Ashok Kumar Behuria replies: US-China consultations on South Asia are on for quite some time. The fourth round is coming up later this year. They are discussing all issues including India-Pakistan relations. There have been even indirect offers to mediate if it was agreeable to both the parties.

However, there is no cause for concerns as far as India is concerned. Both China and the US understand that all outstanding issues between India and Pakistan should be resolved bilaterally and at the most they would play the role of facilitators. Both the countries have on different occasions asked Pakistan in the past to join India in a dialogue rather than seek their mediation in the event of any crisis.

As far as other issues in South Asia are concerned, there is, one believes, a tacit recognition of the preeminent strategic position of India, which is duly backed by a realisation that any attempt either to hurt the strategic interests of India or change the power equations would be counter-productive; it would upset the regional power balance and threaten regional peace.

Moreover, for China, the American attempt to undertake a regular dialogue on South Asia will both comfort China for the importance it receives from the US, and help China moderate its approach towards South Asia.

There is disquiet at certain levels in India about the growing Chinese footprints in the neighbouring countries especially because of the temptation of these countries to use China as a balancer against India, wrongly perceived as a hegemon. However, in view of the shift in India-US relations in the recent years, US-China dialogue can be used as a forum to transmit Indian concerns to China regularly. On the whole, India should keep a close eye on the discussions in the forum, establish a healthy line of communication with both the countries, and communicate its concerns in a free, frank and uninhibited manner.

Smruti S. Pattanaik replies: Major security and geo-strategic challenges in South Asia can be attributed to fragile democratic structures, weak and unstable governments, growing radicalisation, uncertainty in Afghanistan, and increasing Chinese influence in South Asian region which traditionally is considered as India’s periphery. India shares border with each of the countries in South Asia except Afghanistan.

Fragile democratic structures and erosion of democratic institutions pave way for extra constitutional intervention (military intervention) and political instability. Ability of the governments to deal with governance issue remains limited. Ungoverned spaces are exploited by non-state actors to challenge the state. The resultant political instability does not remain confined to the boundaries of nation- states and its spill over effect is often felt in India. Ethnic overlaps, porous border and shared ethno-cultural linkages often make conflicts in the region transnational in character.

Growing radicalisation has emerged as a major challenge in south Asia. Almost all the countries are afflicted with the problem of religious radicalisation. For instance, growing radicalisation in Pakistan not only has implications for Pakistan’s own stability, but also for India and Afghanistan. Some of the militant groups have been able to engage in terrorist attacks against India and Afghanistan through trans-national networks and linkages many a times sponsored and facilitated by state actors. Similarly the problem of radicalisation in Bangladesh threatens its societal and political fabric with serious implications for India. Nexus between the fundamentalist, criminal elements and state actors was apparent in the Chittagong arms haul case where ten truck loads of arms was unloaded for insurgent groups operating in India’s north-east. In Sri Lanka, the rise of ultra-nationalism has made resolution of ethnic conflict extremely difficult. The assertion of rights by various ethnic groups and demand for federal representation in Nepal has made the peace process complicated. In Afghanistan, the post-2014 situation remains uncertain. The strengthening of Taliban as a political force would have consequences beyond the region. India has major economic investments in Afghanistan and remains concern about the rise of Taliban.

Growing Chinese influence in the region is another major concern for India. In many cases, India’s neighbours have tried to play the China card to blunt India’s regional pre-eminence. China-Pakistan nexus remains a major stumbling bloc for South Asian peace. Unresolved border problem with China also adds to India’s anxiety. All these factors impinge on India’s overall security environment.

Smruti Pattanaik replies: South Asia cannot be called independent geo-strategic zone. Countries of the region have different security and strategic outlook. These are governed by geographical location of each of the countries of the region and state of their economic health impinges on the way that these countries look at various strategic issues. Source of their threat perceptions are not confined to its geo-strategic space of South Asia, it is rather transnational. South Asia also does not act as a coherent geographical entity. For that matter no region can be called an independent geo-strategic zone.

Politically and strategically it cannot be called as an independent geo-strategic zone. Countries of South Asia do not share a common strategic and security vision. There are two important countries i.e. US and China are deeply involved in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Chinese close defence tie with Pakistan is also aimed at India. Most of the countries have different perceptions on the role of US and China in this region.

In a globalizing world, independent geo-strategic zone are neither possible nor viable. Interests of the countries are overlapping and they have to pursue an overarching policy that takes into consideration dynamics of international politics.