Armenia and Azerbaijan have come to blows over disputed Nagorno-Karabakh after a quarter of a century. There are numerous geo-strategic interests at play in the conflict that will impact regional peace and security.
On May 8, 2018, President Trump withdrew the US from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). Since the JCPOA is endorsed by a United Nations Security Council Resolution and supported by the international community, Trump has had to justify this controversial decision. Based on data extracted from Trump’s Twitter account and taking advantage of Theo van Leeuwen’s (2008) discursive construction of the legitimation model, this article addresses the following question: How has Donald Trump attempted to delegitimize the JCPOA?
The pandemic continues to amplify the crisis in West Asia, making it hard for governments to cope with it individually. In the absence of a coordinated effort at the regional level, the road to economic recovery will be long and uneven.
While it is unlikely that the Iranian regime will be able to weather the COVID-19 crisis without the support of the international community, its efforts at seeking international support largely remain a work in progress.
The situation in Persian Gulf has been on the boil with several tit-for-tat actions raising the chances of a direct confrontation. However, Iran will be cautious in choosing an all-out war given its vulnerabilities against the US military might.
The distraction of Chabahar’s questionable economic rationale and the embellishment of a centuries-old fascination with Suez alternatives, whilst entirely logical from a Muscovite perspective, must cede priority to New Delhi’s immediate interests in its own strategic backyard
While Iran and its European interlocutors (along with Russia and China) can be expected to mount a tough challenge to continue to make the JCPOA work in the light of Trump’s May 8 decision to ‘withdraw’ from the agreement, it remains to be seen to what extent they can succeed.
