance policy’, which was declared after he became prime minister in September 2008. He proposed trilateral cooperation for the first time in October 2010 after visiting Beijing.
Maoist’s New Political Line and Challenges
The Prachanda faction has made an ideological shift from being a revolutionary outfit to a parliamentary party with emphasis on republicanism, and has signalled its friendly posture towards India by discarding the previously ritualistic reference to India as an enemy.