Africa, Latin America, Caribbean & UN: Publications

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  • Country Profile: Saudi Arabia

    Saudi Arabia signed and ratified the Biological Weapons Convention when it was opened for signature in 1972, but that time Saudi’s did not have intentions of acquiring biological weapons. Since then, various regional developments have increased the significance of Biological and Chemical Weapons as useful armament.

    July-December 2010

    NBC Weapons: How free is Africa of the scourge?

    The entry into force of the Africa’s Nuclear Weapon Free Zone Treaty or the Treaty of Pelindaba in July 2009 and the first conference of parties on November 4, 2010 is a big step towards making the African continent free of the scourge of nuclear weapons. The Treaty of Pelindaba seeks to ensure that nuclear weapons are not developed, produced, tested or otherwise acquired or stationed anywhere on the African continent or its associated islands. At the same time the treaty provides for the promotion of cooperation in the peaceful uses of nuclear energy on the African continent. Though Sub Saharan Africa is free of nuclear weapons programmes, many African countries have peaceful nuclear facilities and radioactive sources.

    July-December 2010

    Prospects of India's Energy Quest in Africa: Insights from Sudan and Nigeria

    India has embarked on a policy to balance its need for accessing strategic energy resources from the African continent with Africa's aspirations for greater skills and sustainable development. Sudan has turned out to be the gateway for India's energy quest in Africa. India's age-old ties with Sudan have been crucial in accessing oil from the country. New Delhi's close relations helped to assuage the initial hiccups; however conflict between the Sudanese government and that of Southern Sudan have created some problems.

    November 2010

    The Quest for Nuclear Energy in West Asia: Energy Security or Strategic Necessity

    Most of the countries in West Asia have expressed an interest in developing nuclear energy. For them their growing demand of electricity owing to the increasing population, growing industries, their eternal reliance on the desalinated water and environmental protection are the major drivers of their decision to produce nuclear energy. Importantly, they would like to use nuclear energy for domestic consumption and supply oil and gas to earn more revenues.

    November 2010

    Geopolitics of Energy in West Asia: Competing Foreign Interests and Prospects for Regional Realignment

    The article analyses international politics surrounding the Iranian nuclear crisis, and its implications for stakeholders such as the United States and its western allies as well as for emerging market countries including India, China, and Turkey which are especially interested in Iran's energy resources. Given the existence of multiplicity of interests of these countries, often conflicting, the article analyses three possible scenarios of how the Iranian nuclear crisis is likely to be addressed.

    November 2010

    Tackling Somali Piracy Ashore: Maritime Security and Geopolitics in the Indian Ocean

    As high-profile incidents of piracy become more common off Somalia, strategists have taken to urging the US government to send expeditionary forces ashore. The article uses history and Clausewitzian theory to estimate the nature of the threat and the likely efficacy of a land campaign. Even successful operations would entail costs exceeding the value of the political stakes. For this reason alone, going ashore is inadvisable.

    September 2010

    Role of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation in Afghanistan: Scope and Limitations

    Today, the situation in Afghanistan is mired with the geopolitics of regional and extra-regional players. Bringing stability to the country is a major challenge for the international community. The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) has the potential to play an important role, provided it is able to make some adjustments in its policy. Given its strengths and weaknesses, it is likely to focus more on economic, trade and security related issues within the Eurasian region rather than in Afghanistan.

    July 2010

    India and Gulf Cooperation Council: Time to Look Beyond Business

    India's relationship with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) has been primarily based on mutual trade and business. GCC countries are the main source of energy for India and a market for Indian commodities. India's five-million-strong workforce forms a natural linkage between India and the GCC. But despite such strong trade linkages, which are still growing, political and strategic relations between India and the GCC have been found lacking. Recent years have witnessed signing of defence and security agreements between India and some of the GCC countries.

    May 2010

    An Indian Perspective on United States Africa Command (AFRICOM)

    AFRICOM is a new institution representing the new manner of US engagement. This is different from the EU model of engagement and comes at a time when India and China are seen as important partners of Africa. This paper is written to provide an insight into AFRICOM from an Indian perspective of Africa. This differs from the EU view and also from Africa's own response. US policy towards Africa consists of African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) + AFRICOM; whereas AGOA is better understood, AFRICOM is not. This paper proposes to fill some of the gaps in its understanding.

    May 2010

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