No aspect of Jawaharlal Nehru's policies and leadership came under as severe an attack as those on defence. Unfortunately till this day no scholastic appraisal of the policy he pursued in regard to national security is available and it is a great pity that the Government has not encouraged such a study. We have had a host of publications by foreigners, retired Indian Army officers, retired civil servants, journalists, academicians and politicians which are generally critical of Jawaharlal Nehru's defence policy. The bias in these works is all too obvious. Shri B.N.
Following the 9/11 attacks on the American homeland, India and Pakistan emerged as important states in the US-led Global War on Terrorism (GWOT). The gathering momentum in the Indo-US relations during the Clinton Presidency underwent a dramatic transformation. Although increased cooperation in defence issues is understood to have 'led' the India-US relationship to its current level, it has not culminated in enhanced counter-terrorism cooperation. This perceived lack of cooperation can be located within the perceptual differences on key security issues.
With the price of oil crossing $110 a barrel, the oil-importing countries' concerns have been mounting. Not surprisingly, the issue of whether the time is now ripe for energy consuming countries to take measures to counter the producers' growing clout is being discussed, including the formation of a consumers' cartel, to force exporters to bring down prices.
China's influence in South Asia has significantly grown over the years, and in particular Bangladeshi-Chinese relations are now robust and very comprehensive. This is in contrast to Bangladeshi-Indian relations, which are extremely uneven. While the latter are substantial and not totally negative, in comparison to Bangladeshi-Chinese relations they are riddled with controversies. How does one explain this contrast, especially when China lacks the historic-cultural advantages and linkages that India has with Bangladesh?
