India-China Relations

This review essay examines the significance of India–China relations against the background of the current phenomenon of a multipolar world in the light of four recent publications on the subject. Tien-sze Fang’s and Jeff M. Smith’s works discuss the current facets of India–China relations, while William Antholis’s and Carl J. Dahlman’s works deal with the character and standing that India and China bring to their regional and global discourse.

• Jagannath P. Panda
• July 2014
• Strategic Analysis

Myanmar’s 2,276 km long coastline in the Bay of Bengal has the potential to provide the ‘second coast’ to China to reach the Indian Ocean and achieve strategic presence in the Bay of Bengal and the Andaman Sea. Especially transportation logistics to the ‘second coast’ from landlocked south west Chinese provinces like Yunnan have both economic and strategic benefits

• Namrata Goswami
• June 19, 2014
• IDSA Comments

The principal opposition of the Chinese on the McMahon line is that it is illegal and a mere product of British imperialistic designs on China. Such assessments completely disregard the fact that the McMahon line is entwined with the Tibet issue – the lynchpin of China’s territorial sovereignty and party legitimacy

• Abanti Bhattacharya
• June 05, 2014
• IDSA Comments

A re-look of the intentions of the Chinese is important because according to long-term economic trends around 2030 Asia will be the world’s powerhouse just as it was prior to 1800. China is expected to surpass the US by 2016 to become the largest economy, and India’s GDP is expected to exceed that of the US by 2060.

• Mukul Sanwal
• May 07, 2014
• IDSA Comments

The Code for Unplanned Encounters at Sea (CUES) is a small but positive sign towards better communication channels between navies to reduce tension in the seas. But for CUES to become a reality many issues need to be resolved including the time frame for implementation.

• Sarabjeet Singh Parmar
• April 29, 2014
• IDSA Comments

The naval exercise at Qingdao does not detract from the fact that the India-China maritime relationship is essentially an uneasy one. Each side is uncomfortable with the other’s presence in its own theatre of nautical influence, but both recognise the other’s dominance in their respective maritime ‘backyards’.

• Abhijit Singh
• April 28, 2014
• IDSA Comments

This work reviews the significance and progress of Strategic Economic Dialogue (SED) in India-China relations. But addressing macroeconomic subject matters that concern the two countries’ strategic interests requires methodological deliberations that must be balanced and nuanced. The SED needs to be upgraded to a level of equal deliberation mechanism, where Beijing must address India’s economic and strategic concerns.

• Jagannath P. Panda
• April 03, 2014
• Issue Brief

Since China has now become an important location for international sports events, sportspersons from Arunachal Pradesh, who want to participate in such events, are not able to do so because of the Chinese practice of issuing stapled visas. This category of sportspersons should be issued regular Chinese visa to enable them to participate.

• R N Das
• March 18, 2014
• IDSA Comments

Myanmar and India have followed separate political paths only to find it converging in recent times. Myanmar’s other neighbour China has had a much larger footprint in the country. India has to calibrate its engagement with Myanmar to not just effectively implement its Look East policy but also manage the contiguous border regions of Northeast India given the ground realities.

• Namrata Goswami
• March 18, 2014
• Issue Brief

Soft border is neither an option nor a means to resolve the India-China border dispute. In Chinese conceptualization where borders are innately strategic frontiers, the idea of soft border is a misnomer. India should keep a distinction between the notions of soft border and boundary resolution.

• Abanti Bhattacharya
• March 03, 2014
• IDSA Comments