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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20110120T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20110120T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T202725
CREATED:20231223T220938Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T130742Z
UID:63606-1295501400-1295501400@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Internal Security and Centre-State Relations
DESCRIPTION:Event Report\nInternal threats to national security have assumed centre-stage in the debates on Indian security. They are arguably more serious than the external threats. They have a pan-Indian presence and are no longer confined to India’s north and north-eastern frontiers. Therefore\, tackling these threats is a common concern for the Centre and the States. However\, one witnesses that whether it is in the handling of the Mumbai attacks\, or in the case of disturbances in Jammu and Kashmir\, or the blockade of Manipur by the NSCN (IM) or the lack of coordination between the central paramilitary forces and the state police in naxal areas\, the federal nature of the Indian polity has brought forth tensions between the Centre and the concerned States. \nIn order to deliberate on these complex issues that have serious implications for India’s national security\, a roundtable on “Internal Security and Centre-State Relations” was organized by the Internal Security Cluster. It was chaired by Shri N.N. Vohra\, Honourable Governor of Jammu and Kashmir and was attended by scholars and practitioners of the strategic community. The welcome address by Shri. N.S Sisodia\, Director General IDSA\, was followed by presentations of three eminent panelists\, Shri. P.R. Chari\, Shri. Ved Marwah and Shri. E.N. Rammohan. They addressed the constitutional\, institutional and operational aspects of Centre-State relations and dwelt on their implications for internal security.   \nConstitutional Arrangement\nIn the deliberations on the constitutional responsibilities for dealing with challenges to internal security\, it was emphasized that the following from the clear mandate of Article 355\, the ultimate responsibility does lie with the Union Government. Several judgments of the Supreme Court interpreting the relevant constitutional provisions attest to this. However\, since the responsibility for maintaining law and order rests with the State governments\, there are at least two compelling reasons for involvement of and cooperation with the Union Government. Firstly\, several states witnessing internal disturbances are at the nation’s frontiers\, and there is a discernible external dimension to the internal security issues. Secondly\, there is also a pernicious nexus between domestic miscreants and the international criminal networks. The problem thus requires a combined response in the spirit of collective responsibility. As suggested by the Punchi Commission on Centre-State Relations\, some constitutional amendments such as limiting the application of emergency powers to only the affected parts of a State may prove useful in minimizing Centre-State tensions.  \nInstitutional Set-Up\nLike the general consensus that the constitutional provisions to deal with internal security challenges were by and large adequate\, there was complete agreement also on the fact that the institutions required to implement these provisions had not evolved sufficiently. Lack of political will on the part of the Union as well as States and dynamics of coalition politics prevent the development of appropriate institutional mechanisms. These result in the sub-optimal functioning of the various institutions involved in tackling the challenges. In order to overcome this institutional deficit\, several constructive suggestions were made for strengthening the institutional mechanisms such as creation of new institutions such as a National Counterterrorism Centre and reform of existing ones such as the Indian Police Service\, among others. \nOperational Efficiency\nOperational challenges arise mainly from the deployment of forces of the Union in aid of State civil authorities. There are only three instances in the history of independent India of a suo-motu deployment of such forces. In all other instances\, the Union forces have been deployed on the request of the States’ concerned. Nevertheless\, serious problems happen when a force that is not aware of local customs is deployed to counter insurgency and other kinds of law and order problems. While the need for such forces cannot be denied\, it was argued that trained local officers must be involved\, especially in conducting interrogations. Moreover\, success in such operations will follow from having a blueprint for joint operations and an effective mechanism for coordination between the civil\, judicial\, police and paramilitary authorities. \nConclusion\nIdentifying the main challenges to national security faced by the country today as the proxy-war in Jammu and Kashmir\, left-wing extremism\, insurgencies in the North-East\, terrorism by new groups like the Indian Mujahideen and counter-radical organizations\, it was urged that political parties at the Centre and in States rise above their political differences to cooperate with each other in tackling these serious challenges. The perils of playing politics with national security were underscored by all participants.  \nReport prepared by Ms. Gulbin Sultana\, Research Assistant\, IDSA. \n\nProgramme\n1400 h: Opening Remarks by Shri. N. S. Sisodia\, Director General\, IDSA \n1410 h: Presentation by Shri. P.R. Chari:\nConstitutional Aspects of Centre-State Relations and Internal Security \n1430 h: Presentation by Shri. Ved Marwah:\nInstitutional Aspects of Centre-State Relations and Internal Security \n1450 h: Presentation by Shri. E.N. Rammohan:\nOperational Aspects of Deployment of Central and State Forces in Internal Security \n1510 h: Remarks by Shri N.N. Vohra\, Hon’ble Governor\, Jammu and Kashmir \n1540 h: Discussion \n1640 h: Concluding Remarks by the Panel \nConcept Note\n\n“Issues relating to our internal security (is) an area that requires utmost vigil\, sustained and coordinated attention of both Central and State Governments…our success in large measure also depends on the response of the State Governments…a response that is coordinated not only between the affected states but also between the Centre and the States…Internal security is a critical issue which affects the pace and growth of development…..we have a hard task ahead but one that can be and must be achieved with determination and coordinated action…we will only succeed if we are united as a nation in addressing our concerns related to our internal security.” — Prime Minister Shri.Manmohan Singh at the Chief Ministers Conference on 07 February 2010\, quoted in the Punchi Commission Report\, March 2010 \n\nInternal threats to national security have assumed centre-stage in the debates on Indian security. They are arguably more serious than the external threats. They have a pan-Indian presence and are no longer confined to India’s north and north-eastern frontiers. Therefore\, tackling these threats is a common concern for the Centre and the States. The relationship between the Centre and the States needs to be analysed in the context of the following Constitutional provisions relating to the responsibilities of the Centre and the State Governments on matters pertaining to internal security: \nPart XVIII of Constitution\, Article 355: It shall be the duty of the Union to protect every State against external aggression and internal disturbance and to ensure that the Government of every State is carried on in accordance with the provisions of this Constitution. \nSeventh Schedule\, Article 246\, Union List\, 2 A : Deployment of any armed force of the Union or any other force subject to the control of the Union or any contingent or unit thereof in any State in aid of the civil power; powers\, jurisdiction\, privileges and liabilities of the members of such forces while on such deployment. \nSeventh Schedule\, Article 246\, State List\, Item 1: 1. Public order (but not including 3[the use of any naval\, military or air force or any other armed force of the Union or of any other force subject to the control of the Union or of any contingent or unit thereof] in aid of the civil power). \nSeventh Schedule Article 246\, State List\, Item 2: Police (including railway and village police) subject to the provisions of entry 2A of List I.] (cited above) \nIt has been a matter of concern that that Item 1 and 2 of State List have often come in the way of the clear mandate of Article 355 empowering the Centre to act in cases of internal disturbances. The Group of Ministers Report on Reforming the National Security System (2001) also expressed concern regarding the mismatch between increased Central responsibilities and reduced Central powers in the management of internal security\, thus adversely impacting the internal security scenario.  Whether it is in the handling of the Mumbai attacks\, or in the case of disturbances in Jammu and Kashmir\, or the blockade of Manipur by the NSCN (IM) or the lack of coordination between the central paramilitary forces and the state police in naxal areas\, the federal nature of the Indian polity has brought forth the tensions between the Centre and the concerned States.  \nVolume V of the Punchi Commission Report (2010) addresses the issue of management of internal security in a federal set-up. With the aim of improving the interface between the Centre and the State with regard to internal security\, the Commission made the following recommendations: \n1. Maintenance of communal harmony through reinvigoration of the National Integration Council (NIC)\, coordination between National Forum for Communal Harmony and NIC\, engagement with the local media and NGOs \n2. Central Law Enforcement Agency for Internal Security to preempt\, prevent\, control\, investigate and prosecute terrorism related crimes\, centre-state consensus through consultative mechanisms on “admissibility of confessions made before the police” \n3. Suo Motu Deployment of Central Forces to be provided for by a clarificatory amendment of Article 355 to make it functionally viable\, along with upholding the spirit of federal supremacy and cooperative federalism   (to be ensured through making such deployment with full advance knowledge of the State Government\, central rule in limited area of state to manage local emergency\, and its use in rarest of rare circumstances)     \n4. Migration though managed by states well as a law and order issue as well as politically\, should be on agenda of the NIC and Centre-State consultations. \n5. Other Internal Security Problems of Naxalism\, Insurgency in the North East and in Jammu and Kashmir to be addressed by greater emphasis on development and improving the security apparatus (specific recommendations for each issue) and ensuring similarity of objective of the Centre and the concerned States \n6. Police Reforms to be implemented as per the directive of the Supreme Court (2006)\, quarterly reports of the Justice Thomas Committee to oversee implementation of the directive to be submitted to the Home Minister\, and  discussed bi-annually at the Chief Ministers Conference in Internal Security\, budgeting and financial support from Centre  \n7. Criminal Justice System for management of crime based on new approaches and tools involving all levels of government\, a Review and Monitoring Mechanism involving states to go into existing reports and commissions such as Second Administrative Reforms Commission Report (2007)\, Report of the Committee on Draft National Policy for Criminal Justice (2007)\, Judicial Impact Assessment Committee Report (2008) etc.\, creation of a Standing Commission on Internal Security and Criminal Justice\, Department of Criminal Justice at Centre and State\, Bureau of Crime Prevention\, Crime Statistics and Criminal Justice Planning. \nThis Roundtable seeks to focus on some issues that may facilitate or impede the implementation of these recommendations:  \n\nLegal- Which constitutional reforms are most desirable and feasible for enhanced Centre-State cooperation on matters of internal security? \nPolitical-Which are the main areas of tension between the Centre and the States or among different states resulting from politicization of security issues? How should these tensions be eased?\nInstitutional- What should be done to ensure better coordination between the Centre and the State?\nOperational-What should be done to improve operational efficiency of the police and paramilitary forces deployed in internal security duties?
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/internal-security-and-centre-state-relations
CATEGORIES:ROUND TABLES / WORKSHOPS,EVENT REPORT
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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20110120T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20110120T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T202725
CREATED:20231223T220938Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T130742Z
UID:63607-1295501400-1295501400@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Special Lecture by Dr. Idesbald Goddeeris  on the Belgian crisis: from a local Brussels problem to a European and global issue?
DESCRIPTION:Speaker: Dr. Idesbald Goddeeris is an assistant Professor at the Katholieke Universiteit Leuven\, Belgium\, where he teaches courses on European and colonial history. He is also a senior member of the Leuven Centre for Global Governance Studies and coordinator of its Leuven India Focus. \nDr. Idesbald Goddeeris\, Coordinator of Leuven India Focus Chair of the Leuven Centre for Global Governance Studies in Belgium\, addressed an informed audience at IDSA on the subject of the massive political crisis that Belgium has been facing for the last three years and the deep political and financial implications for not just the stability of Belgium but also for the entire European Union. Ms. Smita Purushottam of IDSA chaired the session. Dr. Goddeeris initiated the talk by focusing primarily on the historical background of the current state of affairs in his country. He also emphasized the significance of Belgium from the geographical point of view. Belgium is at the heart of Europe and Brussels is the capital of not just the European Union but also of its chief security apparatus: the NATO. Thus\, while Greece and Ireland may still be considered as peripheral in Europe\, the sheer centrality of Belgium makes it one of the principal countries that shape the policy decisions of the European Union. Financial and political difficulties of Belgium are bound to have repercussions for the rest of the continent. \nHistorical Background\nThere are predominantly two communities in Belgium -the French speaking Walloons and the Dutch speaking Flemings. Belgium is an artificial state of 10.5 million inhabitants. It is joked that the things which bind the citizens of Belgium together are the ‘King\, Beer and Soccer’. However the country has survived a century and half since it was put together in 1830-31 by the international powers as a political compromise. It consists of 6 million Dutch-speakers in Flanders\, its northern half bordering the Netherlands\, 3 million French-speakers in Wallonia\, its southern half bordering France\, and 1 million people in its capital Brussels\, which is also the capital of the European Union. Brussels was a Dutch speaking town\, until the middle of the last century\, when the deliberate “frenchification” policy of the Belgian authorities succeeded in turning it into a predominantly French-speaking city. \nIn the early 20th century\, when the country gradually began to democratize\, the political establishment feared that the Flemings would become the rulers of the state. Hence\, Belgium was federalized giving Wallonia a constitutionally guaranteed veto over all major decisions and a guaranteed share of half the seats in government and major administrations. The conservative\, free-market oriented Flemings had been complaining for decades that they were forced to subsidize the allegedly “Socialist” south\, while no improvement of the economic situation of the Walloons has been visible\, which has been weighed down by the legacy of coal and steel industries. On the contrary\, Wallonia has become a stagnant region in Europe with hardly any economic growth. Though Wallonia has 33% of Belgium’s population\, it has 46% of its unemployed and it accounts for only 24% of Belgian GDP and 13% of its exports. 20% of the Walloons are unemployed and 40% work for the government.  \nThere is an enduring period of communitarian tension and political instability which is rooted in the differing opinions on state reform\, and in the continuing existence of the controversial electoral district of Brussels-Halle-Vilvoorde (BHV). Parties from the Dutch-speaking Flanders are in general strongly in favour for devolution of powers to the regions and the splitting of the unconstitutional BHV district\, while the French-speaking Wallonia in general insists on retaining the status quo. \nEvery attempt to liberalize the Belgian economy and to reform the generous Belgian welfare system has been vetoed by the Walloon Socialists. This has led to increasing Flemish frustration\, resulting in the growth of the Flemish-secessionist movement. It is extremely difficult and unpopular for the political establishment of Flanders to foot the ever increasing social and health care bills.  \nRecent Events\nThe collapse of Belgian Prime Minister Yves Leterme’s five-month-old government risks paralyzing politics at a time when vital economic decisions need to be made and an agenda set for Europe. Belgium’s bickering political leaders have failed to restart seven-party negotiations to form a government\, prolonging the deadlock for more than 207 days and thus breaking a European government formation record\, previously held by Netherlands.  \nSome of the major problems and issues that will need to be tackled on a priority basis are:\na) Rising unemployment.\nb) Pension issue.\nc) Budgetary deficit which is close to 5% of the GDP.\nd) Wage negotiations between employers and the state which can be complex and long drawn in the absence of a political mandate and can subsequently lead to social instability and impede growth.\ne) Bearish run of the stock exchange.\nf) Rising interest rates.\ng) Investor confidence which is at an all time low.  \nTill date\, speculators analyzing debt markets have focused their attention on Greece and other southern euro-zone members\, but the political crisis could push Belgium\, Europe’s third most indebted country after Greece and Italy\, onto their radar screens. \nThe questions put forward by the audience revolved around the immigration issues faced by Belgium and the public perception of the citizenship act of the country which has often riled the intellectuals. The nature of European reaction needed to tackle the prevailing crisis\, the rise and emergence of China\, European Union as a modern entity capable of meeting the needs and aspirations of its citizens and the future of the Euro as a common currency were also discussed. There was a debate on the success of the European integration project with different views proposed by the speaker and German experts present in the audience. \nMs. Purushottam thanked Dr. Goddeeris on behalf of the experts present and IDSA for his presentation and observed that it was imperative for India to deepen its understanding of developments within the European Union and its member countries and vice versa\, in order to better understand the future direction of the global events. It was a pity that neither India nor Europe felt a need to better understand each other’s strategic thinking and greater exchange of experts and students was required for this purpose. She also praised the effort of Dr. Jakub Zajarczkowsky of the Centre for Contemporary India Research and Studies of the Institute of International Relations\, University of Warsaw in facilitating the meeting with Professor Goddeeris. \nReport prepared by Rajorshi Roy\, Research Assistant\, Eurasia Cluster\, IDSA.
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/special-lecture-by-dr-idesbald-goddeeris-on-the-belgian-crisis-from-a-local-brussels-problem-to-a-european-and-global-issue
CATEGORIES:ROUND TABLES / WORKSHOPS,EVENT REPORT
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