Military planners believe that the ‘blast and fragmentation’ type conventional weapons cannot advance much further technologically.The next chapter in weapons technology development is expected to be realized from Directed Energy weapons (DEWs). It can be assumed that by 2035, DEWs consisting of laser, microwave and millimeter waves can reach current performance levels of the existing kinetic energy weapons(KEWs) and conventional weapons. While these will co-exist with KEWs,a non-DEW option would have a debilitating effect on the defence preparedness of any nation.

• Authors: Bishwajit Bose
• January 2014
• Journal of Defence Studies

India’s location in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) compels it to play a larger strategic role in the region. The growing energy needs of China—with the Gulf continuing to be its most preferred source—further causes the Chinese merchant fleet to transit the IOR. To ensure uninterrupted supply of energy resource, the Chinese have started to increase their presence in the region and this has, in turn, encouraged the Americans to also deploy their marine assets in the region.

• Authors: Arnab Das
• January 2014
• Journal of Defence Studies

Brigadier Feroz Hassan Khan (Retd) brings to bear the right credentialsto this six year effort under review. The career Pakistan Army officer andJohns Hopkins University graduate (1989–91), currently a faculty memberof the Naval Postgraduate School, Moneterey, California, spent the lastdecade of his 32 year service (he retired in 2001) dealing with nuclearissues in key positions.

• Authors: S. Samuel C. Rajiv
• January 2014
• Journal of Defence Studies

Indian foreign policy has made tremendous progress since the collapse ofthe Berlin Wall. Today, India is being seen as an important regional powerand a responsible global player. It is the goal of India’s foreign policy toachieve major power status for the country in the international arena.This ambition has been a common thread in the policies of all politicaldispensations to have ruled the country. To achieve this stated goal, Indianeeds to be pragmatic and instead of being guided by the past, it has tolook at safeguarding its interest in the future.

• Authors: Stuti Banerjee
• January 2014
• Journal of Defence Studies

While it is commonly believed that the time for major wars has passed, thesecurity environment is becoming more complex. We should, however,remember that whereas there has been no global war after 1945 and noideological war after 1991, the world has not witnessed an absence ofconflict either. Besides the ongoing regional contestations and bilateraldisputes involving sovereignty we are now faced with internal wars of highintensity, often with deep external involvement.

• Authors:
• January 2014
• Journal of Defence Studies

India’s quest for modernization of the armed forces is propelled by the persistent threat to its territorial integrity and the aspiration of becoming a great power. However, there is no clearly defined comprehensive policy, much less a carefully crafted strategy, for time-bound modernization of the armed forces and there is no mechanism in place to steer the modernization programme in a holistic manner. In fact, there is considerable ambiguity about the core question as to what constitutes comprehensive ‘modernization’.

• Authors: Amit Cowshish
• January 2014
• Journal of Defence Studies

The explosions that gutted INS Sindhurakshak during the early hours of 14 August 2013 caught the imagination of an entire nation that watched the brief footage of the catastrophic event on their television sets. Barring some minor accidents which resulted in structural damage, this is the most tragic incident involving loss of lives in the 46 year history of the submarine arm.

• Authors: Sataluri Govind
• January 2014
• Journal of Defence Studies

The long expected Agreement on Border Defence Cooperation (BDCA) was signed between the governments of India and China on 23 October 2013 in Beijing, during the visit of the Indian Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh to the People’s Republic of China. The draft of the agreement had been through close-door negotiations by both the governments for about a year prior to its signing. Incidentally, it was also during these negotiations that a three week long face-to-face incident occurred—in April-May 2013—at Depsang located in the Aksai Chin region which is disputed between India and China.

• Authors: Bijoy Das
• January 2014
• Journal of Defence Studies

For a maritime nation like India, its conception of maritime security of the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) and, specifically, its approach to maritime security has a long historical legacy. The modern Indian Navy has its origins in the colonial period. But it is the post-colonial period spanning independence and then the imperatives of the Cold War, and later to the interim phase in the aftermath of the collapse of the Soviet Union to the present day strategic partnerships—all of which have contributed to moulding the Indian perspective of maritime security.

• Authors: Sarabjeet Singh Parmar
• January 2014
• Journal of Defence Studies

The Indian Ocean Region (IOR), though considered an important maritime region, has not yet been accorded the due importance of a geo-strategic entity. One attributable reason is the ‘sandwiching’ of the IOR between two ‘hotspots’—the South China sea and the Persian Gulf that divert the attention of nations from this area. While there are commonalities like ‘Freedom of Navigation’, the divergences—caused by varying strategic interests even while addressing common security issues such as piracy—have resulted in a sectoral view of the maritime security paradigm in the IOR.

• Authors: Sarabjeet Singh Parmar
• October 2013
• Journal of Defence Studies