A. Vinod Kumar replies: Nuclear or conventional arms control could figure as a key element in a dialogue only when it amounts to be the most potent point of contention between the two states or when it makes a drastic transformation in the equation. In the case of India and Pakistan where the core political issues are terrorism and Kashmir, quasi-political matters like water-sharing, arms control or nuclear confidence-building measures could only follow a larger political understanding. It could be noted that this point has not been achieved in the Indo-Pak talks. Another factor is the element of stability that is perceivably existent in the nuclear equation of these two countries.

Though Pakistan had fought a limited war in Kargil and has undertaken a prolonged low-intensity conflict, both under nuclear conditions, and notwithstanding the Western notion of South Asia as a nuclear flashpoint, there were very few opportunities when both countries went the extra mile on nuclear Confidence Building Measures (CBMs) – the two instances being the agreement to abstain from attacking nuclear facilities and giving prior notice of missile tests. While the potential for nuclear or conventional CBMs to dramatically impact this relationship is minimal when the core political issues remain unresolved, such measures could be significant when there is threat of conflict escalation, leading to nuclear brinkmanship. Besides, there are conditions like an Indian push for ballistic missile defences, which could prompt Pakistan to seek countermeasures or push for arms reductions in the region.

Cherian Samuel replies: India has no objections to buying the above mentioned aircraft from the USA; in fact, both Lockheed Martins’s F-16 Fighting Falcon and Boeing’s F-18 Super Hornet are among the six shortlisted contenders for the Indian Air Force’s intended purchase of 126 Medium Multi-Role Combat Aircraft (MMRCA) worth $ 8.5 billion. There are merits and demerits to purchasing US aircraft; while these aircraft are cheaper than the other European manufactured aircraft in the fray, there are many limitations imposed by US laws and regulations governing export of sensitive technologies that reduce the capabilities of the aircraft on offer. While the US says it is willing to ensure that these aircraft come with the latest technologies, this is contingent on India signing a number of agreements, something the Indian government is unwilling to do, since they contain clauses that would impinge on our strategic autonomy. Problems with earlier purchases of weapons arising out of such clauses also raise questions of the reliability of the US as an arms supplier. These issues would have to be settled before India can go in for purchases.

The issue of the US selling F-16s to Pakistan is a separate issue altogether. India has objected to the fact that the United States is funding weapons purchases by Pakistan, going up from $700 million in 2010 to 1.5 billion in 2011, ostensibly for its counter-insurgency efforts. While much of these could be used in a conflict against India, it also frees up Pakistan to use its own funds to buy US armaments such as F-16s, thus indirectly fuelling an arms race in the sub-continent. The ultimate beneficiary of such an arms race would be armament manufacturers, be it in the US or elsewhere.