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BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20091027T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20091027T053000
DTSTAMP:20261113T221326
CREATED:20231223T124750Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T121444Z
UID:62685-1256621400-1256621400@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Special Address at National Seminar on Defence Acquisition
DESCRIPTION:It is a privilege to address this National Seminar on Defence Acquisition considering how critical the modernisation programme is to the armed forces. \nThe present defence procurement and management structures in the Ministry of Defence (MoD) were set up in 2001 in terms of the recommendations of the Group of Ministers (GOM) on reforming the national security system\, constituted in the wake of the Kargil conflict. The GOM recommended the setting up the Acquisition Wing with the task of expediting the acquisition of the capital equipment required for the modernisation programmes of the three services. For facilitating a seamless decision making procurement process\, the Acquisition Wing was established as an inter-disciplinary body comprising of personnel drawn from the three Services and MoD. \nOne of the first tasks undertaken by the Acquisition Wing was to codify the procurement procedures\, last attempted in 1992. The initial formulation in 2002 and four subsequent revisions were to de-mystify and introduce increasing levels of transparency based on experience gained in implementation. Defence procurement planning structures were formalised with detailed exercises for drawing up the 15 years Long Term Integrated Perspective Plan (LTIPP)\, the 5 years Services Capital Acquisition Plans (SCAP)\, and the Annual Acquisition Plans (AAPs) of the three Services. The consultative character of the new system\, as opposed to a hierarchical system\, is manifested in the effective and regular functioning of the Defence Acquisition Council (DAC) and the Defence Procurement Board (DPB). At the same time\, the HQ IDS was organised in a manner that would ensure that all procurement proposals sent by the Services are vetted professionally while ensuring complete inter-Services coordination. Simultaneously\, attention was focussed on monitoring ongoing contracts for the utilisation of the Capital Acquisition budget. These initiatives resulted in increasing the actual expenditure on capital acquisition schemes from Rs. 10\,502 crores in 2000-01 to Rs. 27\,903 crores in 2007-08 with the BE for 2009-10 standing at Rs. 40\,368 crores. While there has been criticism about the surrender of funds with reference to BE/RE\, it must be emphasised that “the acquisition of defence equipment is a complex and intricate process which needs to meet the twin objectives of modernisation of the Armed Forces within reasonable timeframes while conforming to the highest standards of transparency\, probity\, and public accountability” (RM’s Foreward to DPP 2008) in a functioning democracy that is India. Moreover\, in the context of surrender of funds\, it must be stated that there have been instances when the defence budget has been curtailed entirely on account of resource constraints. \nThere is\, however\, always room for improvement and criticism has to be taken in the right spirit. The Kelkar Committee’s recommendations [in its Report (Part-I) in 2005] that a “body like DGA (of France] seems suitable in the Indian set up”\, was therefore\, examined in MoD. The Concept Note for this Seminar states that a similar recommendation has been made by the Comptroller and Auditor General of India (C&AG) based on his observations of certain deficiencies in our capital acquisition structure/procedures. Before any stand is taken\, a brief statement on the functioning of the DGA of France would be necessary. \nThe DGA was set up in 1961 for providing the French armed forces the necessary equipment\, at the best cost\, and in due time. DGA has several Directorates\, each charged with specific responsibilities. These include monitoring research activities\, conducting common technological developments\, designing land lased\, naval\, aeronautical and tactical missile programmes\, fund management\, budget preparation\, procurement\, quality and logistics support (including maintenance)\, promoting export of French military equipment\, providing technical expertise and skills required by programme managers for testing equipment and system\, design\, building and maintaining warships for French navy and for export\, and maintaining aircraft and industrial facilities. \nReplicating the DGA in India would\, therefore\, imply combining the functions presently discharged by the DRDO\, the three Services HQs\, DGQA\, the Department of the Defence Production and the Defence PSUs under one umbrella organisation. In my view\, several issues that would arise in the process would need to be thoroughly examined for a clear understanding of their implications. One major issue\, is the feasibility of setting up a separate cadre for the Acquisition wing comprising of subject experts. Present experience shows that by the time an officer posted in the Acquisition Wing picks up requisite expertise\, she/he is posted out. Postings in and out of the Acquisition wing are also dependent on the requirements of respective cadre controlling authorities\, often to the detriment of ongoing programmes. While this appears to suggest that there is merit in having a separate Acquisition cadre\, as in the DGA\, it would be necessary to examine whether this is desirable. \nThere are other issues that would have to be thoroughly examines before any decision on replicating the DGA in India is taken. This will take time as it may be recalled that some institutions in the DGA\, such as the Engineer General\, has its origins in the Napolioinc wars\, more than two hundred years ago. While I hope that it would not take India quite that long to restructure her defence acquisition management structures and systems\, some patience is due.
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/special-address-at-national-seminar-on-defence-acquisition
CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES
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BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20090203T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20090203T053000
DTSTAMP:20261113T221326
CREATED:20231223T124751Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20240229T001257Z
UID:62687-1233639000-1233639000@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Keynote Address at the 11th Asian Security Conference
DESCRIPTION:This year’s conference is of great significance. It assumes particular salience in the context of the attacks on Mumbai and the systematic use of terrorism and irregular warfare as state policy aimed at India. It is becoming increasingly clear that the nature of war and conflict is changing. All-out wars are no longer the norm for settling political disputes among states. In fact\, despite the military modernization underway in Asian countries\, few wars have taken place. Afghanistan and Iraq are exceptions\, since they are not typical inter-state wars. Most Asian states today are not inclined to engage in large-scale conventional warfare\, as they are no longer seen as the most effective way to securing political\, economic and diplomatic gains. \nThe rapid globalisation of recent years has led to profound changes by creating interdependence amongst states and people. In this backdrop\, it does not seem likely that the states would move back to the classical inter-state wars of the bygone era. Liberal economic policies are increasingly connecting Asia to the world economy. Economic growth and prosperity today are dependent on stable ties and cooperation with other nations of the world. Free movement of goods\, services and people\, cross-border financial flows and Foreign Direct Investment are key drivers of economic growth today. These flourish only in a climate of peace and stability. Nation states\, therefore\, have high stakes in ensuring peace. \nIn such a situation\, conflicts may occur\, only if particular regimes facing internal economic and political problems unleash nationalism and war against an external `enemy’ to rally popular support. Asia\, unfortunately\, does have a number of unsettled territorial and sovereignty disputes. And these can be manipulated by irresponsible states to ensure regime stability. Both internal and external checks and balances\, against such possible abuses of power are\, therefore\, necessary. Fortunately\, many Asian states have wisely agreed to set aside disputes that cannot be resolved immediately and to maintain status quo. They have encouraged a system of dialogue and negotiations to peacefully resolve these disputes. And they are focussed on enhancing cooperation. The India-China relationship is a good example of this approach.  \nAlthough external wars are no longer in vogue; civil wars\, insurgencies\, and militancy have become the principal modes of armed conflict today. Many flow from identity movements; others from extremist ideologies; and yet others from social\, economic and political inequities that abound in our continent. These have made many Asian states extremely unstable and fragile. Dealing with these complex challenges through efficient and improved governance and effective development strategies must be of the highest importance for Asian nations. These will contribute to minimizing the scope and sources of violence between and within states. Steady democratisation of states in Asia is needed for better protection of peoples’ rights\, and also for security.  \nLadies and Gentlemen\,  \nIndia is committed to build strong\, non-discriminatory international norms and institutions\, so as to strengthen world peace and stability. We have resolved to work with the international community on global and universal nuclear disarmament and institutions that have legitimacy and enhance the security of all states. India hopes to gain its rightful place in the United Nations Security Council and make significant contribution to global security as a major stake-holder and responsible power. \nWe are engaged in a major diplomatic effort to construct a new Asian security order through bilateral and multilateral engagements. Our network of strategic defence and security ties with major powers such as the United States\, Russia\, China\, Japan\, or with neighbouring countries of Southeast Asia\, Africa\, the Gulf and the Indian Ocean is aimed at creating confidence\, enhancing state capacities to contribute to their security and stability and promoting transparency and understanding.  \nIndia’s capacity building efforts in Afghanistan are particularly significant. The goal of our efforts is to contribute to Asian peace and stability and not undermine them.  \nIndia’s role in the ASEAN Regional forum and the East Asia Summit are similarly aimed at building a new architecture of stability and peace with states that are focused on development and regional institution building\, that will create conditions for long-term economic growth\, interdependence and prosperity in Asia.  \nThe India-specific waiver by the Nuclear Suppliers’ Group in September 2008 has put aside a major road block to India’s role and future development. For four decades\, India had been subjected to an unfair and discriminatory international nuclear regime that has been brought to an end. The unique waiver for India—in recognition of its responsible role in non-proliferation—has opened the door for nuclear energy cooperation with the rest of the world. It enables us to play a more significant role in achieving the goals of non-proliferation and energy security. India would seek to ensure that the benefits of peaceful uses of nuclear energy will reach all states in keeping with their international obligations. \nFriends\,  \nI have shared with you my thoughts on security in our times and the efforts we are making for safeguarding it. May I now revert to the important issue that I had raised in the beginning.  \nWhile the prospects of inter-state armed conflicts are indeed declining\, India and the Asian continent continue to face the challenge of terrorism. Pakistan has become the epicentre of international terrorism. \nThe assault on Mumbai and many previous attacks on Indian cities over the past few years have gravely undermined peace and security. Afghanistan has been a victim of similar acts\, as indeed have been other countries.  \nThat the major attacks of large magnitude can be planned and executed by elements in Pakistan totally undermines the solemn commitments to us made by its leadership that territory in its control would not be permitted to be used for terrorism. The positive gains of the past years have been destroyed by the dastardly attack on Mumbai. The onus now is on the Government of Pakistan to act with sincerity and decisiveness against the perpetrators and controllers of such attacks. It is in the interest of this region and the rest of the world that such perpetrators of wanton violence are brought to justice and the infrastructure of terror is eliminated.  \nThere is equally an onus on the international community to act. This Frankenstein is now a threat to democracy\, stability and peace in Afghanistan and to Pakistan itself. The international community needs to act decisively and in concert to get rid of this scourge. We sincerely hope that this approach would be the way ahead. As a victim of terrorism\, we must remain committed to safeguarding the lives of our nationals and to taking all the necessary steps to enhance and safeguard our security.  \nThe conference is being held at a critical juncture when the world is facing the prospects of an economic meltdown. This will have unforeseen implications for the global order and security. How will the Asian countries be affected by the economic crisis? What will be its impact on military modernisation projects? Will non-state actors become more active? These are some of the issues which I hope the experts gathered here today will discuss in this conference. \nIt is a matter of great satisfaction for us that so many leading experts and analysts from around the world have gathered here. Your participation raises the stature of the conference. At the end of your two-day deliberations\, you will\, I hope\, come out with findings which will help policymakers deal with the grave threats presented by the changing nature of war.  \nI wish the conference all success in its deliberations.  \nThank you.  \nJai Hind.
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/keynote-address-at-the-11th-asian-security-conference
CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES,Asian Security Conference,ASC Key Speeches
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BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20090123T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20090123T053000
DTSTAMP:20261113T221326
CREATED:20231223T124755Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T121444Z
UID:62688-1232688600-1232688600@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Keynote Address at the National Seminar on Defence Industry
DESCRIPTION:“At the very outset\, I must admit that today’s Seminar could not have come in more relevant circumstances. As the security scenario is undergoing unprecedented changes\, the defence industry has come to occupy the centrestage like never before – not only in our country\, but the world over.  \nOur nation has a vast defence industrial base. It consists of 39 Ordnance Factories\, eight Defence Public Sector Undertakings\, and a small\, yet emerging private sector. In addition\, there are about 50 research laboratories under the Defence Research and Development Organisation at the heart of India’s defence technological advancements.  \nDuring the post-independence period\, defence industrialisation started under the aegis of the Ministry of Defence. To begin with\, the government reserved defence manufacturing only for public sector enterprises. The initiation of Defence production therefore\, under the Reserve Category was a conscious decision\, mainly due to the then prevailing circumstances. Moreover\, at that time\, the private sector was almost negligible. With government’s support\, our defence industry started growing both\, in terms of size and quality. The primary aim was to provide state-of-the-art weapons and systems for our Armed Forces. At the same time\, the defence industry was also entrusted to ensure indigenisation and self-reliance in critical defence technologies.  \nIt is heartening to note that the defence public sector enterprises have together increased their value of production constantly\, signifying their contribution to the Defence Forces. To cite an example\, in last five fiscal years\, the total value of production has increased by nearly 60 per cent – to around Rs. 27\, 500 crore in 2006-07. In addition to the enhanced level of value of production\, the level of indigenisation has also been increased.  \nIn the public sector\, Ordnance Factories Organisation is the largest and oldest departmentally run defence production organisation in the country. Its history dates back to the pre-colonial period\, when the first Ordnance Factory was established in 1801 at Cossipore\, near Kolkata. With a rich experience spanning over 200 years\, the Ordnance Factories are a fine blend of old and state-of-the-art factories. Divided into five operating divisions\, they produce a vast array of defence hardware for our Armed Forces. These include small arms and ammunition\, armoured and transport vehicles\, troop comfort items\, opto electronics and special aluminium alloys among others. The criticality of the Ordnance Factories is firmly rooted in our quest for modernisation\, indigenisation and self-reliance in defence production. At present\, there are 39 Ordnance Factories in operation at various locations. Two more are being set up at Nalanda in Bihar and Korwa in Uttar Pradesh\, to ensure self-reliance in manufacture of defence hardware.  \nThe basic strategic requirements of the Defence Forces are met by the eight Defence Public Sector Undertakings. These requirements include – fighter aircrafts\, helicopters\, warships\, submarines\, heavy vehicles and earth movers\, missiles\, electronic devices and components\, alloys and special purpose steel. In terms of value of production\, DPSUs account for more than 65 per cent of the total industrial output of all defence public sector entities in India. During 2007-08\, the value of production by DPSUs totalled nearly Rs. 19\, 200 crore – an increase of over 20 per cent compared to the previous year.  \nAmong the eight DPSUs\, Hindustan Aeronautics Limited is the largest\, accounting for nearly half of the production by DPSUs in 2006-07. Since its beginning in 1964\, HAL has over the years\, evolved into a large aeronautics complex. The company’s primary mandate is to design\, manufacture\, maintain and overhaul fighters\, trainers\, helicopters\, transport aircraft\, engines\, avionics and system equipments.  \nWe have three defence shipyards – namely Mazagoan Dock Limted\, Goa Shipyard Limited and Garden Reach Shipbuilders and Engineers Limited. Together\, they have produced 469 ships till date\, in addition to 39 more ships\, including submarines\, frigates\, destroyers\, among others. Our shipbuilding industry is gradually evolving and maturing\, but we still have a long way to go.  \nOther DPSUs have their own specialised field of activities. Bharat Electronics Limited specialises in communication and electronics\, BEML’s expertise lies in the area of heavy engineering\, Bharat Dynamics specialisation lies in the area of missiles and Misra Dhatu Nigam Limited manufactures special metal and super alloys to meet all these requirements.  \nThough we have a vast industrial infrastructure\, we are still a long way from establishing ourselves as a major defence equipment manufacturing nation. At present\, we are sourcing most of our defence requirements from external sources\, so much so that our dependence on external sources is to the tune of 70 per cent! This dependence is in terms of import of new weapons\, systems\, as well as upgradation and overhaul of existing systems. Considering our status as an global economic power\, this is a highly undesirable situation. Moreover\, our export base is also woefully meagre. The Government realises fully well the adverse impact of over-reliance on external sources in meeting our critical defence needs. I wish to strongly emphasise that self-reliance in critical technologies is our primary objective and I urge all of you to strive to help us achieve this objective.  \nOn its part\, the Government has taken some concrete policy decisions to reverse the present trend. Since May 2001\, our Government has allowed\, 100 per cent participation of private sector in the defence production\, with an additional provision of 26 per cent through Foreign Direct Investment. As a result of this\, Defence production has moved from the ‘Reserve Category’ to the ‘License Category’\, where the private sector can produce any defence item after obtaining a license for its production. The private sector has thus\, got an opportunity to transform into system producers and integrators\, from their earlier role of suppliers of raw material and components.  \nDue to economic reforms and liberalisation\, India’s private sector has shown dynamism and taken rapid strides. Our private sector has emerged as a competent force\, evident from its rapid progress within a short span. Today\, industrial giants are acquiring industrial icons abroad. I have full confidence that our private sector\, along with the public sector enterprises will help us translate the vision of self-reliance into a reality. I call upon all interested private players to explore various options\, including the route of public-private-partnership to further boost our defence industrial capability. On its part\, the Government will render all possible support in this regard. The private sector and the public sector need not necessarily view each other as ‘potential rivals’\, but rather as ‘prospective partners’ in defence industry.  \nIn addition to the liberalisation of defence production\, we have periodically revised our Defence Procurement Procedure to promote indigenous development of weapons and systems under the “Make” category. Under this category\, we have proposed that the Government would share 80 per cent of the developmental cost with the developmental agencies\, including those in the private sector.  \nWe have also promulgated a defence-specific Offset policy to enhance indigenous defence industrial capability\, as also to usher in transparency and responsibility. The Offset policy is expected to benefit the Indian industry through technology inflows\, foreign investment\, partnership with foreign companies and investment in Indian companies.  \nI would like to say that in addition to the policy initiatives taken by us so far\, we would welcome any pragmatic suggestion that would help our cause. There is much to learn from other entities\, both Indian and foreign\, who over the years\, have mastered the matrix of defence technologies and production. Today’s Seminar is an ideal platform to discuss the vast gamut of issues surrounding defence industry.  \nI congratulate the IDSA and CII for coming together to organise this seminar for its relevance. I wish all of you the very best for your deliberations. I shall look forward to the outcome of these deliberations.”
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/keynote-address-at-the-national-seminar-on-defence-industry
CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES
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BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20081105T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20081105T053000
DTSTAMP:20261113T221326
CREATED:20231223T124756Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T121445Z
UID:62690-1225863000-1225863000@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Special Address at International Seminar on Changing Political Context in South Asia and Prospects of Security and Regional Cooperation
DESCRIPTION:(as marked for delivery) \nIt gives me great pleasure to address the Second Annual Conference “Changing Political Context in India’s Neighbourhood: Prospects of Regional Security and Cooperation”. I commend the organizers for making the Conference an annual event. I had addressed the Conference last year and saw firsthand the value it offers to academics\, diplomats and members of the media from South Asian countries\, to get together and exchange views on regional issues and developments.  \nThe Conference is a welcome addition to Track-II events in the region’s diplomatic calendar. We have a collective stake in ensuring peace and prosperity in our neighborhood and it is imperative therefore that we forge stronger links to establish region-wide prosperity. With popular will gravitating towards peace and understanding\, I am confident that there will also be the necessary political resolve to create the conditions for fruitful cooperation amongst governments and the people.  \nThe theme of this year’s Conference\, “Changing Political Context in India’s Neighbourhood: Prospects of Security and Regional Cooperation” is particularly relevant. The changed political context in the region has been the advent of democracy. In recent months\, we have witnessed successful elections in Bhutan\, Nepal\, Pakistan and Maldives. Bangladesh will soon be going to the polls. The democratic urge we are witnessing in the region provides an opportunity for further deepening bilateral and regional cooperation.  \nFor our part\, India remains a factor for peace and stability in the region. Our goal of a peaceful\, stable\, prosperous neighborhood is rooted in our fundamental belief of enabling each of our neighbors to pursue the shared objective of the development of our peoples. We believe that a democratic framework provides us with the most effective means to achieve these goals.  \nThe positive environment created by the progress of democracy in the region should not\, however\, detract us from the formidable challenges we continue to face. Poverty\, illiteracy\, ethnic conflict\, intolerance\, religious extremism\, and disaster management require urgent attention.  \nThe world’s attention is also focused on the region because it has emerged as a major centre of terrorism. Although it is a global scourge\, it affects our region significantly. Terrorism is a threat to the stability of our respective democratic framework. We in India have been a victim of this menace for over two decades. Too many innocent lives are being lost to terrorism. Nothing\, no cause\, no grievance\, no wrong can ever justify acts of terrorism. Terrorism represents a grave danger to the security of all nations and it is time that we all cooperated and committed to root out this scourge\, sincerely and through effective cooperation; there can be no double standards in dealing with this menace. It can only be defeated by organized action and it should be the primary task of all open\, democratic societies to develop collective means for tackling terrorism. As early as 1987\, the SAARC concluded the Convention on Suppression of Terrorism. The Additional Protocol to the SAARC Convention on Suppression of Terrorism\, signed at the 12th Summit\, reaffirmed our commitment to collectively fight this menace. While the SAARC Convention of Terrorism provides a framework for cooperation to deal with this issue we also believe that the Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism can reinvigorate collective\, multilateral efforts. It is imperative that we cooperate at all levels to comprehensively eradicate terrorism from our region.  \nFortunately\, the overall environment in the region has been undergoing positive change in other spheres. This is particularly evident on the economic front. During the preceding decade\, our economies have registered impressive growth rates\, resulting in a reduction in incidence of poverty. I must add however that we still have a long way to go in this direction. The task before us is to ensure that economic growth is inclusive\, people-centric and sustainable.  \nThere has also been an improvement in the regional bilateral relations. The composite dialogue process between India and Pakistan has resulted in substantial achievements credit and the proved to be a useful instrument for developing and enhancing bilateral relations. It is encouraging that a climate of peace and cooperation is being steadily put in place. I sincerely hope this trend will continue and deepen in the future.  \nWe are meeting today at a time of unprecedented global financial strain. Our region too is not insulated from this crisis and it is likely to have an adverse impact on our economies. High oil and food prices are already seriously impacting our peoples. There is a need for us to examine the impact of the crisis on the region and devise our own responses. Undoubtedly\, we are affected by the global trends but at the same time\, I hope the Conference will come up with ideas as to how best the region can cope with the current global financial crisis.  \nIn this context\, I would like to draw your attention to a few of the issues that will form part of your discussions. These impact our developmental efforts and hence necessitate greater cooperation. I will take as my focus the issue of economic development and\, energy and food security issues. These are issues critical for our continued development.  \nOur region is endowed with rich hydro-power and bio-energy potential. Yet our cooperation in this area has been minimal. There is an urgency to focus our attention and discuss how best we can complement each others’ strengths in meeting our energy needs. Apart from developing renewable sources of energy\, we need to discuss energy security\, energy reforms\, energy efficiency and trade. Underlying this will be the importance of developing and putting in place modalities for sharing technology and expertise. Within the SAARC framework\, we have put forward a South Asia Energy Dialogue and the SAARC Energy ministers are expected to meet in Colombo in 2009. Modalities for discussion can include a regional inter-governmental framework to develop regional hydro potential\, grid connectivity and gas pipelines. The recommendations of the Energy Dialogue would need to be implemented at the earliest. The adoption of the SAARC Action Plan and Dhaka Declaration on Climate Change in July 2008 is an important first step in regional cooperation. Considering the fact that climate change is a highly complex issue with multiple dimensions\, this must be discussed and debated by regional think tanks. We need to step up on climate change and study its impact on South Asia. We must be mindful that Climate Change has the potential to aggravate existing tensions. We must use climate change as an opportunity to reinforce cooperation amongst ourselves.  \nClosely related to the issues of energy security and climate change is food\nsecurity. The continuing increase in food prices\, seen over the past year\, has the potential for slowing down progress towards Millennium Development Goals (MDG). To a great extent\, agricultural crops in our region tend to be rain-fed and dependent on the monsoons. One of the major factors impacting on foodgrain output is climate change\, for instance unseasonal or prolonged rains. In addition to taking steps to mitigate these effects\, some of which are beyond our control\, our objective should be to assure a remunerative and stable price environment. This is important for maintaining agricultural production and productivity.  \nThe recent devastating floods in Nepal and India have underlined the necessity of cooperation amongst ourselves in water resources. These events have once again shown that our region continues to be afflicted by our inability to address the cyclical availability of water – of floods in the monsoon months and low water levels in the dry months. There is urgent need to foster cooperation in the water conservation through capacity building\, encouragement of research and enforcement of best practices designed to use water in a sustainable manner. Given the nature of our river systems\, these issues can be most effectively tackled through cooperation.  \nThe Indian economy has a huge potential\, giving countries in the region an opportunity to link up with the Indian economy and improve their own prospects of growth. We will continue to take unilateral steps and extend concessions to our neighbors. The facility of extending duty free access to imports from Bangladesh\, Nepal\, Sri Lanka and Bhutan demonstrates India’s readiness to assume asymmetric responsibilities. Pakistan and India have also taken a significant step forward by resuming cross-LOC trade after 60 years. Given that present intra-SAARC trade is only 4 per cent of the region’s global trade\, there is enormous potential for intra-regional trade and investment. The SAFTA provides an excellent framework for deepening trade and investment cooperation amongst ourselves. I hope that the democratic impulse will help realize this potential.  \nIn the SAARC\, we have set the goal of achieving in a planned and phased manner a South Asian Customs Union\, a South Asian Economic Union and South Asian Community. The logical continuum on this vector will be the establishment of better intra-SAARC connectivity through direct air connections and by restoring the infrastructure that existed till 1947. The popularity of the resumed rail links between Bangladesh and India\, after a lapse of more than 40 years\, is testimony to our commitment.  \nLooking back at the previous three SAARC summits\, I find it encouraging that there is greater readiness on the part of countries in South Asia to engage with each other at all levels. After all\, our destinies are interlinked. Intellectuals\, economists\, civil society activists and members of the media who see the larger picture are beginning to bring in pressure on their domestic governments to jettison isolationist mindsets and to cooperate more fruitfully amongst ourselves. This is a welcome development.  \nThink Tanks have a special role to play in promoting mutual understanding. They provide a forum for free and forward looking thinking. In today’s circumstances Track II interaction forms an important input for foreign policy. There is an obvious need to deepen these contacts and encourage interaction amongst the scholars in the region. The proposed South Asia University will play an important role in fostering mutual interaction. It gives me great pleasure to note that the IDSA will be offering fellowships to scholars from neighbouring countries. Under the scheme\, scholars can come and spend up to nine months at IDSA pursuing their research interests and interacting with Indian scholars. This is an excellent initiative which should promote to meaningful interaction and collaborative work amongst scholars of the region.  \nI have no doubt that the deliberations of this Conference will be most useful. Its chief merit lies in the fact that it provides a forum for regular exchange of views amongst our people. I hope that in the coming years\, the Conference will include participation at senior levels from the governments\, academia\, media\, NGOs and businessmen.  \nRabindranath Tagore\, one of the greatest poets and thinkers of all time from our region\, had foreseen the fundamental problems we are facing today almost 70 years back when we were still under colonial rule. He was dismissive of the idea of petty nationalism which divided rather than united people. He sang the songs of humanity instead and rued about a world divided by hatred and distrust. In his “Atma Parichay” or “Songs of Myself” he urged people to come together in the bond of love. He had put it very poetically:  \n“As the mission of the rose lies in the unfolding of the petals which implies distinctiveness\, so the rose of humanity is perfect only when the diverse races and nations have evolved their perfect distinct characteristics but all attached to the stem of humanity by the bond of love”.  \nI wish you success and trust your deliberations will make a valuable contribution to deepening mutual understanding\, and help pave the way for mutually beneficial cooperation.  \nThank You
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/special-address-at-international-seminar-on-changing-political-context-in-south-asia-and-prospects-of-security-and-regional-cooperation
CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES
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END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20081105T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20081105T053000
DTSTAMP:20261113T221326
CREATED:20231223T124755Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T121444Z
UID:62689-1225863000-1225863000@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Keynote Address at International Seminar on Changing Political Context in South Asia and Prospects of Security and Regional Cooperation
DESCRIPTION:I feel privileged to be here amidst such a distinguished audience. Over the years\, the IDSA has provided the impulse for such gatherings of scholars and analysts. The end products add to the compendium of knowledge.  \nThe attention of this conference\, I understand\, would be on dimensions of change in South Asia and its possible implications.  \nThe logic of geography is compelling. For India\, the neighbourhood radiates in concentric circles\, buttressed by history\, cultural affinities and economic necessities.  \nOur political commitment to closer ties with our neighbours in South Asia is serious. India’s security interests are better served if our neighbours evolve as viable states with moderate and stable political and social environments and vibrant economies.  \nWe wish to see South Asia at peace with itself\, leading to ever-widening circles of security\, peace and prosperity in the region.  \nThe theme of this seminar is two-fold: security and regional cooperation. Both need to be understood in themselves as also in their mutual relationship. Their logical manifestations could be (1) security exclusively in national terms (2) regional security cooperation (3) regional economic cooperation and (4) a mix of all these resulting in comprehensive security. In terms of linkages\, it would be valid to ask if the perceived regional economic cooperation is to be the first step in our quest for regional security cooperation\, or vice versa.  \nPerceptions\, as this audience is well aware\, have changed over time. At one point\, security in the conventional sense offered a menu of choices in regard to security cooperation and suggested options ranging from alliances to collective security\, security regimes and security communities. At a later stage\, frameworks for communication and dialogue emerged. Each of these was experimented with; results varied from region to region.  \nRegional economic cooperation has tended to be influenced by a set of factors relating to intra-regional relations and convergence of political interests and cultural compatibility. The potential for economic cooperation is stymied when historic fears cloud security perceptions.  \nII\nSouth Asia presents a varied picture towards the end of 2008. In some areas\, forces of change are resonating noticeably. Bhutan has opted for a new system of governance through a constitutional monarchy. Change is the message of the election in Maldives last week. Nepal has witnessed a historic transition from a monarchy to a democratic republic with a new leadership\, and a new Constitution in the offing. Pakistan has reverted to civilian rule with a new Parliament and a democratically elected President.  \nLess specific are the readings on Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. The former seeks a return to constitutional democracy and the latter an end to internecine strife.  \nThe conflict in Afghanistan remains a source of considerable concern and calls for innovative solutions premised on national unity.  \nIndia\, having registered rapid growth in recent years\, is itself moving into a period of state and national elections.  \nThe move towards popular and democratically elected governments in South Asia\, however\, has not eclipsed the existing challenges to governance in all the countries of the region. Poverty and economic disparities\, coupled with ethnic and social divisions\, have created political and social fault lines that have been exploited by non-state actors with their own agendas.  \nHuman Development indices of most countries of South Asia are not flattering and it would a miracle if the targets of the Millennium Development Goals are achieved.  \nYet\, economic growth has continued as most of the South Asian countries have liberalised and moved towards market economies. Regional cooperation has made headway within the framework of SAARC\, which itself has expanded to include Afghanistan as well as nine observers.  \nNew initiatives on the operationalisation of the SAARC Food Bank\, establishment of the SAARC Development Fund\, setting up of the South Asian University\, the launching of negotiations to bring services into SAFTA and signing of the Convention of Mutual Assistance in Criminal Matters are significant for regional integration.  \nThe question that one must ask is whether the changed and changing political context in many SAARC countries would confine itself to domestic politics or go beyond it to develop a changed context for security and economic cooperation with India. In other words\, do the new political elites in our neighbourhood harbour a new paradigm of bilateral and regional cooperation?  \nWe have to admit that the traditional pattern of bilateral state-to-state relations has already been transformed in varying degrees as a result of globalisation. Governments today do not control information or patterns of human interaction. Across the region\, we see a web of connectivities between political actors\, media centres\, civil society organisations and commercial entities. Common people freely exchange views and ideas on their governments and their lives.  \nThe prospects of security and economic cooperation are thus co-related to the ability of States to broad-base their relations beyond the traditional frameworks.  \nFriends\,  \nLet me venture to summarise some overarching themes that characterise the emergence of this new political context.  \nFirst\, there is recognition of the importance of good relations with India and an advocacy for closer economic and political relations. There is also a desire for updating\, where relevant\, the existing instrumentalities of such cooperation to reflect the new ground level realities. The question for renegotiating existing treaties has been raised in this context.  \nSecond\, India on its part has tried – incrementally and non-reciprocally – to incentivise economic cooperation through confidence building measures. As a result\, some in our neighbourhood have begun to feel that a prosperous and economically vibrant India is an opportunity for them to reap both economic and political benefits.  \nThird\, political elites are increasingly emphasising that the desired economic outcomes transcend investments\, growth or development. The focus is on the human development of people\, the quality of the lives of citizens and even Gross National Happiness!  \nFourth\, all countries in South Asia realise that globalisation would be meaningless without the improvement of intra-regional connectivities. Informal trade and third country trade is still predominant with formal intra-regional trade constituting under 5% of South Asia’s overall trade.  \nOn the other hand\, negative security perceptions continue to cloud cooperation in tackling trans-national and cross-boundary issues. These include security concerns such as terrorism\, drug-trafficking and money laundering\, as well as economic and developmental issues such as food\, water\, climate change and energy security.  \nSome initiatives need to be mentioned. India has taken the lead in building infrastructure for intra-regional trade in the full knowledge that the economic importance of intra-regional trade is considerable for the smaller regional economies. Taking the theme of connectivity forward\, the SAARC Transport Ministers identified specific corridors for implementation linking Nepal\, Bhutan\, India and Bangladesh. A draft Motor Vehicles Agreement and a draft Railway Agreement are also being negotiated.  \nThe expectation is that cross-border trucking and container movements\, improved regional air and rail links and upgraded customs and trade facilitation would knit our neighbourhood in a network of mutually beneficial economic partnerships contributing to long term political and social stability.  \nSuch partnerships are the need of the hour and can help address problems that cannot be solved nationally. Two instances of these lie in (i) rivers and flood control; and (ii) energy generation\, energy trade and energy transit. Both are critical to the achievement of development goals of the countries of South Asia.  \nExperience elsewhere in the world shows that political constraints need not be permanent barriers to economic cooperation and that the latter could help create a climate of opinion to resolve conflicts.  \nIII\nLadies and Gentlemen\,  \nWe live in times of great change. The challenges we confront overflow national frontiers. The public in South Asia has\, in diverse ways\, signalled its impatience with the politics of the status quo. This is most evident in the younger generation. It is now for the governments to think innovatively and encapsulate this impulse in national policies.  \nHistory is witness to occasions when bold thinking has led to creativity. Why should South Asia be an exception and remain embedded in the unproductive routine and ritual of six decades?  \nWould it then be altogether unrealistic to hope that South Asian cooperation would seek to achieve the following?  \n• Free travel and trade across frontiers\, a euro-style single currency\, environmentally sustainable and regionally balanced development.  \n• Security coordination resulting in Joint action on crime and terror.  \n• Speak with a single voice and work closely together on trade issues and development policy.  \n• Develop a mechanism for dispute resolution.  \n• Coordinate approaches on major foreign and defence policy questions?  \nThe meandering River of Time is mighty and can flow in many directions. The answers to the above questions lie in harnessing it for common good and regional betterment. The analyst should go beyond identifying the obstacles and pitfalls to suggesting solutions. I venture to hope that today’s conclave would be part of such an effort.  \nI thank Mr. Sisodia for inviting me today. I wish the Seminar all success.
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/keynote-address-at-international-seminar-on-changing-political-context-in-south-asia-and-prospects-of-security-and-regional-cooperation
CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES
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UID:62691-1224826200-1224826200@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Keynote Address at National Seminar on Defence Offsets
DESCRIPTION:“I am really pleased to be present at this National Seminar on Defence Offsets being organised by the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA). Offsets are an important component of the Defence Procurement Procedure. I hope that the Seminar’s deliberations will result in valuable suggestions from all the key stakeholders to strengthen this vital component of our Defence Procurement Procedure. With this end in view\, the deliberations and outcome of the Seminar are eagerly awaited. \nOffsets are today a common feature of international arms trade. It is estimated that offsets and related forms of counter-trade constitute 5 to 30% of global trade. More than a hundred countries use the mode of offsets in their arms contracts. Business and trade analysts put the exact volume of defence offsets at the global level at over $5 billion each year. The United States\, the biggest arms exporter in recent times\, is obviously one of the largest providers of offsets. In 2006 alone\, it signed nearly $3.5 billion worth of offset contracts with more than 20 companies located in 12 different countries. At the global level\, the threshold of defence offsets\, that is the minimum value of the contract at which offsets apply\, is as low as $0.5 million\, where as offsets as a percentage of the value of arms contract is more than 100 for some countries. \nIndia’s defence offset policy has been promulgated as part of Defence Procurement Procedure. The offset policy has undergone two revisions since it was first promulgated in 2005. The latest revision was carried out recently and has been in vogue since September 1\, 2008. India’s offset provision applies to all Capital Acquisitions categorised as “buy (Global)” or “Buy and Make with Transfer of Technology”\, where the estimated cost of the acquisition proposal is Rs. 300 crore or more. A minimum offset of 30% of the indicative cost is required in such acquisitions. The offset obligations of the foreign vendors can be met either through investment in our domestic defence industrial infrastructure\, including defence R&D\, leading to Joint Ventures\, co-development and co-production of defence items\, or through purchase or execution of export orders for defence goods and services produced by Indian defence enterprises\, both in public and private sector. \nThe Ministry of Defence has set up a dedicated single window agency called Defence Offset Facilitation Agency or DOFA to facilitate offset related work. DOFA’s mandate is to interact with various stakeholders\, assist in implementation of the policy and suggest improvements in the offset policy. \nOur offset policy has been revised a couple of times in a short duration. This reflects our commitment to take into account the genuine demands of our stakeholders into our offset policy. The policy has been designed to enable our domestic defence industry to participate actively in the complex job of defence production\, and forge partnerships with international defence majors to bring in latest technologies and manufacturing efficiencies. We welcome any suggestions to further this objective. \nIn this context\, I would like to mention some of the salient features of our revised offset policy under Defence Procurement Procedure 2008. Some of the improvements include introduction of offset banking\, listing of defence products and relaxation of industrial licensing requirements. The revised policy has rationalised the industrial licensing process. The mandatory requirement of an industrial license for a domestic firm to participate in offset programmes has been relaxed. The private sector will henceforth require industrial license “only if so stipulated under the licensing requirements for defence industry issued by the Department of Industrial Policy and Promotion”. It is hoped that this will save valuable time and effort of the applicants and expedite their cases. \nThe new offset policy provides a list of 13 categories of defence products. The product list has been added to help foreign as well as Indian companies in devising their offset strategies. \nUnder the new banking provisions\, foreign vendors are now allowed to create prior offsets and bank the same to discharge their future offset obligations. This will benefit both the foreign as well as Indian companies to forge a long-term partnership\, which would enhance India’s defence industrial capability. The new banking guidelines allow vendors to discharge the banked credits within two financial years of the date of approval of the banked offset credits. If a foreign company generates more offsets than their stipulated obligations under the terms of the existing contract\, the surplus credits can be banked and would remain valid for a period of two financial years after the conclusion of the said contract. \nThe Ministry of Defence fully recognises the importance of the Indian private sector in defence production. We have allowed participation of Indian private sector in defence production and also opened up our defence industry to foreign direct investment. At present\, foreign direct investment (FDI) is permitted up to 26%. I am sure that today’s seminar to have a comprehensive debate on the issues of licensing and FDI and come up with practical suggestions. \nAt this point\, I wish to emphasise that we would give due consideration to all pragmatic suggestions arising out of today’s deliberations. Our offset policy is forward looking and dynamic. We will continue to strive to strengthen the policy and procedural framework for rapid transformation of defence capabilities and infrastructure based on offset investment inflows. \nI congratulate the IDSA for taking up such an important issue for this seminar. I wish the seminar and its deliberations the very best.”
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/keynote-address-at-national-seminar-on-defence-offsets
CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES
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UID:62692-1218605400-1218605400@idsa.in
SUMMARY:IDSA's National Security Lecture Series
DESCRIPTION:1. Mr Narendra Sisodia (DG\, IDSA); senior officers from the Armed Forces (serving and retired); distinguished scholars from academia and the strategic community; members of the foreign service attaché corps; invitees from the media; ladies and gentlemen…Good Morning. \n2. I am thankful to Mr Sisodia for inviting me to speak at this gathering as it provides me an opportunity to achieve a ‘grid lock’ with the strategic community. I particularly look forward to the interactive session as the cross-pollination of ideas that take place during such interactions is indeed intellectually stimulating. It is important that the current thinking and visions of the Services be shared with you so that you are enabled in your effort at creating general awareness amongst our decision-makers and positively influence their thinking through your research findings. Research scholars of IDSA have undertaken several studies of contemporary relevance to the defence forces and contributed significantly to the nascent culture of ‘strategic thinking’ in our country – more about that later… \n3. For the moment\, let me begin with a brief historical perspective of Sea Power… \nA Historical Perspective\nSea Power in History\n4. All through history\, ‘great power’ status of nations has been associated with possession of strong navies. The ancient Greeks coined the term “thallasocracy” meaning “rule of the sea”\, to describe a state with primarily maritime realms\, or naval supremacy of the state. Ancient Crete is credited with being the first thallasocracy which dominated the shores of the Aegean Sea with its strong naval forces. Athens\, Carthage and Rome were other pre-eminent thallasocracies of this era. \n5. In the age of exploration and colonisation\, the broadest application of Sea Power was seen along with emergence of remarkable thallasocracies. Anchored in their European territories\, several nations established colonial empires held together by naval supremacy. The establishment of the Portuguese Empire was soon followed by the Spanish\, Dutch and eventually\, the British\, whose immense landed possessions were held together by the greatest navy of its time. When Britain lost its mastery at sea\, in World War I and World War II\, albeit to a fraternal ally\, the United States\, the British Empire was a bubble that burst as decisively as did that of Athens in the Peloponnesian War (430-404 BC). If this hypothesis of centrality of naval power in great power status of nations sounds too Mahanian\, let us view the relevance of Sea Power in geopolitics through the lens of a continental power theorist. \nMackinder’s Heartland Theory\n6. Sir Halford Mackinder\, the great geopolitical theorist\, whose views you may be familiar with\, postulated that history was a cyclic struggle between land-based and sea-based powers. His often quoted dictum of continental determinism is expressed as Eastern Europe was the key to the Heartland (or pivot area)\, which in turn commanded the World-Island. The power\, which ruled the World-Island\, ruled the World. Mackinder intended this epigram as a prediction and as policy guidance for the Allied negotiators at the Versailles Conference. Nevertheless\, his prophesies were often cited in strategic discussions during the Cold War era as well. \n7. However\, what people did fail to notice was the fact that the United States\, which was\, of course\, a continental power\, had also developed into a maritime power. Even the Soviet Union invested heavily in the Soviet Navy during the Cold War in the global competition for supremacy\, despite geographical limitations in terms of warm water ports. One analysis of the Cold War dynamics attributes maritime preponderance of the USA as a major factor in deciding the Cold War in its favour . This reinforces the historic fact that continental powers have fared poorly against maritime powers. No nation that aspires for greatness can neglect the maritime dimension. The United States\, Russia\, France\, Britain and Japan\, have all developed maritime infrastructure and have large and technologically advanced navies. China\, through its intensive investment in maritime platforms and infrastructure\, is developing powerful maritime forces with global power projection capability. \nThe Rise and Fall of Indian Sea Power\n8. What about Indian Sea Power? Ancient India enjoyed active trade links with Africa\, Arabia and Mesopotamia; the empires of ancient Persia\, Greece\, Rome and China; and a number of kingdoms in South-East Asia. Then – as now – the wide-ranging nature of this seaborne trade required the assurance of a high degree of maritime security. Indeed\, up to the end of the 12th Century\, several Indian kingdoms – especially those in the peninsula\, like the Cholas\, Cheras\, Pallavas and Pandyas – possessed significant sea-going navies of their own. In fact\, we cannot contest the historical surmise that India never lost her independence till she lost the command of the seas to the Portuguese in the first decade of the 16th century. \n9. The continental mindset of Indian rulers was shaped by their experience of invasions which came from landward. However\, such invasions and conquests either led to transient political changes or to the foundation of new dynasties\, which in a very short time were assimilated by the resilient fabric of India’s culture. While dominance over the Indian Ocean passed from the Portuguese to the British\, the Mughals remained oblivious of the importance of sea-power to the empire. Consequently\, India’s maritime capabilities\, and what existed of its naval power\, could not prevent India’s subjugation by the British. \n10. History has taught India two bitter lessons: firstly\, that neglect of maritime power led to loss of sovereignty\, and secondly\, that it takes many decades to restore maritime power after a period of neglect and decline. \nGeo-Strategic Significance Of The Seas\nIndia’s Continental Focus\n11. Regrettably even after independence\, we did not quite grow out of our continental focus for many generations – thanks mainly to the developments in our terrestrial neighbourhood. It is only in the more recent past that our policy makers have fully comprehended the strategic the significance of Sea Power and its relation to broader strategic\, diplomatic and national security objectives\, and it has not been easy to get over our “Sea Blindness”. \nGrowing Significance of the Littoral\n12. The proclamation of Hugo Grotius recognising oceans being ‘Mare Liberum’ or Free Seas\, was reinforced by United Nations through recognition of the oceans as ‘common heritage of mankind’ and freedom of navigation on the high seas as a fundamental principle of maritime law. Unlike every inch of land which is owned by one nation or another\, the seas in their natural state\, are free of political control. The geo-strategic significance of Sea Power emerges from the fact that 70% of the earth’s surface is covered by the sea and over 2/3rd of the world’s population lives within 100 miles of it. Over 150 of the 192 member states of the UN are coastal states. Since the 1970s\, all of them have extended their jurisdiction out to sea – in many cases\, as much as 200 nm and some beyond that. Most human maritime activity is confined to within 100 nm of the coastal zones. This means that a very large proportion of the world’s economic\, industrial and political activity is carried out in this swath of land and sea extending about 300 nm. This is often referred to as the littoral\, and that is where the navies of the major maritime powers are focusing today. It is noteworthy that in all of the recent major conflicts – Kosovo\, Afghanistan and Iraq – the major interventions have not been over land\, but from the littoral. \n13. As I just mentioned\, in recent years\, there has been a perceptible realisation of the importance of the seas\, as a medium for resource exploitation and transportation. There is a surge in the economic activities all around our coastline in terms of infrastructure\, Special Economic Zones\, industrial activities and offshore exploration. There is also a discernible shift in the centre of economic growth from the continental heartland to the ‘littoral’\, and we can assume that as a natural progression of this rather welcome development\, India will outgrow its continental mindset and develop a robust maritime outlook. \nIndia’s Maritime Interests\n \nStrategic Location\n14. Having established the geo-strategic significance of the seas\, let us review our intrinsic maritime interests and resultant need for a strong navy. We are strategically located in a warm water ocean\, astride the major shipping lanes from the Persian Gulf to the Malacca Strait. A long coastline studded with deep-water ports\, a well-endowed EEZ\, a rich hinterland and island territories on both seaboards completes this fortunate picture. Our dependence on the sea for food\, energy and minerals will grow exponentially in the coming years and this will necessitate a quantum increase in efforts to ensure the security of our maritime assets. \n \nChoke Points\n15. Hemmed in by the landmass of Asia to its north\, Africa to its west and SE Asia and Australia to its East\, the Indian Ocean is virtually a land-locked ocean. Access to this ocean is controlled by several choke points\, through which shipping has to necessarily pass. These vital choke points need to be kept open at all times to keep both our economy as well as the global economy running smoothly. \n \nEnergy Security\n16. Oil Flows and Trade Routes. Coming next to Energy Security… since the IOR is contiguous to one of the major oil producing regions of the world – the Persian Gulf – the energy lifelines of the world as also major trade routes also pass through this region. As a result of rapidly developing economies\, the Asia-Pacific region’s share of world energy consumption will rise from the present 20% to 31% in 2020 with 80% of this requirement being sourced from the Persian Gulf. Today about 50 super-tankers traverse the sea-lanes between the Lakshadweep and Andaman Islands. This figure is expected to reach 150-200 by 2020. \n17. Security of Energy Flows. India’s annual oil consumption is expected to rise to 150 million tons by 2020\, with the country likely to be the world’s single largest importer of oil by 2050. Global energy interests also translate into the permanent and increasing presence of extra regional navies in the Indian Ocean in general and the Arabian Sea in particular. Ensuring unhindered flow of oil from this region will be a major maritime pre-occupation\, especially in times of conflict. However\, we must also factor possible coercive influence of these extra-regional maritime forces in our security calculus. \n \nOverseas Trade\n18. A quick look at our Overseas Trade shows that reforms in the past decade have resulted in a liberalised Indian economy\, integrated with\, and increasingly interdependent on other world economies. India is now projected to become the fifth largest economy in the world by 2020 and the second largest by 2050. The sheer volume of trade carried over the oceans and the inter-dependencies that exists amongst nations\, enormously enhances the stakes in the security of this trade. The pressure for countries to cooperate in the maritime military domain to ensure smooth flow of energy and commerce on the high seas will grow even further\, and will require us to focus our energies in this direction in the coming years. \n \nSecuring Our Maritime Interests\n19. As a mature and responsible maritime power\, India has a clear self-interest in what happens in her geo-strategic maritime areas of interest. At its most fundamental level\, this ‘self-interest’ finds expression in the statement of our core national interest as derived from the Constitution of India\, namely to assure the economic\, material and the spiritual well-being of the ‘People of India’. Naturally this core national interest requires the assurance of security in every form. Consequently\, the maritime security of India and its environs is central to the functioning of the Indian Navy. \n \nGlobalisation And The Changing Roles Of The In\n20. After that historical backdrop\, a broad-brush treatment of the geo-strategic importance of the seas and a quick review of our maritime interests\, it is time to examine whether traditional naval roles have undergone any significant change in recent years. The two most defining features of the modern world are increasing inter-dependence brought about by globalisation and the shift in the patterns of conflict from conventional to sub-conventional methods. \n \nSea Power in Peace and War\n21. To understand the linkage between sea power and globalisation\, one must first unlearn the popular characterisation that sea power is exclusively about war at sea. The term sea power is a much broader concept that entailsat least four elements: the control of international trade and commerce; the usage and control of ocean resources; the operations of navies in war; and the use of navies and maritime economic power as instruments of diplomacy\, deterrence\, and political influence in times of peace. Unlike the concepts of land power or air power\, which are generally defined only in military terms\, sea power can never be quite separated from its geo-economic purposes. \n \nRoles of the Navy\n22. Traditional Roles. The wider function of the span of naval operations could be described by a triad of naval roles which are:- \n(a) The Combat and Military Role\, which is projection of power by the exercising control over the oceans in times of peace and conflict. \n(b) The Diplomatic or Foreign policy role\, which implies projection of national influence through wide range of options\, ranging from benign activities like humanitarian aid and cooperative regional engagements to coercive presence. \n(c) The Constabulary and Policing roles of the navies include protection of national sovereignty and ocean resource governance. \n23. With changes in the political and geo-strategic environment\, a particular role assumes pre-eminence. The inherent versatility of naval forces allows them to be utilised as an instrument of state policy in different roles under different circumstances. Warships can easily change their posture\, undertake several tasks concurrently\, and be rapidly available for re-tasking\, the role of the Indian Navy in the resolution of the threat to the Maldivian Government in 1988 being a case in point. \n24. The Benign Role. In more recent times\, the benign role of the navy has assumed not only greater importance but also international acceptance as it addresses humanitarian aspects. The Indian Navy’s role in providing timely succour to Indonesia and Sri Lanka\, despite our preoccupation with relief operations in Andaman and Nicobar\, in tsunami is well documented. Humanitarian and Disaster relief capability of the Indian Navy was again evident during the recent cyclone Nargis. In fact\, providing a responsive and effective Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster-Relief throughout the Indian Ocean Region remains a core focus area for the Indian Navy\, considering that 70% of the world’s natural disasters occur in the Indian Ocean Region. \n25. Pre-eminence of the Military Role. Today\, the reduced possibilities of conventional conflict wars have refocussed navies to operate more in the sub-conventional spectrum and Operations Other Than War. However\, political situations change rapidly\, faster than the rate at which a navy can re-orientate itself and therefore the military capability needs to remain honed. Further\, since preservation of sovereign integrity will always remain the prime political imperative\, it goes without saying that the military role is therefore the raison d’être of any naval force. \n26. Sea Power & Economic Power. Historically\, there has been a visible linkage between sea power and economic power. Sea power is a facilitator of economic power\, and the quest for economic power is\, in turn\, a motivator for the development of sea power. In that sense\, we could conclude that the historical impact of the sea in the pursuit of wealth and the development of a global economy has been as a facilitator or driver of globalisation. \n27. The maritime world can also be seen as a primary facilitator of globalisation\, because it is the medium over which 90 percent of world trade is transported and this open it is hard to see how globalisation could begin at all. The economic benefits of the increased commerce resulting from globalisation\, also drives the growth of strong navies\, to safeguard and protect seaborne trade and commerce at extended ranges. \n28. It has been observed that developed economies appear to have benefited more from globalisation than the lesser developed ones. Likewise\, those nations who have maintained powerful navies and efficient shipping systems would have leveraged the maritime dimension to maximum economic benefit. \n \nThe Potential for Conflict\n29. Competing Interests. Globalisation has also led to a belief that inter-state conflicts are unlikely in the current era\, primarily due to economic interdependence and reduction in misperceptions due to enhanced cultural interaction. On the other hand\, continued growth may create increasing competition for resources\, which is likely to encourage nations to exert wider claims of sovereignty over greater expanses of ocean\, waterways\, and natural resources—potentially resulting in conflict. Whilst the probability of war between major countries may appear to be low\, it cannot be ignored entirely\, especially in the IOR where the security situation is indeed fragile. National security policies therefore\, cannot depend on globalisation but rather rely on traditional means of deterrence and defence. Where conflict threatens our national interests\, a strong navy can deter the ambitions of aggressors\, assure friends and allies\, gain and maintain access\, and protect our citizens while working to maintain order at sea. \n30. Transnational Crime. As an unintended implication\, globalisation and its accompanying technical diffusion have also permitted highly diverse transnational networks\, or groups\, to expand in influence and lethality\, which directly impacts maritime security. Maritime terrorism and piracy are today\, the most potent threats to international maritime trade. Complicating the maritime threat picture is growing speculation that a tactical nexus could emerge between piracy and terrorism. \n31. The Fragile Peace in the IOR. Within the Indian Ocean Region\, the threat of ‘intra-State’ as well as ‘inter-State’ conflict remains a grim reality. The region is also subject to a variety of security threats that are short of State-on-State conflict\, but these also present an equal if not greater threat to peace and stability. On the military level\, conflicts exist along the all-important ISLs: from the Bab-el-Mandeb and the Straits of Hormuz\, along the coastline of South Asia\, to the Straits of Malacca and – by way of geographical extension – to the South China Sea. Piracy is rampant and terrorist organisations often operate in the poorly policed regions. \n \nOpportunities for Maritime Cooperation\n32. And yet\, if the problems of holistic security are enormous\, so are the opportunities. Globalisation imperatives have given impetus for concerted and cooperative effort of maritime forces in securing the maritime highways. Cooperative efforts of the littoral countries of the Malacca Strait has led to a dramatic decrease in incidents of piracy and armed robbery. On the Western flank of the region\, the efforts of the multi-national ‘Task Force 150’ are underway to keep maritime crime in check. Similarly deserving of praise are Australia’s\, South Africa’s and India’s efforts towards capacity-building and capability-enhancement. An increasing number of navies around the world\, including the Indian Navy views ‘Constructive Engagement’ as the answer to common maritime challenges. \n33. At the intellectual level as well as a stepping stone towards operationalising our maritime security framework\, the Indian Navy has taken the initiative to encourage and focus the process of ‘Constructive Engagement’ amongst the littoral States of the Indian Ocean Region\, the Indian Navy has\, this year itself\, taken initiative to set-up an inclusive and consultative regional forum ‘Indian Ocean Naval Symposium’. This regional maritime cooperation initiative has received overwhelming support from regional navies. \n \nSuggested Strategic Correctives \n\n\n\n34. Today\, the geo-strategic significance of India as a stabilising power in the IOR is globally accepted and there is a distinct realisation that India is destined to play a larger global role in the years ahead. It is also true that within the country\, maritime security issues do not get the importance that they deserve in our national thinking in view of more compelling challenges elsewhere and therefore\, attention on matters pertaining to this important segment tends to get concentrated during periods of crisis. \n \nAttitude Towards Defence Expenditure\n35. In my view\, there are three shortcomings in our system\, which have a bearing on this issue. The first of these is our ambivalent attitude towards defence expenditure\, which has led to fluctuating budgets and uncertainty in the force planning process. Our current defence budget being less than 2% of GDP is indicative of the prevalent ambivalence. Our fundamental quest for a better quality of life for our citizens remains irrefutable. However\, the argument between guns and butter is not simply a zero-sum game. In order to facilitate growth and development of our citizens\, we need to create a secure environment for our country. And a secure environment will be achieved only when it is abundantly clear that we are a strong\, confident nation with a surplus of security assets and the resolve to act in our national interest. \n \nThe Need for Strategic Vision\n36. The second factor is the need to develop a more focussed strategic vision. The need to take a long- term view of national security is absolutely necessary to enable coordinated reactions to emerging threats and realities. This\, to my mind\, needs some strengthening. \n37. In the current geopolitical scenario\, national security interests transcend the commonly perceived boundaries of military security issues and the military\, more so the Navy\, has to focus on diplomatic and benign roles in peacetime to further these interests. A well-orchestrated use of the Navy to further the nation’s foreign policy\, should never be perceived as the Navy ‘overstepping’ into the foreign policy domain. The Navy should in fact\, be seen as a potent tool of foreign policy\, as it indeed is. The requirement of a holistic approach to national security mandates greater integration of Service Headquarters with MoD and MEA. In addition\, the role of strategic think tanks like yours in providing vital intellectual inputs to institutional thought process cannot be over- emphasised. \n \nCoordination of Maritime Security\n38. And the third shortcoming relates to coordination of maritime security… In so far as maritime security issues are concerned\, we currently have a plethora of organisations handling policies and enforcement measures. A formal mechanism for coordination among the multiple users of the sea would enable effective and time-critical coordination among varied maritime related ministries and departments. Creation of “an apex body for management of maritime affairs” is long overdue\, despite the obvious benefits of creating such an organization. \n \nConclusion\n39. So\, let me conclude by reiterating the ocean’s centrality in shaping destinies of nation states\, as also the continued strategic relevance of navies as a potent instrument of national power. We can ill afford to ignore the lessons of history and contemporary strategic imperatives\, because doing so could severely limit the space for political\, diplomatic and military manoeuvre. Navies are\, and would continue to remain\, a compelling instrument that can be leveraged to great advantage by any government in power\, not only to protect but also to further national interests and alter perceptions. A good defence and foreign policy must\, therefore\, leverage the power of the Indian Navy to its best advantage. The Navy on its part must retain the capability at all times to operate across the spectrum of conflict which will enable performance of security tasks from peacetime\, through low-intensity and sub-conventional conflict to conventional conflict and if need be\, even under a nuclear overhang. \n40. Let me bring my talk to a close with a thought expressed by the erstwhile US President Theodore Roosevelt\, in an address to the US Congress in 1902. He said “A good Navy is not a provocation to war. It is the surest guaranty of peace.” \n41. So\, thank you for your attention. I will be happy to respond to any questions that you may have.
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/idsas-national-security-lecture-series
CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES
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LAST-MODIFIED:20231223T124851Z
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SUMMARY:IDSA's National Security Lecture Series
DESCRIPTION:INTRODUCTION\n1. It is indeed a great pleasure for me to address such an august gathering of security experts and to share thoughts and perception on the ‘Changing Global Security Environment with Specific Reference to Our Region and its Impact on the Indian Army’. \n2. Let me begin by flagging the changing geo strategic environment. The gradual but distinctly discernible shift towards multi-polarity in power equations and the shift in global Centre of Gravity to Asia are the most distinct features of this change. Past experience shows that major shifts in power equations create volatility in the international order\, even though the period of instability may be relatively short-lived. \n3. Interestingly\, much of the qualitative re-arrangement of power now underway is not attributed to military capabilities or ‘hard power’\, but to a factor unique to the modern world: rapid economic growth and the related quest for growing energy security. The power shifts towards Asia can be linked to its phenomenal economic rise. The rise of China\, as also India\, in the global economic arena is the most visible manifestations of the forces of globalisation\, which are also resulting in a number of related socio¬-economic and security challenges within the region. On the other side\, it is also a fact that the fountainhead of global and regional terrorism also lies in this region. \n4. How does all this impact India? While developments in the field of economy\, information technology and overall consolidation of our comprehensive national power have put India on the growth path\, our internal security environment is yet to stabilise and is often exploited by external inimical forces\, through asymmetrical means. However\, these challenges and contradictions notwithstanding\, India’s inherent strengths and credentials make it an important pillar of stability in the emerging world order. The Armed Forces\, being an important constituent of India’s Comprehensive National Power\, need to keep pace with the emerging trends and challenges and work in concert with other elements of national power to ensure India’s rightful place in the emerging regional and global arena. \n5. I shall be covering my talk under the following broad heads: (a) Global and Regional Security Environment; (b) Impact on the Indian Army; (c) Future Perspectives and Challenges. \n \nPart I – Global and Regional Security Environment\n \nDrivers Shaping the Global Security Environment\n6. Let us take a look at the major trends emerging in the global and regional security environment: \n    (a) Globalisation. The spiralling inflationary trends\, soaring oil prices\, fear of food shortages and upheavals in the financial markets driven by global cues\, reinforce the fact that no Nation today can remain insulated from events related to economic and security trends – in any corner of the globe. The intertwining of economies\, as a consequence of globalisation\, has resulted in geo-economics supplanting geo-politics. It would be debatable\, however\, to believe that greater economic interdependence alone would lead to improved geo-political stability. While the benefits of increased global connectivity and technological advances are enormous\, its negativities in terms of increasing social and economic disparities\, which can be exploited by inimical elements\, need to be taken note of. There is also a fear that the ill effects of globalisation could reinforce tendencies towards competitive ‘Protectionism’ and regionalism. \n    (b) International Terrorism. The rise of international terrorism indeed shows that the information age is both an integrating and a dividing force. Terrorism remains the principal challenge to liberal and democratic societies and now occupies centre stage in the international security matrix. The scourge of terrorism will continue to invite the focus of global attention in the foreseeable future\, which will require earnest international cooperation to deal with it effectively. \n    (c) Proliferation of WMD. The efforts of various renegade state and non-state actors to gain access to WMD have highlighted the dangers of proliferation of WMD material and their delivery means\, especially if it reaches the hands of terrorists. India remains as concerned on this count as the other global powers. \n    (d) Energy Security. The quest for control of energy resources of West Asia and search for alternate routes for trans-shipment of oil and gas from the Caspian Region has brought the West and Central Asian Regions under sharp focus\, thereby enhancing the chances of competition and potential conflict. It is no coincidence that most of the ongoing conflicts are centered in and around regions that are rich in energy resources. \n    (e) Undermining of the UN. In the recent past\, we have also witnessed increased undermining of the UN in providing the lead role for resolution of conflicts and stabilisation. There is an urgent need to re-structure the UN for it to remain relevant to the emerging realities. The reality is that the five unelected yet permanent members of the Security Council need to share executive authority with new and emerging powers; India being amongst the most prominent. \n    (f) Radicalisation in the Islamic World. Wars in Iraq and Afghanistan combined with lack of progress in resolving the Palestinian problem are causing an increasing cross-current of disaffection resulting in radicalisation within the Islamic world and isolation of moderate forces. Relatively\, a large yet benign Muslim population has added to India’s strengths. \n    (g) Changing Nature of Conflicts. The wars in Iraq and Afghanistan appear to be at critical crossroads\, and their outcomes will have a major bearing on future security contours of our region\, in particular and the world\, in general. These wars\, and the one in Lebanon in July – August 2006\, have thrown up new political and sectarian equations and emphasised once again that the era of “all out wars” is slowly being replaced by “war by other means” – unconventional\, asymmetrical and across a wide range in the spectrum of conflict. We\, in the Army\, are alive to this transition to Fourth Generation Warfare. \n \nRegional Trends and Security Concerns\n7. I will now touch upon the contours of our regional trends and security concerns. \n8. West Asia. West Asia remains one of the most unstable\, conflict prone and volatile regions of the world. The region\, being a major source of hydro-carbon energy\, will continue to invite engagement by major world powers. Further\, till a just and acceptable solution is found to the problem of Palestine\, this region has the potential to remain a source of conflict. Stability and security in the Gulf region is therefore critical to India as it has an impact on India’s economy as well as on safety of a large Indian diaspora. \n9. Central Asian Region. The Central Asian Region has witnessed increased engagement by the US\, China and Russia owing to the availability of hydro-carbon reserves. Moreover\, the countries of this region\, all of which broke away from the erstwhile Soviet Union\, are fledgling economies and have nascent governing structures\, thus making them potential sources of conflict. The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO)\, which has China\, Russia and four of the Central Asian Republics as its members\, is reflective of emerging power equations. \n10. South East Asian Region. The enhanced economic strength of ASEAN countries and the importance of the region\, especially the Straits of Malacca for transit of global trade and energy\, have resulted in India actively pursuing its ‘Look East Policy’. We not only share common cultural heritage with the South East Asian nations but also share common concerns on a range of security challenges like terrorism\, religious radicalism\, gun running\, drugs\, piracy and illegal immigration. \n11. Afghanistan. The outcome of substantial reconstruction efforts in Afghanistan to bring this country into International mainstream\, in the long run\, will have a profound effect on the global security matrix. The situation remains critical\, as the Taliban continue to strengthen its ranks and step up attempts to disrupt the reconstruction process. India has major security interests in Afghanistan and its stabilisation is in our interest. \n12. China. China\, our largest and most powerful neighbour\, and a rapidly rising power\, continues on the path of high economic growth\, combined with rapid military modernisation. We have differences related to the boundary question\, which are being resolved by special representatives of both the governments. Our mutual economic engagements and continued efforts to amicably resolve this boundary issue have ensured peace along the border. Regular visits at the highest level have further added to the dimension of constructive engagement and mutual confidence in our relationship. However\, we need to take note of the likely implication of China’s military modernisation\, improvement of infrastructure in the Tibet Autonomous Region and other related issues\, which could impact our security in the long term. \n13. Pakistan. The situation in Pakistan is fluid. The recent elections have restored a democratic polity\, which is hard pressed to restore security and stability to the country\, in the face of complex challenges. Various contradictions in the Pak social political fabric\, power struggles between the polity and the President\, and the fragility of institutions like the judiciary and educational infrastructure are likely to occupy centre stage for sometime. The new approach by Gen Kayani\, the Pakistan COAS\, to reduce the direct role of the Army in governance mechanisms appears to be an endeavour to consolidate and restore the Army’s declining image. I feel the biggest challenge faced by the Pakistan government is to moderate the largely radicalised sections. \n14. Our Immediate Neighbours. Almost all the other countries in our immediate neighbourhood are undergoing varying forms of instability. Nepal has transited into a Republic\, ending the 240 year old monarchy. Future portents for peace and stability in Nepal depend on the approach of the new dispensation to governance. The radicalisation of the domestic environment in Bangladesh\, continuous inflow of illegal immigrants to our North East and escalation of violence in Sri Lanka are issues of concern to us. Keeping Myanmar engaged\, due to security and economic reasons\, is important to us. The emergent humanitarian effort undertaken during the recent cyclone is reflective of our relationship. Maldives is stable; however\, recent incidents indicate a potential for instability. Bhutan is transiting peacefully from hereditary monarchy to democratic governance. However\, the unresolved Bhupalese problem could destabilise the region. All this calls for keeping a continuous watch on happenings around our immediate neighborhood\, and ensuring that there are no adverse spillover effects. \n \nThreat Perspective\n15. External Threats. The threats and challenges that we face in the emerging environment are multifarious. India shares 3323 kms of land borders with Pakistan and 3488 kms with China. The situation along our borders with China and Pakistan has witnessed periods of calm interspersed with hostilities. While there are other areas of concern that may pose threats to our security\, the existing reality of borders issues will continue to remain an important factor in our consideration. \n16. Spill – over Effects from Other Neighbouring Countries. We have very strong and traditional ties with all our neighbouring countries. However\, some of these are afflicted by internal security problems\, which owing to trans-border ethnic affinities have the potential to spill over into our country. The 2007 index of poorly performing states released by the ‘US Foreign Policy Magazine’ continues to place some of India’s neighbours high on the list. Illegal immigration from these countries also remains a serious cause of concern. \n17. Indian Ocean Region. The Indian Ocean Region (lOR) has assumed greater importance in view of the increased maritime activity. India has approximately 1200 island territories off its Western and Eastern seaboards. Some of these are upto 1300 kms from the mainland. As you are aware\, 70 percent of the world’s oil\, 33 percent of global trade and 50 percent of world’s container traffic passes through the IOR. The region\, therefore\, has importance not only for India but also for the other major economies of the world. In this regard\, security of the SLsOC assumes importance\, because of our geo-strategic location. Protection of island territories located far away from the main land\, and offshore assets\, also assumes added significance. \n \nIndia’s Internal Security Dimensions\n18. Internal Security Environment. Indian society is made up of diverse ethnic groups\, cultures\, languages and religious denominations. These are both strength and a challenge. Although India’s national integrity remains fundamentally secure\, we do have some challenges emerging from the social and economic disparities amongst the cross section of our society. Religious fundamentalism is also an area of concern. \n19. Jammu & Kashmir. The overall situation in J&K is well under control of the security forces and is showing distinct signs of improvement. Our endeavour is to ensure that the ‘moral ascendancy’ gained by the Army is maintained and the situation in J & K improves further. Our strategy of ‘Iron Fist and Velvet Glove’ is paying rich dividends. Our focus is on conduct of surgical and professional operations based on hard intelligence\, causing minimum inconvenience to the local populace. Upholding Human Rights is one of the corner stones of our Anti Terrorist operations and our record is worth emulating. The groundswell for peace indicates that the people are fed up with violence and are seeking a peaceful return to normalcy. Violence levels have seen a sharp decline as compared to the corresponding Period of 2007. This can largely be attributed to an effective Counter Terrorism Grid in the hinterland. The surge in tourism and other normalcy indicators are a manifestation of the aspirations of the common Kashmiri people for a peaceful and prosperous life. The elections to the State Assembly scheduled later this year will be an important benchmark in J&K’s return to normalcy. \n20. North East. Owing to the relentless efforts of the Security Forces\, the security situation in the North Eastern States of the country has shown a significant improvement in the past few months. Most parts of the region today are free of violence and normalcy has been restored. The peaceful conduct of elections in Meghalaya\, Nagaland and Tripura\, with a very high voter turnout\, is indicative of the substantial progress towards normalcy in the region. Popularly elected democratic governments are in power in all States. The pace of development activities and tourism is gathering momentum\, which is an encouraging sign. Sustained operational pressure and persuasion by the Security Forces has resulted in large number of terrorists surrendering along with their weapons to various agencies. Overall\, we see that more and more groups are entering into a ‘Suspension of Operations’ agreement with the Government\, which is a very positive development. \n21. Naxalism. In the larger Internal Security Construct\, Naxal violence poses a major challenge. The Army is taking a close and careful look at the various trends and developments. Consequently\, we have been instrumental in strengthening Police and Para Military Forces like the CRPF\, PAC and Reserve Police Battalions across the States by providing advice and training in Counter Naxal Operations\, Counter lED Operations and “Training of Trainers”. We are rendering assistance in the establishment of Counter Terrorism Schools and in the analysis of violent incidents to help the police and the PMF to formulate an operational framework. The Army however\, maintains that this being a socio economic problem\, it needs to be dealt by the states using the Police and Paramilitary Forces. \n \nPart II – Impact on the Indian Army\n22. General. How do these factors impact the future contours of the Indian Army as also our operational philosophy? The array of emerging global and regional complexities enjoin upon India to develop matching military capabilities in keeping with its growing economic and technological status\, so as to ensure a continued stable and peaceful environment. Before I dwell upon the future shape\, areas of thrust and the challenges we face in attaining the desired vision for the Army\, let me touch upon some cardinals of our National Security Policy\, the Fundamental Determinants of our Military Structure and the Present Profile of the Indian Army. \n23. Cardinals of Our Security Policy. Our national security policy is based on TWO cardinal principles\, i.e.: (a) We have no extra territorial ambitions\, and b) We have no ambition to transplant our ideology on others. \n24. Fundamental Determinants of Indian Military Structure. Before introspecting on the current perspective\, I wish to highlight the fundamental determinants of the Indian Military structure\, which are: \n    (a) The Indian Armed Forces have multi front obligations. \n    (b) India is not a member of any military alliance or strategic grouping. Therefore\, it needs to maintain an independent deterrence capability. \n    (c) Due to external abetment\, the Indian Army is involved in internal security functions on a relatively larger scale than is normal. \n25. Present Profile of the Indian Army. Though the Indian Army is undergoing steady modernisation\, the present profile of over ONE million strong Indian Army can essentially be described as: \n    (a) A large standing army which is structured\, equipped and trained primarily for traditional methods of warfare – a combination of a deliberate as well as a manoeuvristic approach across the spectrum of conflict\, ranging from sub conventional warfare at the lower end to all out war against a Nuclear backdrop at the higher end. We are in the process of transforming our war fighting doctrines and concepts in keeping with the emerging challenges. \n    (b) The Indian Army has been involved in sub conventional operations for the past 50 years\, more so\, high intensity operations in the last two decades. This has provided the bulk of the Army with rich combat experience in the conduct of such operations. \n    (c) Equipping a large standing army with such varied challenges is a difficult and dynamic process. Our equipment profile is a varied mix of vintage\, contemporary and futuristic technologies. We normally work on a 30:40:30 concept\, though in certain high tech areas\, where the pace of change is rapid\, these ratios could vary. \n    (d) There are some voids in organisation and equipment\, which is but natural in a large standing Army\, but these are under constant review. It is our endeavour to ensure that ‘Minimum Assurance Levels’ are always held and maintained. \n    (e) The three Services have made a good start towards achieving jointness in various operational\, training and administrative facets. The structures are already in place for joint intelligence\, planning and conduct of operations at the highest level. Requisite interaction exists to make us confident of undertaking ‘joint’ operations successfully. \n    (f) The Indian Army has contributed in substantial measure to UN peacekeeping missions worldwide\, and has acquired an enviable reputation for professionalism mixed with compassion. Presently we have around 8000 peacekeepers from the Army on duty worldwide with the UN and this contribution will only grow in the future. \n    (g) The Army remains one of the best organised\, structured\, equipped and disciplined organisations to react both to natural and man made disasters. Our record in this field has been well appreciated both within and outside the country – our concept being “First Responders – Last Resort”. \n26. Based on the aspects that I have outlined\, I will now state the vision that we have spelt out for the future contours of the Indian Army. \n \nPart III – Future Perspective and Challenges\n \nIndian Army Vision\n27. My Vision is “To consolidate the Army into a highly motivated\, optimally equipped and modernised\, operationally ready force\, capable of functioning in a synergised joint service environment\, across the spectrum of conflict”. \n \nContours of Future Conflict\n28. Future conflicts\, against a nuclear backdrop\, are likely to take anyone or combination of the following forms\, for which we need to shape our Army accordingly: \na) Conflicts across the entire spectrum of military operations\, to include Low Intensity Conflict Operations. \nb) Asymmetric Warfare\, to include unrestricted warfare\, encompassing a wide arena of networks and systems. \nc) Dealing with spill-over effects of instability and violence in neighbouring countries\, including the Indian Ocean Region\, which mandates an ‘Out of Area Contingency Capability’. \n \nCapability Generation\n29. Given the present security scenario\, the future contours of the Army need to be based on a number of capabilities. Broadly\, these are: \n    (a) Deterrence Capability. A strong conventional deterrence backed by an appropriate strategic capability\, to deter any potential adversary from undertaking inimical activities or initiating hostilities against India. \n    (b) War Fighting Capability. To cater for the possibility of failure of deterrence\, the Army needs to possess the capability for calibrated response\, as also the capability to prosecute decisive conventional operations against a nuclear backdrop. \n    (c) LICO Capability. The Army should possess the requisite capability to be able to effectively deal with internal conflict situations\, such as externally abetted ‘proxy war’\, insurgency and militancy\, in coordination with civil agencies mandated for this purpose. \n    (d) Force Projection Capability. In keeping with our growing regional aspirations\, we need to possess capabilities to deploy the land component of a joint task force for out of area operations\, when mandated. \n    (e) Peacekeeping Capability. As mentioned earlier\, the Army needs to possess capabilities to fulfill international peacekeeping obligations\, under the UN mandate\, preferably in areas of our strategic interest. Keeping in view our growing stature and reputation in UNPKO\, demands for enhanced participation are likely to increase. \n \nAreas of Special Focus\n30. Doctrines and Concepts. Up gradation of our operational doctrines has been undertaken to ensure that our war fighting machinery is compatible with the futuristic battlefield scenario. The Indian Army’s doctrine for sub conventional operations\, which was released in January last year\, elucidates the latest security dynamics along with our collective wisdom and experience of over five decades in these types of operations. The doctrine is in the open domain and available on the Internet. \n31. Harnessing Technology. Technology has to be increasingly harnessed and exploited to the optimum so as to have a well balanced weapons and equipment profile. Further\, the focus of modernisation has been to absorb emerging technologies\, to keep pace with the ‘Revolution in Military Affairs’. Phasing out of obsolete equipment and implementing high degree of technological modernisation are achieving the same. We have acquired and are in the process of acquiring – state of the art surveillance and intelligence equipment\, accurate and lethal long range firing systems\, up-graded night fighting capabilities\, Future Infantry Soldier as a System (F-INSAS) for infantry\, Advanced Light Helicopter (including Weapons System Integrated version) and battle field management systems with the aim of achieving ‘network – centricity’. Exploitation of space-based capabilities is another priority area. \n32. Dealing with Asymmetric Threats. Over the past decade\, various states as well as non-state actors have continued to find ways and means to develop asymmetric warfare capabilities\, to be applied against us. Countering asymmetric threats is an area of high priority for our Army\, and we are developing a more advanced capacity in this regard. We have to remain one step ahead of this elusive adversary\, and that’s easier said than done. \n33. Special Operations. For specialised tasks and critical contingencies\, we are endeavouring to build desired capabilities in our Special Forces. \n34. Defence Cooperation. Military to military cooperation between India and other friendly countries has helped in not only familiarising with available technologies and best practices\, but has also enhanced mutual trust and interoperability with these countries. This is also the basis for addressing shared concerns over threats like terrorism\, extremism and militancy. Defence cooperation with countries in the immediate and strategic neighbourhood is an area of priority focus for the Indian Army. \n \nFuture Challenges\n35. While we have laid out a pragmatic vision of the shape and size of the Army in the long-term perspective\, there are a number of challenges that need to be met to develop and maintain a ready and relevant Army for the 21st century. \n36. Defence Budgetary Needs. Like any other developing nation\, there is always a competition for the financial pie. The Nation has to balance its budget for its security and developmental needs – the classical ‘guns vs butter’ debate. Though the defence budget for 2008-09 is ten percent more than the previous year’s allocation\, an analysis reveals that for the first time\, since the India-China War of 1962\, it has fallen below two percent of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP). There has been a persistent decline over the years from 3.38 percent in 1987-88 to 1.98 percent today – much below the global average. In order to develop desired Force Capabilities\, the military planner is therefore confronted with the dilemma of improving the Capital vs Revenue ratio. This requires simultaneous rightsizing with induction of State of the Art weapons and equipment. In order to meet these twin objectives and enhance the assurance of the requisite capabilities\, we are focused on indigenisation and the collaborative approach but without compromising on our operational capabilities. \n37. Restructuring and Rightsizing. The emerging operational environment and the ongoing process of modernisation in the Army calls for re-structuring and• rightsizing of the Army. The challenges that we face in this regard are two fold; firstly\, evolving the requisite structures to operate in a joint environment with the other two Services\, with least possible turbulence; and secondly\, attain the optimum size of the Army without impinging on the manpower intensive requirements of manning unresolved borders and operating in Low Intensity Conflicts. I must mention here that recent conflicts – those ongoing in Iraq and Afghanistan\, and the ‘Israel-Lebanon’ War\, have reiterated the necessity of ‘Boots on the Ground’. Hence\, we are going about the aspect of rightsizing in a very deliberate and pragmatic manner. \n38. Modernisation and Development of Human Resource. Rapidly changing technology means that the systems get obsolete faster. The Indian Army needs to remain ‘contemporary’ by imbibing ‘affordable’ technology. While we may get all the technology and resources to attain the desired force goals\, we will need to upgrade the threshold level of the soldiers and leaders to handle these systems\, and enmesh them to operate with other Services as also armed forces of other countries. We have incorporated appropriate institutional mechanisms to address this aspect and minimise the mismatch between man and machine. Training methods are also being reoriented to ensure better exploitation of modem equipment and technology. \n39. Multi Spectrum Orientation Challenges. The Army has to be prepared to perform multi-operational tasks simultaneously. We have to remain prepared to fight a conventional war\, while continuing to deploy large numbers for guarding the borders\, counter proxy war operations and providing troops to UN missions\, all at the same time. The ability to reorient\, operate and switch over from one band of the spectrum of conflict to another\, in a quick time frame\, is a major challenge that the Army is preparing for. \n40. Jointness. Let me take this opportunity to reiterate the Army’s commitment to jointmanship. We are fully seized of the critical need to implement jointmanship for optimising our war-fighting potential\, in keeping with our security needs. As I have mentioned earlier\, we have made good progress towards accomplishing jointness in various facets. However\, new geo-strategic imperatives\, technology and the changing nature of conflict\, call upon us\, to enhance the levels of jointness even further. There is ample scope for enhancement of Inter Service cooperation and integration\, in related areas of congruence\, by optimizing our force capabilities in the technological realm and by synthesizing resources and efforts of the three Services. Overall\, the Army stands fully committed to jointness and optimum synergy in the future. \n41. Leadership Challenges. In the future\, battlefields are likely to be marked by very high degree of volatility\, uncertainty and complexity. The Army is consciously working towards sharpening the core professional competencies of its leaders to enable them to operate dynamically against increasingly ingenuous and elusive threats. Operational Art is a key focus area for the senior leaders as is the ability to orchestrate change\, one step ahead of an emerging challenge. \n \nConclusion\n42. The 21st Century certainly promises to be momentous for the nation in many ways. Despite the turbulent times and the region that we live in\, our democratic credentials remain strong and our economy has shown resilience. The potential rise of India as a major power would require development of all elements of National Power\, to secure our interests and enable us to play a more effective role in the regional and global arena. Not only should the country be ever prepared to meet external challenges from its traditional adversaries but also it must continue to retain strategic autonomy in decision-making. The Army\, as part of the defence forces\, comprises an important component of India’s comprehensive national power and has always responded to every challenge successfully. It will be my endeavour to ensure that the Army remains not only ready but also relevant to today’s needs and the anticipated challenges of the future. \nThank you
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/idsas-national-security-lecture-series-2
CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES
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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20080624T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20080624T053000
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CREATED:20231223T124852Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T121445Z
UID:62694-1214285400-1214285400@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Valedictory Address at International Conference on Africa and Energy Security: Global Issues\, Local Responses
DESCRIPTION:Ladies and Gentlemen\, \nIt is a matter of great privilege to be here before this august gathering today to share my thoughts on an issue of significant global importance. \nIndia’s engagement with Africa is historical and we have civilisational links. We were at forefront of liberation struggles in Africa even while we struggled for our own independence. In the 60s and 70s we have held in admiration African stalwarts like Nkrumah\, Nasser and Nyerere. Mahatma Gandhi is a shared national hero and icon for India and South Africa. We provided moral\, material and humanitarian assistance in Namibia\, Angola\, Zimbabwe and Mozambique. The principles of Afro-Asian solidarity were articulated way back in the Bandung Conference in 1955 by our Prime Minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and the African leadership\, which later became the bedrock of the Non-aligned Movement. \nThe 21st century world is an increasingly globalised and interdependent world. The last decade has thrown up major global challenges which are trans-national in character and require a concerted global response for effective resolution. Amongst the most pressing contemporary challenges faced by all of us is the trinity of food security\, energy security and climate change. These are intertwined and our responses to each of them have a bearing on the other. \nAs nations witness rapid economic growth\, the demands on energy grow exponentially. While the demand for energy has a global spread\, the availability of energy resources is highly skewed. The industrial revolution had increased the dependence of the world on the use of coal which was later supplemented by oil and gas. In our rapid pursuit of development\, we overlooked the fact that these resources are non-replenishable and scarce. Mindless and continuous exploitation of these resources has created a situation where the demand and supply gap has widened beyond imagination. Today we are confronted with a situation where the crude oil prices are threatening to touch US$ 150 a barrel\, which is a five-fold increase in less than 4 years. The recent meet of the OPEC countries in Jeddah is a testimony to the gravity of the crisis confronting the world. This has an adverse impact on economies across the world and is causing acute inflationary pressures and is impeding growth. \nThe quest for alternatives has impelled nations to look for innovative solutions. However\, it is a matter of grave concern that countries have resorted to mindless diversion of cereals and edibles for production of bio-fuels. Never before in human history have we seen a situation where food is being diverted for fuel. In the recent Rome Summit it was highlighted that nearly 100 million tonnes of cereal has been diverted from human consumption to satisfy the thirst of fuel for vehicles. There cannot be a bigger tragedy for the 21st century world where millions are suffering from hunger and malnutrition that we have resorted to such myopic and unsustainable policies. \nWe also need to place our policy regime of energy security in the larger perspective of environmental sustainability. It is now borne out by strong empirical evidence that the unsustainable consumption patterns followed by the developed nations have created the colossal challenge of climate change. The challenge is real and warrants an immediate response. So while all of us in the developing world chart our respective courses for rapid economic growth\, we need to be mindful of its impact on environment. \nAfrica has the gift of nature and is endowed with huge mineral reserves and unparallel bio-diversity. A continent of 900 million which has 60 per cent of world diamonds\, 40 per cent of phosphate\, 99 per cent chromium and 85 per cent platinum is truly a rich continent. It has proven oil reserves of nearly 16 million MTS and huge gas reserves. It has been projected that Africa would add 38 per cent to global oil contributing a further four million barrels of oil per day by 2010. Nigeria\, Angola and Algeria have huge prospects. Apart from oil\, Africa has a huge potential for LNG and it produces over 50\,000 MT per year. \nOur relationship with Africa has always been imbued with a spirit of partnership and equality. We recently convened the first India-Africa Forum Summit in partnership with the African Union to institutionalize our historic linkages. The Summit adopted the Delhi Declaration which provides a blue print of a shared political vision and world view\, which is guided by a commitment to deepen the process of African integration while recognizing the diversities within various regions of Africa. The framework of cooperation adopted at the Summit outlines the priority areas of future engagement which range from capacity building\, agricultural infrastructure development\, health and food security\, energy security and technology cooperation. \nThe India-Africa Hydro-carbon Conference was held in November 2007 which provided a platform of interface between Government and private sector. We seek to forge a long term developmental partnership with mutual benefit while sharing our experience\, capacity and technology in the energy sector. We have always believed in building local capacities and ensuring technology transfers. India can have a robust partnership especially in the area of research and development\, human resources development and managerial best practices. Indian corporates have made strategic investments in Africa and the OVL has huge presence in Sudan\, Ivory Coast\, Libya\, Egypt\, Nigeria\, and Nigeria\, Nigeria-Sao Tome Principe Joint Development Area and Gabon. \nAfrica provides a reliable alternative of sustained fuel supplies to a world confronted with huge shortages. \nI would like to mention that our cooperation in energy need not be confined to hydro-carbons alone. India has gained tremendous expertise over the years in developing its renewable energy program and we are the fourth largest wind energy producers in the world. We have acquired technology and capacities in solar photo voltaic\, bio-fuels and hydro power. Our nuclear energy programme is totally indigenous and comparable to the best in the world. We would be happy to share our experience and technologies with our friends in Africa across the entire energy spectrum to ensure robust partnership. \nI believe that Asia and Africa are at the cusp of a renaissance and collectively we shall have a major say in the emerging world order. I am sure that our time tested ties shall be transformed into vibrant economic partnerships in the years to come.
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/valedictory-address-at-international-conference-on-africa-and-energy-security-global-issues-local-responses
CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES
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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20080623T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20080623T053000
DTSTAMP:20261113T221326
CREATED:20231223T124852Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T121445Z
UID:62695-1214199000-1214199000@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Keynote Address at International Conference on Africa and Energy Security: Global Issues\, Local Responses
DESCRIPTION:Ladies & Gentlemen\, \nThank you for inviting me to address this conference on “Africa and Energy Security”. To begin with\, I would like to congratulate IDSA and PRIO for taking this initiative. The issue of energy security and\, of late\, food security\, have come to the fore of the international agenda. They have also inextricably got linked to the broader issue of climate change. It is\, therefore\, my hope that during your discussions you would look at this composite picture. \nThe India-Africa relationship is civilizational and time tested. The most recent manifestation of that relationship was the India-Africa Forum Summit held in April this year in New Delhi. We had the privilege to have with us a very representative group of African Heads of State and Government and other leaders selected by Africa itself. On that occasion\, the Prime Minister of India clearly spelt out India’s philosophy towards cooperation with Africa. He stated\, and I quote\, “it is our (India’s) intention to become a close partner in Africa’s resurgence.” You would all have seen the Delhi Declaration and the Framework for Cooperation that were issued at the end of the India-Africa Forum Summit. \nThe Framework for Cooperation speaks specifically of cooperation in the field of exploration and exploitation of natural resources as well as value addition and creation of an enabling environment for investment and development of renewable and non-renewable energy sources. \nThe African continent is nearly ten times the size of India. Its countries range from the very large such as Sudan to tiny island states such as Seychelles. It encompasses the entire geographical spectrum ranging from deserts to tropical forests and mountains. It is in effect a huge island and a continent that is rich in natural resources\, bio-diversity\, water resources and has the advantage of a relatively small population but very large areas of land which are cultivatable. Indeed\, if experts are to be believed\, Africa on its own\, can potentially feed the world’s population. The continent already meets a very important and growing proportion of the international community’s requirements of natural resources\, including hydro-carbons. \n‘Energy Security’ has correctly been titled by this conference as a global issue. It is pertinent\, however\, to recall that this has been a topical issue for the international community for many decades. Some would argue that that has been the case also for many centuries now. The difference now is that the price of crude oil has gone up so sharply and shows little sign of reversal\, that the issue has assumed overriding importance in today’s increasingly globalized world. The importance of hydrocarbons has become greater in some respect because of climate change considerations and the inability of the world community to develop technologies that can effectively and economically exploit new and renewable forms of energy. This state of affairs has also given a new lease of life to the development of nuclear power which had become less popular in recent decades following\, in particular\, the unfortunate accident at Chernobyl. Thermal power\, the other mainstay of the world economy\, has its own limitations because of the associated pollution and the as yet inadequate development of cost efficient clean coal technologies. \nIn addressing the issue of energy security in today’s context\, it is particularly important that we focus on the extremely negative impact that high energy prices are having on developing countries. Large and rapidly developing countries like India are beginning to feel the huge burden of this price rise. It is never easy to transfer high prices to consumers in democratic countries but this has now become inescapable. The impact on the smaller and more vulnerable developing countries\, including those in Africa that do not have the benefit of hydrocarbon resources\, is even more dramatic and could perhaps be devastating unless corrective action is taken in the near future. Unfortunately\, the energy crisis has been compounded by the current food crises and this has made small and vulnerable economies all over the world and\, in Africa in particular\, face a huge double disability. \nIt is important also to bear in mind that not all of Africa is hydrocarbon rich. You cannot paint Africa with one colour. It is a huge continent. Its countries are diverse and have varying strengths and abilities to meet the current disabilities which they have to cope with. It is imperative\, therefore\, that the positive effects of globalization are brought to bear on these countries and the negative effects mitigated to the maximum extent feasible. \nIt is from the above perspective that we would view your discussions and it is in that context that local responses become that much more important. The international community must assist and cooperate with the individual countries of Africa to meet the requirements that pertain to their particular situation. \nI referred earlier to the need for greater cooperation with Africa in the development of new and renewable forms of energy. Like in other parts of the world\, the most promising areas appear to be wind and solar energy\, although technological developments in the latter sector still do not permit extensive use of solar energy at an affordable price. \nThe other areas of promise are in respect of bio-fuel and bio-diesel. There are major opportunities to collaborate with Africa in the production of bio-fuel and bio-diesel. Like elsewhere in the world\, however\, all such efforts will have to ensure that the land used for bio-fuel and bio-diesel production is not at the cost of enhanced production of food and other non-food crops and does not lead to the diversion of fertile and potentially fertile land. It is also essential to ensure that the bio-diversity in Africa is not adversely affected. \nIn addition to hydrocarbons and bio-fuels\, some countries of Africa are also home to large deposits of coal. Opportunities for exploitation of these resources are being discussed by different countries and multinational corporations with the concerned governments of Africa. This is a promising area of cooperation where again it is essential to ensure that collaborative arrangements drawn up are not exploitative\, bring about transfer of clean technologies and generate local employment. In short\, Africa’s contribution to the energy security of other countries must lead to sustainable development in Africa. \nLadies & Gentlemen\, \nAfrica is rich in energy potential yet\, the continent is currently deficient in energy use. This factor will also need to be borne in mind in your deliberations. \nYou would have noted that in my remarks I have spoken of energy in terms broader than simply referring to hydrocarbons. I believe it is necessary to do so for too narrow a focus would not be appropriate\, especially if you look at the diversity of Africa and its own rapidly growing energy needs. It is necessary to look at the issue from the perspective of African countries. Earnings from the sale of energy resources are undoubtedly important to help finance the socio-economic development plans of countries that have such resources. At the same time\, the domestic developmental requirements of these countries\, including for energy\, are growing. They will\, therefore\, have to find an appropriate balance between what quantities of energy they need to retain and what is exportable. There are already signals from some hydrocarbon producers in Africa that their supplies are committed to export abroad and as a result they have inadequate supplies for their own developmental and value addition requirements. \nFurther\, Africa’s own domestic requirements will grow both nationally and within the continent. As Africa integrates further\, there will no doubt be pressure on the major producers to give priority to share their energy resources with the other countries of Africa. In any forward planning such considerations would have to be factored in. \nLadies & Gentlemen\, \nIndia’s approach to Africa has long been crafted on the above premise. Our approach to the partnership with Africa has\, from its inception\, been based on the principles of equality\, mutual respect and mutual benefit. Our effort has always been to cooperate with the countries of Africa\, within the framework of our capabilities and experiences and to help meet the requirements of Africa’s socio-economic development. We have\, without any self interest\, participated in major UN peacekeeping efforts in Africa to ensure that peace and stability is restored in areas where there has been conflict. Without peace and stability there can be no development. \nAs our capabilities and resource base has grown\, we have broadened the scope of our cooperative activities with the continent. More importantly\, as India’s private sector has grown and begun to operate outside India\, they have found useful opportunities in many countries on the continent. So too the Indian public sector which\, in fact\, in many respects pioneered India’s industrial and infrastructural outreach in many countries of Africa\, including in the development of small and medium enterprises. \nSimilarly\, India’s engagement with Africa in the energy sector is not one sided and our approach has always been to attempt to involve ourselves in a holistic fashion so that while our needs are met\, equally\, the developmental needs of our partners are also fully met. It is with this objective in mind that we have consistently impressed upon Indian companies both in the private and public sectors to participate not simply in the production of oil and natural gas but to invest in the development of infrastructure and downstream industries as also related industries such as fertilizers\, generation of power etc. \nOur growing partnership with the countries of Africa in the hydrocarbon sector is part of our conscious policy to develop South-South cooperation. As we strengthen our cooperation in a more broad based fashion\, we will find that our synergies will increase and our ability to chart our own destinies more effectively will also be enhanced. \nI have spoken longer than I had intended and have taken the liberty of raising several issues for your consideration. I trust you would find these pertinent to your discussions. \nThank you for your patience and attention.
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/keynote-address-at-international-conference-on-africa-and-energy-security-global-issues-local-responses
CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES
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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20080411T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20080411T053000
DTSTAMP:20261113T221326
CREATED:20231223T124852Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20231223T124852Z
UID:62696-1207891800-1207891800@idsa.in
SUMMARY:IDSA's National Security Lecture Series
DESCRIPTION:INTRODUCTION\n1. I am indeed privileged to address this gathering and share my perspectives on ‘IAF in the 21st Century: Challenges and Opportunities’. I propose to begin with a recap of the environment and then go on to discuss threat perceptions\, nature of conflicts\, role of aerospace power\, the IAF\, its modernisation\, challenges and future opportunities. \n2. History shows us that the global environment continually changes; sometimes in a predictable and evolutionary manner and at others in a random or revolutionary way. National institutions must reflect current realities\, contemporary systems and technologies. It’s a continuous process of change and adaptation that is particularly necessary for the Armed Forces. \nTHE ENVIRONMENT\nGlobal\n3. One of the defining characteristics of the contemporary Global geo-political environment\, is that a nation’s power is increasingly determined by its economic might and technological prowess\, rather than by its military strength. Though interdependent\, the most fundamental is economic strength\, without which\, none of the other indices of power can be created or sustained. At the same time economic growth is not guaranteed without the protective cover of military power\, in what is referred to as its ‘peace dividend’. \n4. Popular phrases that describe today’s World are interdependence\, global village\, flat world etc. Certainly\, there is heightened interaction and cross-pollination in every sphere. This interdependence leads to a ‘balancing of interests’; instead of ‘balance of power’; and the politics of ‘confrontation’ has been replaced to a large extent by the more nuanced – ‘competition and cooperation’. \nAsia & India\n5. Indeed\, Asia is the current power-house and every major power has presence and high stakes here. Asian countries have greater influence around the World as well and Military capabilities are now substantial on the Continent. The Region is also witness to conflicts & instabilities\, as peoples attempt to reconfigure their settings\, the reverberations of which are felt around the World. It is also a region of nuclear proliferation and increasingly\, the cradle & playground of terrorism. \n6. India is situated in a turbulent part of the continent. Its size\, resources\, capabilities and growth also endow it with power\, visibility\, influence and responsibility for a greater role in Regional affairs. \nTHREAT PERCEPTIONS\n7. So what is the impact on our security and threat perceptions? Territorial disputes still linger\, our adversaries are militarily stronger. Cross-border terrorism and internal security challenges persist. At the same time trade and energy security add to our considerations and are a potential source of conflict. This encourages an outward orientation\, which is good. \n8. Ideological divisions in the modern world still exist\, but in other forms\, such as democracies vs autocracies or fundamentalists vs the secular. These strains and tendencies exist within and outside our Country too and impact our security calculus; turning into militant aspirations\, that challenge national integrity. These have in the past sought to re-draw national boundaries and many still abound\, even drawing covert support from outside the Country. If we were to include the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction then we collectively face a very serious threat indeed. Meeting these challenges requires understanding\, as well as careful handling. Invariably\, in these situations\, one finds the lines between policing and military operations blurred. \n9. Yet another area of concern for us\, are ethnic Indian population resident in other parts of the World\, which at times may need protection and support. There have been instances of this in the past. On the flip-side\, migrant populations have changed the demographic character of our border states and impacted their polity\, with attendant security connotations. We are all aware that non-traditional threats create crisis situations that in the end require the military’s organisational capabilities and technical support. Keeping the peace is yet another important international commitment for Indian Armed Forces. \n10. There is no longer the comfortable immunity from problems in some distant part of the Globe. This entwining of interests and effects can work both ways and nations that anticipate and act have the advantage. It is not easy for a single nation to ensure peace and stability for itself\, on its own. This encourages\, indeed demands international cooperation. This realisation or compulsion is very visible the World over. India’s international cooperation too has considerably increased\, translating into increased engagement in all spheres\, including military exchanges and interactions. The role of military diplomacy has also been enhanced. The significance of collective security and cooperative organisations has increased over time\, India too seeks increased and active part in cooperative mechanisms\, though joining collective security organisations is not our policy. An associated challenge sometimes\, is to prevent being subsumed by a more prolific and larger friend and retain independence. \n11. On the whole\, India is faced with the full ‘spectrum of threats’ from nuclear confrontation\, through conventional war; to conflicts limited in area\, scope or objectives; to the lower end friction\, such as insurgencies\, terrorism etc. Moreover\, India needs to be prepared for the escalation of conflict from limited upto nuclear. The spectrum has also acquired a complexity and technological sophistication\, making it prudent and necessary to move away from a ‘threat-based preparation’\, to a more accommodative and flexible – ‘capability-based approach’. This would help lessen the uncertainty and unpredictability\, because capabilities could then be readily tailored to suit the challenge at hand. \nNATURE OF CONFLICT\n12. While\, the probabilities of total wars and extensive mobilisations may have reduced\, India still must be prepared for a full-fledged and conventional conflict. Nuclear power-play has increased in the Region and impacts postures and strategies. In a more integrated and interdependent World\, the spillover of conflict in the neighbourhood and its negative global consequences makes it everybody’s concern. While there would be supporters for either party\, the sum of international pressure would be to end conflict. Moreover\, the battle spaces are now transparent to the public\, and legalities cannot be ignored. Therefore\, limited\, but high-tech wars of high intensity are more likely. Aerospace power has a distinct advantage in such a scenario. Determining the objectives and the end-state in a limited war is critical\, but poses dilemmas. Perceptions matter too. The Indian politico-military leadership must continually work for clarity in military objectives and desired end-states. \n13. While the future is uncertain\, wars will be multi-dimensional\, requiring an inter-disciplinary approach and the marshalling of all organs of national power. Military power is a critical component of national power\, without which\, as history bears out\, progress is possible only up to the point where it clashes with the interests of another stronger nation. Often\, assumptions of conflicts and military capabilities are based on the classical war scenario. However\, the IAF recognises that complex military challenges require different force constructs\, for different situations\, ranging from highly mobile and effective conventional forces\, to ‘rapid – reaction joint special-forces’. It is here that Air Power could provide the crucial edge. Clearly\, future conflicts are likely to be short and sharp; more challenging & unpredictable\, requiring a capability for assured\, clean\, swift\, calibrated\, varied and flexible responses and a transportability of national power in all forms. \nAEROSPACE POWER\n14. Of all forms of military power\, it is aerospace power that intrinsically possesses the characteristics that enable such responses. I am by no means lessening the import of other forms of military power\, yet modern aerospace capabilities have as much\, or perhaps greater impact than what maritime power did for colonising nations in the past. Unlike the latter\, whose applicability is determined by a country’s geographic location; and the land forces\, whose shape and size are determined by relations with neighbours\, size of the country and internal security compulsions; aerospace power has a more universal applicability. That is why even armies and navies strive to assimilate organic aerospace capabilities. \n15. Recent technological developments\, including the synergy of air & space\, have enhanced aerospace force unprecedently\, making it astonishingly reliable\, effective\, clean and responsive and the ‘preferred instrument’\, in most situations of peace or war. It has enabled effects-based operations\, made simpler parallel operations and creates strategic effects with a small footprint. Aerospace power is empowering and futuristic and easily lends its strengths and capabilities to other disciplines. In the Indian context\, all forms of military power are necessary and important\, however\, strategic aerospace power offers newer options\, both for our Northern concerns\, as well as for our outward orientations. \n16. I wish to highlight that aerospace power is inherently flexible and its application is not constrained by geographical areas. It can easily be assigned to any task on priority to attain the objectives – current or overall. IAF’s doctrines and plans are founded accordingly. I mention this as some believe that air power doctrines are rigid and unaccommodative. Debates have taken place on ‘Counter Air Operations’ (the so-called air war) vs ‘Counter Surface Force Operations’. It has been said that the IAF attributes less importance to the latter. But contrary to perception in some quarters\, a large part of IAF’s effort in past conflicts has been in support of the surface battle. Our current plans too\, allocate a sizeable portion of air effort towards CSFO. \nTHE IAF\nEvolution and Status\n17. Lets take a brief look at the IAF\, its Evolution & Status\, Role and Goals. From Counter-Insurgency in its early years\, to Army cooperation in WW-II\, the IAF was a tactical force. Today\, it is a strategic force – powerful\, professional and proven. Though the transition to strategic capability has been slow in coming\, the process must be sustained\, if we are to effectively influence events within India’s strategic boundaries. \n18. In its 76th year\, the IAF with its fine combination of Air Warriors\, machines and ethos has proved itself time and again. Status of the Force and strength of the economy have boosted our International Defence Cooperation\, including assistance to friendly air forces. Trans-continental reach has enabled exercises with friendly Air Forces on all Continents\, which is an excellent way to train\, assimilate best practices and strengthen bonds of friendship. The IAF is also a sought-after contributor to UNPKO. Currently\, we have four highly acclaimed missions in the Congo & Sudan. The IAF also remains at the forefront of the Nation’s HA / DR missions. IAF’s uniqueness lies in its rich all-terrain experience and its diverse inventory. Its capability and reach have enhanced significantly in the last decade. \nRoles\n19. Given our situation\, concerns and aspirations\, a strong and comprehensive aerospace capability is inescapable. The IAF’s roles can be described as Deterrence\, Punishment\, Protection\, Projection and Peace-time roles. It will be readily apparent\, that India needs its air force to execute all of these. The IAF must be a strong ‘deterrent’\, in a tough neighbourhood. Implicit in the deterrence is the ability for swift\, calibrated\, but effective ‘punishment’. Our deterrence currently includes the nuclear dimension. The IAF’s primary and traditional role is ‘protection’ or Air Defence\, the scope of which will expand as do our interests and reach. \n20. A benign presence\, or assistance to friendly nations in distress\, is a ‘projection’ of interests that IAF would be expected to execute. This requires long-range presence\, persistence\, ‘forward-basing arrangements’ etc. Perhaps the most visible demonstration and utility are ‘Peace-time’ applications – both internal and external. They range from airlift & surveillance\, to possible offensive action. Military diplomacy is yet another aspect that has increased in recent years yielding handsome friendship dividends. Indeed\, IAF today is adequately suited and structured to execute these roles\, should the need arise. \nGoal\n21. If we look at the way the IAF must evolve and compare it to any other evolving air force; and the path charted by the advanced air forces – there are essential similarities. In fact\, but for minor variations\, we are on a globally recognised growth path. So\, depending upon the circumstances\, threat perceptions and resources\, it is the scope and pace of growth of the Air Force that essentially remain to be managed. \n22. Clearly\, the IAF must be equipped for long-reach\, persistence\, all-weather\, precision\, air dominance\, networked and space-enabled force\, capabilities. I am aware that not many air forces have such capabilities\, but the IAF\, among the leading air forces of the World\, can with the right infusion of technology and training\, attain such status. IAF is sensitive to the many competing demands on the Nation and doesn’t seek the ‘best and now’\, but requisite capability\, in time to keep ahead of our adversaries. ‘Requisite Capability\, Well in Time; Right People\, Well Organised; Assured Performance’ is a phrase that sums up our goal and our emphasis.  \nMODERNISATION OF THE IAF\n23. Though we are a fairly balanced force – we also have shortages\, reducing force-levels and gaps in our inventory\, which are being addressed with all urgency and governmental support. IAF’s modernisation plan\, aims to sustain and enhance its operational potential and consolidate the specified force levels through judicious and cost-effective replacements and upgradation of existing resources. It’s a gradual\, but transformational modernisation. The approach is three-pronged – preserve\, upgrade and acquire. All fleets\, including transport and helicopters\, with residual life\, are being upgraded to contemporary standards; so also is operational and maintenance infrastructure and logistic tools. The planned acquisitions are across-the-board and include platforms\, weapons\, sensors and equipment; spread over the next 10-15 years. \n24. To run through some of our programmes\, the MiG-27 and Jaguar upgrades are almost done; the MiG 29\, Mirage 2000 are being negotiated and the IL-76\, AN-32 and the helicopter fleets will follow. Capabilities of UAVs will also be enhanced. Airfield and maintenance infrastructure are also being enhanced in a phased manner. \n25. The response to RFP for the MMRCA is expected soon. The Hawk AJTs have been inducted. The first AWACS will be with us this year end. Additional Dorniers\, Boeings and upgraded Cheetah will soon join the fleet. The contract for C-130Js has already been signed and contracts will soon be signed for Mi-17 1Vs\, ALHs\, armed ALHs and additional FRA. The 1st LCA Sqn may be operational in IOC configuration by 2010. IAF also seeks new helicopters to replace the Chetaks and a new heavy-lift heptr. Inter-Government Agreements have been signed for the 5th Generation Fighter and Medium Transport Aircraft with the Russian Govt. \n26. Air defence will be significantly strengthened with modern weapon-systems and sensors\, including the AWACS & Aerostats. Integration of civil radars will commence this year\, for gap-free surveillance of the entire Indian airspace. Force-multipliers\, air dominance fighters and a converged\, secure ‘Combat Communications Network’ – including the IACCS and later the ODL – will fundamentally alter the IAF’s Air Defence doctrine. For effective command & control\, extended reach and to reduce the sensors-to-shooter loop\, we are laying due emphasis on Networks and Space\, which are essential ‘next steps’. \nCHALLENGES\nThe Hardware – Technological Challenges\n27. I now turn to the challenges facing the IAF. I am aware that in the challenges lie seeds of opportunity and thus how we address them will qualify our future. Technology is at the core of an air force – acquiring and assimilating it is our primary challenge. The lack of it curtails national options\, impacting postures & doctrines. Denial and selective availability of technology are all enmeshed in international relations. As long as operationally feasible\, the IAF supports the national quest for indigenisation. We recommend acquisition of core-technologies and core-competencies and developing emerging technologies. We also recommend a collaborative and participative approach – of partnerships between users\, DRDO\, the Industry\, the Govt and foreign vendors. In these multiple partnerships\, we believe that the user must be the captain. We strongly support the Govt’s endeavour to transform our current ‘buyer-seller’ relationships to joint-ventures\, co-development and co-production. \nMaintenance Challenges\n28. While our response to technological challenges will determine the ‘shape’ of things to come\, maintenance challenges determine how long they last and their cost-effectiveness. ‘Maintainability’\, which includes logistical issues is therefore\, crucial. IAF is proactive on this and has energised interaction with vendors\, entered into ‘long-term spares and repair contracts’. We have also put our materials management and equipment accounting on-line. \nThe People & Organisation\n29. While hardware is important\, it is converted into capabilities by people. Aerospace power requires highly-skilled and impeccably trained personnel. Also\, in aviation\, optimum performance usually lies close to safety margins\, which brings in the concern of costs – both in human & material terms. Attracting quality youth\, training and retaining them is another of IAF’s challenges. Inculcating qualities of leadership and innovativeness and ushering in meritocracy and productivity are important on our agenda. However\, the expanding civil aviation sector exerts a huge ‘pull’ on this resource and we are doing our best to blend personal aspirations with organisational compulsions. We need Government support to make this happen. Updating of skills is an associated challenge\, for which international exposure has been very useful. But in the long run we might need an Air University. Again\, if our manning is adequate\, we would be able to send our people on sabbaticals of higher learning. \n30. As the hardware changes\, new capacities and capabilities are generated that sometimes radically alter the way we do business. And it is hard to do things differently with the old processes\, interfaces and organisational structures. Keeping pace and adapting to the changes\, as an organisation\, is another challenge. \nFUTURE OPPORTUNITIES\nShape of Things to Come\n31. I now turn to future opportunities. The most obvious and significant opportunity is already before us. I refer to the modernisation plan. Ideally\, modernisation should be evolutionary and continuous. Yet\, for a variety of reasons the IAF has in the past modernised in spurts\, often as a reaction to circumstances. Today\, the IAF is in throes of a most comprehensive modernisation\, as I described earlier. We call it transformational\, for it will change everything dramatically. Being based on long-term perspective plans\, most of it is already crystallised. Yet\, a lot remains to be determined; many new capabilities are still short of the decision stage. At this juncture\, if we are able to synchronise these plans with national security objectives\, we would really have utilised this opportunity well. From that arises another opportunity that must be seized and that is the formal enunciation of long-term national security objectives\, strategies\, as well as technology roadmap and indigenisation strategies. \n32. Much also depends upon the way aerospace power will develop in the future. Beyond the MMRCA and FGFA\, with their 40 year ‘lives’\, we are at 2060. It is not easy to guess the shape of aerospace power then. Would the accent shift to unmanned flight\, to missiles; or would ‘air’ be more of ‘space’. Technological advances are sure to revolutionise military affairs in future too. Despite the unpredictabilities\, it is certain that the need for ‘application and transportability’ of national power – hard and soft – and thus for aerospace power\, with enhanced fundamentals\, would remain. Nations that lack it will seek it\, as also will non-state agencies. Aerospace power is bound to proliferate. We also expect aerospace power to permeate the national security apparatus more completely\, including for homeland security. IAF foresees greater specialisation; tailored capabilities for each occasion; an increased dependence on unmanned vehicles; greater accent on force enhancers; particularly the intangible ones\, such as quality of people and their skills. \n33. Networking and assimilation of space\, both interdependent\, are already the way forward and can tilt the balance considerably. A quiet ‘space race’ is the current reality and weaponisation\, a distinct possibility. Perhaps more than any other\, it is air power that is most significantly enhanced by the integration of space-enabled capabilities\, for there are essential similarities. Evolving into an aerospace force is thus a logical progression. But\, it is getting crowded up there and we need to act fast. Certainly\, ‘space’ empowers all\, and the IAF supports tri-Service initiatives. Yet\, any fledgling capability requires residing in an appropriate ‘parent capability’. Air Power\, or the IAF\, are the closest such ‘capability’\, or organisation suitable to host and nurture ‘military space’. India’s rising status and acceptability are an opportunity for us to push for creating an adequate military space capability. \n34. Since IAF requires a comprehensive capability\, its future in the long-term\, will largely mirror the future of aerospace power itself. Though this path is invariably influenced by leading nations\, India and countries like it\, must be selective and seek creative variations\, both in terms of hardware and doctrine. \nOutward Orientation\n35. I have made mention of India’s outward orientation and IAF’s part in it. We find that our international interactions are increasing. Leading nations want to engage us and probably seek to include us in their calculations. Smaller nations look up to us for support\, assistance and training. UN commitments are also considerable. We could ignore these opportunities\, or we could use them to build Indian influence\, generate goodwill and reap multiple dividends. \nSynergies\n36. I now turn to synergies and jointness\, which the IAF is convinced is the way forward. Just as every tool has a place in the toolbox\, every discipline too has its own niche. At the edges of our competencies in complex tasks we often confront impossibilities or failure. If we traverse the boundaries of our discipline into neighbouring or related ones\, we can\, in concert with them achieve our aims. In other words\, there are other organs of national power and we must learn to use them and interface with them effectively. Such synergy creates desired effects\, perhaps at lesser cost and in quicker time. This calls for wisdom\, knowledge of other disciplines and lack of parochialism. The future also brings with it the opportunity for creating synergies and national capabilities. \n37. I feel therefore\, that the trick lies in perfecting internal core-competencies\, identifying complimentary capabilities in other organisations\, developing effective interfaces and training to create and employ a new\, enhanced hybrid. We are convinced that such ‘jointness’ is the way forward and that core competencies of each Service\, indeed of all organs of national power\, must be synergised to generate the required effect and capability. A capability-based approach from development to employment will encourage an inter-disciplinary integration and the coming together of all organs of national power. At the end\, it is people that make an institution or system work. The best ones can be rendered ineffective for want of skills and commitment and vice-versa. Essentially\, we believe jointness and synergy have less to do with new structures and ownership\, but depends upon joint thinkers\, planning\, capability creations\, as well as joint training and execution. Perhaps it is better to grow in an evolutionary manner. \n38. Similarly\, it is also imperative that military and civil aviation integrate\, to take advantage of each others’ capacities\, for better efficiency\, cost-effectiveness and for greater options. We have already made available 19 of our front-line air fields for civil air traffic and also allowed transit through Air Force controlled air space\, to save time and fuel. IAF has also proposed the ‘flexible use of air space’; and the process for integration of civil and AF radars has begun. \n39. Beyond generating national synergies\, aerospace technologies are so expensive\, cutting-edge and hard to develop\, that I dare say\, our quest of these increasingly encourages joint-ventures and sharing of knowledge & resources between nations\, and accord opportunity to forge international synergies. \nCONCLUSION\n40. Considerable changes are taking place in the Global & Regional scenario and in our neighbourhood. Old issues persist\, while newer concerns are added. The role of military power has increased\, as security concerns spread beyond national boundaries. Aerospace power is futuristic and increasingly utilitarian. The IAF has come a long way and has demonstrated its professionalism and the World has acknowledged it. A strong and professional IAF can contribute to national options and to peace and stability\, not only within the Country but also within the Region. It is a considered opinion that the Indian Air Force\, with its current capability and plans has the potential to make a very significant impact on the postures we adopt in the future. IAF must therefore grow in step with Nation.
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/idsas-national-security-lecture-series-3
CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES
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CREATED:20231223T124852Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250312T061953Z
UID:62697-1202362200-1202362200@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Speech at the 10th Asian Security Conference
DESCRIPTION:Former Dutch Prime Minister Rudd Lubbers was the guest speaker at the closing session of the 10th Asian Security Conference. The Conference ended with a Panel Discussion on the proposition “Is A Nuclear Weapons Free World Desirable? Is it Feasible?”
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/speech-at-the-10th-asian-security-conference
CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES,Asian Security Conference,ASC Key Speeches
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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20080205T053000
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CREATED:20231223T124856Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20240229T001444Z
UID:62698-1202189400-1202189400@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Inaugural Address at the 10th Asian Security Conference
DESCRIPTION:Hon’ble External Affairs Minister\, Shri Pranab Mukherjee\, Director IDSA\, Shri N.S.Sisodia\, Excellencies\, distinguished delegates\, Ladies and gentlemen\, \nI am glad to be present at the opening of the 10th Asian Security Conference.  \nIDSA serves as a useful platform for frank interactions between experts – both military and civilian and the Government on security-related issues of national and international importance.  \nOf late\, the Asian region has acquired a unique centrality in global strategic affairs. The challenges for the Asian region – and indeed all the nations the world over are of a similar nature. Terrorism\, nuclear proliferation and sectarian conflicts are some of issues that require our urgent and focussed attention.  \nToday\, the world has truly become a global village. Thus\, security of nations cannot be restricted to narrow geographical and political boundaries.  \nWith increasing globalisation\, it is often argued that the chances of the breakout of a conventional war are remote. All the same\, we have to be eternally vigilant and ever-prepared for any eventuality.  \nIn recent years\, conflicts have broken out between states and non-state players. Such conflicts are differently categorised as civil war\, insurgency\, ethnic conflict\, irregular war\, or even – terrorism. The nature of conflicts notwithstanding\, it is the civilian population that bears the brunt of such conflicts. The traditional distinction between soldiers and the civilians is increasingly being obliterated\, for both are targets for terrorists.  \nIt is well-known that no price is too high for the security of a nation. Global defence expenditure during the 1990s had registered a marginal decline. However\, of late\, global defence expenditure has registered a sharp upward growth.  \nThe world today realises that no nation can consider itself to be immune from terrorism. The lessons learnt elsewhere can prove to be useful in devising our policies. Similarly\, other nations too can benefit from our experiences. Nations must devise ways and means to cooperate to effectively counter terrorism. The Indian policy makers will keenly look forward to these deliberations as they have implications for our own strategies. I also urge IDSA scholars to continue to pay attention to this phenomenon\, on a longterm basis and generate ideas and policy options that are useful to decision makers.  \nIncreasing use of information technology will mean that wars in future will be hi-tech\, intense\, yet brief. The mobility and destructive capacity of weapons has gone up several times. Experts apprehend that with proliferation of technologies – particularly information technology\, space technology\, bio-technology\, nanotechnology and genetic engineering will only multiply the lethal force of new weapons.  \nNuclear proliferation continues to be a serious challenge for mankind. I am sure that experts attending this Conference will deliberate on the future of the nuclear order\, its relevance and implications for security of the Asian region.  \nThe emergence of non-state players is another grave challenge confronting all nations. These non-state players do not recognise any territorial boundaries. They utilise latest global communication and transport networks and rely on garnering international support. Their common objective is to disturb existing state apparatus\, destabilise neighbouring states and create new states based on ethno-cultural identity. Most of these non-state players are not fighting for a national identity\, or territory and have abstract notions of carving out a separate and unique identity of their own based on ethnicity\, religious and tribal basis. According to estimates of Military Balance\, out of the 343 non-state armed groups operating in the world\, 187 groups operate in Asian region.  \nIndia has been the target of disruptive elements for several years. Major powers of the world then believed that they would be immune to such elements and had\, as such\, little sympathy for our concerns. However\, now all nations realise and accept the need for greater cooperation in effectively meeting such challenges.  \nThe conference will also consider another important issue that has a direct bearing on Asian Security in the 21st century – the generic issue of fragile states and nation building\, with Afghanistan as a live case.  \nTrends indicate that international efforts at nation building are faltering on many counts. This is a potentially dangerous situation. It is therefore only appropriate that this conference will consider the challenges posed by the recent developments in Afghanistan. The deliberations during the special session will address the questions such as – what is the assessment of major players regarding the future course of action in Afghanistan? What can be done to stabilise Afghanistan? I am hopeful that the Conference will come up with creative solutions for the well-being of Afghanistan\,  \nI have briefly referred to some of the principal challenges that Asia and other regions of the world are likely to face. All these challenges are transnational\, or have the potential of becoming transnational. While we must be guard against the outbreak of conventional wars\, we must recognise that newer forms of conflict are more likely. In my view\, the following measures can help the Asian states in meeting various challenges effectively.  \nThe first one is to maintain an active dialogue process\, not only among governments\, but also defence establishments to build strong channels of communication and dispel mistrust.  \nSecondly\, we must develop mechanisms to share intelligence about terror groups\, criminal elements\, drug cartels and other transnational networks that foment violence and subvert states.  \nThirdly\, we must attempt to devise common solutions to common challenges that threaten our collective security. We need to develop multilateral frameworks to promote dialogue and prepare strategies for cooperative action.  \nIt is heartening that this year’s Asian Security Conference will touch upon several important issues and will conclude with a discussion on cooperative frameworks for Asian Security in the 21st century. I am sure that the deliberations by eminent scholars and experts on security issues at the Conference will be fruitful and provide crucial inputs on security-related issues.  \nWith these words\, I am pleased to inaugurate this important conference and convey my best wishes for its success.  \n“Jai Hind”.
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/inaugural-address-at-the-10th-asian-security-conference
CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES,Asian Security Conference,ASC Key Speeches
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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20080205T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20080205T053000
DTSTAMP:20261113T221326
CREATED:20231223T124856Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20240229T001411Z
UID:62699-1202189400-1202189400@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Keynote Address at the 10th Asian Security Conference
DESCRIPTION:Shri A. K. Antony\, Defence Minister of India\, Director IDSA\, Excellencies\, Ladies and Gentlemen\,  \nIt is indeed an honour to address this distinguished gathering of scholars and experts from around the world. IDSA has been at the forefront of the Indian debate on national and international security issues for the last 42 years. Its annual Asian Security Conference has served as an important international forum for the last 10 years. Each year\, distinguished experts have assembled here to share and debate their views and perspectives on Asian security and on how to manage it better. On the 10th anniversary of this forum\, IDSA has rightly chosen to focus on some of the pressing security issues that face Asia as a whole. I am sure your discussions over the next three days would go a long way in enlarging our understanding of Asia’s many security dilemmas and help devise better solutions to manage them.  \nThis morning I would like to offer you my thoughts on some key issues relating to Asian security in the 21st Century.  \nAsia in the 21st Century will be a very different place than what it was in the past. For over 200 years\, external powers played a dominant role in shaping Asia’s political\, social\, economic and cultural arenas. This situation has been undergoing significant changes for quite some time now.  \nThe balance of influence on Asian affairs has begun to shift in favour of the countries of Asia. Japan was a lone swallow in the first half of the 20th Century. But in its second half\, it blazed a trail that was followed by the East and Southeast Asian tiger economies. China and India have further fanned this Asian revival with their prowess in the manufacturing and service sectors. Asia today contributes just around a quarter of the global GDP\, and this share is expected to rise to more than 50 per cent of the world by 2025. As Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh recently noted\, by the middle of the century\, Asia may well account for more than 50 percent of foreign trade\, income\, saving\, investment and financial transactions of the globe.  \nAsia’s economic revival has given rise to many predictions about its future. These projections are based on two factors. The first is Asia’s growing and relatively youthful population. It has been estimated that by 2010\, 60 per cent of the world’s population in the age group of 20 to 35 is likely to be Asian. And the second is the rapid growth of several Asian economies during the last few decades. China\, for example\, has been averaging a growth rate of about 9 per cent a year since 1980. For its part\, India has averaged 8.5 per cent a year in the last five years. It is believed that these two factors would enable Asian countries to dominate the international economy and\, by extension\, international politics and security.  \nWhether this scenario comes about or not depends on a number of domestic and external factors. But what seems certain is the growing influence of major Asian countries on the structures and processes of international relations in Asia. At the same time\, we cannot overlook the influence of external actors on the continent. Asian security in the 21st Century will thus be shaped by the interactions between major Asian powers and influential external actors such as EU\, Russia and the United States.  \nMany security challenges confront Asia today—the spread of nuclear weapons\, the threat of terrorism\, threats to energy security\, and so on. And many more challenges are likely to arise in the course of the Century\, including the issue of climate change.  \nIndia has a critical role to play in tackling these challenges. With its economy growing at an impressive rate over the last few years\, India has emerged as one of the driver of economic growth in the world. India is a unique example of a country where development and democracy have gone hand in hand. Its role has become crucial for international economic integration and trade organisation\, for preventing the spread of nuclear weapons\, for tackling the threat of terrorism\, for stabilising conflict-affected states like Afghanistan\, for dealing with the issue of climate change\, for building and strengthening multilateral institutions\, and for collective and co-operative security in Asia.  \nLadies and Gentlemen\, a principal cause of concern in recent years has been the threat of nuclear proliferation. This is not limited only to new states acquiring nuclear weapons capability. It also extends to the very real threat of terrorist groups laying their hands on nuclear material and even fully assembled nuclear weapons.  \nThese two security challenges are interlinked. And they are products of the demand-supply dynamic. On the supply side\, the proliferation problem is a product of two factors. One is the inability of states to sufficiently safeguard their nuclear material\, technology and facilities against attempts to procure WMD relevant items. The second factor is deliberate and callous proliferation by states including state failure to exercise adequate control over personnel engaged in nuclear programmes. It is well known how transfer of uranium enrichment technology\, equipment and even weapon design has taken place clandestinely and flagrantly in our region. Even more alarming is the interest shown by radical terrorist groups in acquiring nuclear material and technology and the linkages that they had forged with a few nuclear scientists. \nThe challenge before us is to make sure that national laws and international commitments are better implemented by states to prevent leakage of material and technology from established nuclear programmes. The challenge also is to do this consistently and without short-term considerations of political expediency.  \nOn the demand side\, the best way to address the dilemmas in the nuclear domain is to focus our efforts on the goal of global nuclear disarmament.  \nIndia\, as you know\, has held a principled position on the issue of nuclear weapons since the dawn of the nuclear age. It has many firsts to its credit in promoting arms control\, disarmament and non-proliferation. As early as 1954\, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru issued the first ever call for a standstill to nuclear weapons tests. In 1965\, it was India that first put forward the principles for a Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. Indian enthusiasm for the NPT waned when it saw the reluctance of established nuclear powers to give up their arsenals. But in all these years\, we have strictly abided by all the basic obligations enshrined in this Treaty as they apply to nuclear weapon States. Today\, as a responsible nuclear weapon power\, we are even more mindful of our duty to control the spread of WMD technologies and their delivery systems. We have signalled our willingness to be a part of the international consensus by adopting a comprehensive WMD Export Control legislation. We have also harmonised our export control lists with those prescribed by the Nuclear Suppliers Group and Missile Technology Control Regime. These measures also fulfill the obligations prescribed by UN Security Council Resolution 1540\, which calls upon states to refrain from supporting non-state actors in their quest for weapons of mass destruction and their delivery systems. \nWe do not wish to see the emergence of additional nuclear weapon states\, for it will only further endanger international security. And our goal continues to be a world free of nuclear weapons. This year marks twenty years the since the late Shri Rajiv Gandhi presented a bold Action Plan for a nuclear weapon free and non-violent world order. The central premises of the 1988 Rajiv Gandhi Action Plan are of current significance and relevance as they were two decades ago:  \n\nFirst\, a binding commitment by all nations to eliminate nuclear weapons in stages; \nSecond\, participation by all states in the process of nuclear disarmament and here I would like to emphasis that nuclear disarmament does not alone mean arms control;\nThird\, demonstration of good faith and building of confidence through tangible progress towards the common goal of a nuclear weapon free world; \nFourth\, changes in doctrines\, policies and institutions to sustain a world free of nuclear weapons. \n\nThe vision of Shri Rajiv Gandhi continues to guide India’s approach to nuclear disarmament. Personalities such as Henry Kissinger\, George Shultz\, Sam Nunn and William Perry who were at the center of crafting nuclear policy and who thought that nuclear weapons were essential to the security of their state are having a rethink today. We welcome this development and hope it leads\, as envisaged in the Rajiv Gandhi Action Plan\, to a commitment by all states to a nuclear weapon free world. As a responsible nuclear weapon power\, India is ready to play its part in the process leading to global\, non-discriminatory and verifiable elimination of nuclear weapons.  \nLadies and Gentlemen\,  \nI now turn to the challenge of terrorism which haunts the world today. Asia in particular is home to by far the largest number of terrorist groups in the world. India has been facing this curse since the nineteen-eighties; first in Punjab\, then in Jammu and Kashmir\, and now in other parts of the country as well. We have consistently highlighted the need for a unified international response to trans-national and trans-border terrorism.  \nTerrorists derive their justification from politics\, perceived or genuine grievances and economic disadvantage. In our view\, no goal or grievance can justify the targeting of innocent people. In our view\, terrorism is best defined as the deliberate targeting of innocent men\, women and children. The September 11 attacks\, the Madrid train bombing\, the tragedy at Beslan\, targeting of the London Underground\, the serial bombs that ripped through Mumbai’s commuter trains during rush hour in July 2006\, all demonstrate this basic fact. Secondly the fact that terrorists have successfully used weakly governed territories to organise attacks\, recruit and train their cadres should not obscure the responsibility of the state concerned to prevent the misuse of its territory for terrorist attacks. Terrorism is not a political tool to be deployed and withdrawn at will\, for it can turn around and critically wound the state that wields it.  \nAfghanistan under Taliban rule was the most telling example in this regard. Continuing to allow these groups to enjoy the luxury of this space will have terrible consequences for the world at large. It is vital that Afghanistan emerges as a stable and peaceful country that no longer serves as a base for these groups.  \nThe legitimately elected government in Kabul must be enabled to extend its rule throughout the country. Reconstruction activities need to go hand in hand with efforts to combat radical groups and ensure security. India is one of the largest contributors to the reconstruction effort in Afghanistan. We have committed around 800 million US dollars. Three thousand five hundred Indians work in various projects in that country. We will persevere with our earnest efforts in this regard and we will continue to co-ordinate these efforts with those of the international community.  \nIt is equally important to stabilise Iraq\, which is being torn apart by various factors including sectarian conflict and a violent insurgency. Failure will have repercussions throughout the West Asian region. Regional instability could damage the international economy by disrupting energy supplies and further driving up oil prices which have already breached the 100 dollar mark.  \nIn the context of instability in West Asia\, we need to reflect on issues impinging on energy security. Rapid economic growth\, especially in Asia\, is causing increased demands for fossil fuel. At the same time\, reserves are estimated to deplete in future. There is the additional fear that energy flows could be disrupted either by the actions of states or non-state actors. Asian countries\, which predominantly source their fossil fuel requirements from the Persian Gulf\, seem particularly vulnerable to such disruptions. They all feel the acute need to ensure the security\, stability and sustainability of fossil fuel supplies.  \nLadies and Gentlemen\, allow me to share with you my thoughts on another important future challenge that will confront Asia as well as the world at large. This is the issue of climate change due to the accumulated and continuing emissions of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases. Weak and fragile states are particularly vulnerable to the damaging effects of climate change. You will recall that a few months ago UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon highlighted the correlation between climate change and the crisis in Sudan’s Darfur region. Climate change is truly a global problem and it requires global solutions. Developing countries like India cannot be expected to unilaterally forego the economic aspirations of their people. Advanced economies indeed have a greater obligation to cut down on emissions by encouraging more sustainable patterns of consumption. We need to devote greater efforts to generate alternate technologies and industrial processes that are environment-friendly and these technologies must be provided at affordable cost. The key principle is common but differentiated responsibility.  \nLadies and Gentlemen\, none of the challenges I have outlined can be effectively tackled by individual countries on their own. Pooling national efforts and resources and channelling them through the co-operative structures of multilateral frameworks and institutions is essential. Only then can we muster the necessary will and resources to tackle these challenges.  \nFormer UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan succinctly pointed out in an address at Harvard University in June 2004\, and I quote a few lines from there: “It is in the interest of every country to have international rules and to abide by them. And such a system can only work if\, in devising and applying the rules\, the legitimate interests and points of view of different countries are accommodated\, and decisions are reached collectively. That is the essence of multilateralism …”  \nMay I conclude by wishing you all success in your deliberations. Before I thank you\, I apologise for lengthening my observations.
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/keynote-address-at-the-10th-asian-security-conference
CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES,Asian Security Conference,ASC Key Speeches
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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20071207T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20071207T053000
DTSTAMP:20261113T221326
CREATED:20231223T124856Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T121445Z
UID:62700-1197005400-1197005400@idsa.in
SUMMARY:National Governance and Internal Security
DESCRIPTION:There is a crucial link between National Governance and Internal Security. If Internal Security is not maintained Governance cannot be delivered and there would be grave threats to the very unity and integrity of the country. Likewise\, Internal Security cannot be safeguarded if Governance is delivered by an inefficient and corrupt administration. \nIt is perhaps not necessary to define Governance. However\, in the simplest terms\, governance relates to the effective management of national affairs at all levels of functioning; guaranteeing the country’s unity and integrity and securing the safety and overall welfare of its people. For the attainment of these objectives it would be essential that political\, economic\, executive and judicial authority is exercised in a manner which ensures that the people are enabled to enjoy their rights\, discharge their obligations and resolve their disputes within the parameters of the Constitution and the Rule of Law. \nOur exhaustive Constitution provides the basis of the relationship between the Union and the States and delineates the Legislative\, Judicial and Executive framework within which the Union and the States shall discharge their respective responsibilities for delivering governance. The Preamble to our Constitution provides the key to its philosophy: it enshrines the sovereignty of the people and envisions a socialist\, secular\, democratic republic based on justice\, liberty\, equality and fraternity. \nThe principles of governance of our country are excellently enunciated in the chapter on Directive Principles of State Policy in the Constitution of India. It has been laid down (Article 37) that the provisions contained in this chapter shall be “fundamental in the governance of the country” and that it shall be the “duty of the State to apply these principles in making laws”. \nThe founding fathers of the Constitution of India were acutely aware that political democracy would have no significance unless it was accompanied by social and economic democracy. It was their belief that\, within the democratic framework\, clean and efficient governance would transform the social\, economic and political life of our people and build a strong\, prosperous and vibrant nation. The Directive Principles\, described as the `core’ or the `conscience’ of our Constitution\, provide the goals and guidelines which\, if vigorously pursued and implemented timely\, would have led to removing the inequalities and disabilities suffered by large segments of our society and thus paved the way for the achievement of social and economic justice. \nWe have still to traverse a very long distance to achieve our nation-building goals. About a quarter of our population still lives below the poverty line. The persistence of large-scale poverty and illiteracy\, the lack of employment\, shelter\, clean drinking water\, basic sanitation and health care\, food and nutrition\, and the yawning gaps in the achievement of various other vital developmental targets manifest the serious failures of national governance. The default in achieving social and economic justice has perhaps been the most signal failure. \nThe failures of governance have led to the recognition that governance shall become honest and effective\, and inequalities shall start reducing\, when the people are empowered and the communities are enabled to manage their own affairs. In this context\, the 73rd and the 74th Amendments to the Constitution provide the constitutional mandate for the provision of self-governance through the establishment of duly empowered rural and urban local self-governing institutions. It is a matter for deep regret that the States have still to evince the required political will to effectively pursue the path of democratic decentralisation. \nThus\, today\, in large parts of the country\, the people’s sovereignty still means no more than the right to exercise their vote whenever elections are held. It is\, however\, a matter of enormous satisfaction that\, despite failures on various fronts and despite the serious shortcomings of the electoral processes\, the spirit of democracy stands deeply rooted in our country. \nAmong the many reasons for the continuing failures of governance\, a significant factor has been the instability of the political regimes in the States from around the late 1960s and at the Centre in the past decade and a half. From 1989 onwards\, there were six governments at the Centre in less than a decade. It has also been seen that frequent elections have not invariably engendered conclusive outcomes. In recent years no single party or pre-poll alliance of parties has succeeded in securing a clear majority. Unstable coalition governments in the States\, perennially occupied in combating threats to their survival\, have failed to deliver effective governance. \nOver the years\, the politicisation of caste and communal identities has led to divisiveness and disruption of the national ethos. The failure of the electoral system to prevent anti-social\, communal\, undesirable and even criminal elements from contesting and winning elections has contributed to the progressive decline of the polity and the consequent failure of the State Assemblies and the Parliament to effectively discharge their vital constitutional roles. \nConsequent to the 1993 serial bomb blasts in Mumbai\, on the direction of the Prime Minister\, a Committee was established to enquire into certain aspects of the bombings. In September 1993 this Committee\, generally referred to as the Vohra Committee\, had reported the existence of a deep nexus between political personalities\, public servants and criminal syndicates. As per the Director CBI’s report to this Committee “all over India crime syndicates have become a law unto themselves. Even in the smaller towns and rural areas\, muscle men have become the order of the day. Hired assassins have become part of these organizations. The nexus between the communal gangs\, police\, bureaucracy and politicians has come out clearly in various parts of the country.” Quoting the Director Intelligence Bureau\, the Committee reported that the Mafia network is “virtually running a parallel government\, pushing the State apparatus into irrelevance” and that in certain States “these gangs enjoy the patronage of local politicians\, cutting across party lines\, and the protection of functionaries… Some political leaders become the leaders of these gangs/armed senas and\, over the years\, get themselves elected to local bodies\, State Assemblies and national Parliament.” By all accounts\, over the past decade and a half\, this criminal nexus has enlarged and extended its reach. \nGovernance has been adversely affected also because political leaders remain incessantly preoccupied with the narrow\, sectarian and partisan interests of their parties and the pursuit of day-to-day political gains and have no time or patience to attend to the crying needs of the common man. The failure of the political executive to devote sustained attention to its constitutional responsibilities has led to the governmental functioning in the States being marred by gross delays\, inefficiency\, insensitivity\, unaccountability and pervasive corruption. \nToday\, thanks to the information technology revolution and the fast spreading reach of the media\, the awareness and expectations of the average citizen have been significantly enhanced. This has\, correspondingly\, generated much deeper dissatisfaction with the failures of governance. Unless urgent and ruthless steps are taken to check maladministration and corruption\, the anger and disgust of the common people\, particularly the disadvantaged and oppressed elements\, could lead to their alienation. And past experience has shown that alienated elements can be easily lured to adopting the gun culture and joining unlawful networks whose activities cause serious public disorder. \nIn the past decade and more\, despite the constraints of governance under coalition governments\, the rate of the country’s economic growth has been consistently higher than at any time in the past. It is heartening to observe that the new economic strength is being utilised to significantly enhance the investments in human development and poverty eradication programmes and for the execution of varied schemes for improving the quality of life of the common man. \nIn the obtaining environment of steady economic growth and dynamism\, the interest of foreign governments\, companies\, investors and entrepreneurs has been growing steadily. Quite understandably\, foreign investors would keep a close watch on the situation in our country\, to be assured of the security of their assets and holdings. In this context\, national governance has the super-added responsibility of ensuring that internal security is effectively maintained to promote our growing international trade and business interests which are vital for the steady growth of our economy. \nLet us now take a quick look at the constitutional position in regard to national security management in our country. \nThe safeguarding of national security encompasses eternal vigilance to meet every threat to the Indian State from every possible source within the country and from anywhere across its land or sea borders or from across the air space. \nBroadly speaking\, national security would comprise external security i.e. safeguarding the realm against any external threat\, and internal security i.e. maintenance of security within the entire country. National security management would also encompass employment\, food\, water and shelter security; fiscal and economic security; energy\, science\, technology and environment security; cyber security\, etc. However\, for the purpose of this Lecture\, I shall speak only about issues relating to internal security management.  \nFor appreciating the implications of internal security\, it may be useful to keep in mind the physical parameters of our concerns which\, while being generally well known\, are invariably forgotten. \nIndia is the seventh largest country in the world with an area of about 33 lakh square kilometres. It has land boundaries of 15\,200 kilometres\, over 600 island territories\, a coastline of over 7500 kilometres and an EEZ of 25 lakh square kilometres. We have land frontiers and maritime boundaries with half a dozen neighbouring countries. Except for some of our hinterland States\, e.g. Haryana and Madhya Pradesh\, all other States and some of the Union Territories have one or more land or sea borders which require to be guarded. Our borders with Pakistan and China are militarised; those with Pakistan have generated a variety of threats ever since Independence. \nWhile discussing India’s security concerns\, it would also be useful to remember that our country represents an immense cultural and geographical diversity and socio-religious traditions that go back to 5000 years of recorded history. The well over a billion people of India comprise multi-racial\, multi-religious\, multi-lingual and multi-cultural societies. We have 22 major languages and over 1500 dialects. Every major religion in the world is practiced in India. The roots of India’s secular and pluralistic traditions are imbedded deep in our ancient history. \nIndia’s internal security problems\, arising from varied sources\, are influenced by a host of factors among which are its past history\, geography\, colonial legacy\, a burgeoning population\, sharp social and economic disparities and complex socio-cultural and ethno-religious traditions which interplay freely in our secular democracy. As events in the past decades have shown\, regional and global developments have also been impacting significantly on our security concerns. \nUnder our Constitution\, “Public Order” and “Police” are included in the State List (List II\, Seventh Schedule). Consequently\, for maintaining internal security\, the States have exclusive powers [Article 246(3)] to make laws and take all necessary executive action in respect of both the aforesaid subjects. Thus\, in the normal circumstances\, the States are responsible for maintaining internal security within their jurisdictions. \nAs regards the Centre’s responsibility\, the Constitution prescribes [Article 355] that it shall be the duty of the Union to protect the States against external aggression and internal disturbances and to ensure that the governance of every State is carried on in accordance with the Constitutional powers\, failing which Presidential Rule may be imposed [Article 356] in the defaulting State\, till constitutional functioning can be restored. The Constitution also provides [Article 352] for the enforcement of Emergency if a situation exists or there is an imminent danger of the security of India being threatened by war or an armed rebellion. \nLooking back\, from 1947 onwards\, the country has faced varied internal security problems. Some of the more serious threats have emanated from Pakistan’s unceasing efforts to seize Jammu & Kashmir and its sustained strategy to create chaos and disorder to de-stabilise and “break up” India. \nIndia has been facing increasing internal security threats in the past years and\, as today\, the public order in about 40 per cent of the districts is seriously affected by insurgencies\, terrorist activities or political extremism. From about the early 1980s Pakistan’s ISI succeeded in launching terrorist activities in Punjab\, which suffered enormous human and economic loses for over a decade till the situation was normalised. Benefiting from the experience gained from its foray into Punjab\, Pakistan launched a proxy-war in Jammu & Kashmir in end-1989. Over the past nearly two decades now\, the continuing wave of terrorism has resulted in the loss of thousands of innocent lives\, ruined the economy and\, worst of all\, shattered the historical secular fabric of Kashmir. In the North East region\, several States have continued to face varying insurgencies\, many of which have been accentuated by the ISI’s cross-border networks. Illegal immigration from Bangladesh has led to a demographic upheaval and generated serious communal\, political\, social and economic tensions and conflicts in several areas of the North East region. \nInstigated by the ISI\, and spurred by domestic factors\, there has been a steady increase in the growth of pan-Islamic militant outfits which have been preaching fundamentalism and spreading subversion and violence. Over the years\, the reach of these networks has spread to areas in Central and South India. \nLeft-Wing extremist groups\, specially the People’s War Group and the Maoist Communist Centre\, have been continuing to enlarge their violent activities which have progressively spread to cover vast tribal areas in several States. \nSeveral organised criminal and mafia groups have linked up with ISI-supported networks and progressively extended their criminal\, subversive and communal activities. The narcotics and drug mafia outfits\, also involved in the smuggling of weapons\, RDX and other materials for causing death and destruction\, have been carrying out large scale havala and money laundering operations. The enormous funds generated by the unlawful activities of these groups have been utilised for spreading Islamic fundamentalism\, creating violence and executing terrorist activities. Serious threats to internal security have emerged from the ISI linking up with organised crime and mafia outfits and exploiting this nexus to organise major violent incidents in various cities of India\, virtually at will. \nFor the past nearly three decades now\, ever since Pakistan’s initial venture to foment militancy in Punjab\, the Centre has been kept incessantly engaged in dealing with serious internal security problems in the North East region\, Punjab\, Jammu & Kashmir\, in the various States affected by the activities of the Naxalite groups and in all the areas affected by violence caused by Islamic fundamentalist groups. The restoration of normalcy in any disturbed area has inescapably involved the application of coercive power which\, in other words\, means the deployment of the required strength of Central Police Forces and\, as required\, contingents of the Indian Army.  \nFrom the experience gained in combating militancies\, insurgencies and terrorist activities in the past years\, it has become abundantly clear that the responsibility of the disturbed States does not end merely with the deployment of State or Central Police Forces\, or even of the Army\, to restore the disturbed area to normalcy. The Armed Forces of the Union are deployed in aid of the civil authority and\, constitutionally\, the concerned State remains entirely responsible till normalcy is fully restored. \nIt is necessary to recognise that the deployment of Central Police Forces\, or of the Army\, for carrying out anti-insurgency/terrorist operations may not yield the expected outcome unless the entire State administrative machinery\, led by the Chief Minister\, devotes continuous organised attention to sensitively dealing with the root causes that contributed to the break down of public order. Time bound initiatives would need to be implemented to identify and resolve the social and economic problems or the political demands and aspirations of the agitating groups. Simultaneously\, the entire State administration apparatus would require to devote close and continuous attention to providing effective governance\, systematic attention being paid to resolve the day-to-day difficulties faced by the common man\, particularly those which may have emerged on account of the ongoing disturbed situation. Instead of slackening its functioning on account of the prevailing disturbed environment\, the administrative apparatus shall need to work overtime to ensure that all socio-economic development and poverty alleviation programmes are implemented with high efficiency and honesty and within an urgent time frame. \nTo deal in a timely manner with internal security problems\, the State Governments need to exercise constant vigilance\, particularly in regard to the resolution of complex pending issues\, and launch prompt initiatives to open meaningful dialogues with the leaders of the aggrieved groups or communities. Past experience has shown that very high human and economic costs have to be paid if there is a failure to timely deal with issues which can lead to conflicts and violence. The situation is further complicated when a violent agitation\, arising from a sensitive demand\, is dealt with merely as a law and order problem and the disturbance sought to be quelled with the application of force. In many such cases the agitating elements are supported and incited by adversary external agencies and\, when this happens\, we see the beginning of much larger problems. \nThe deep despair and consequent alienation of the disadvantaged communities is heightened by the social\, economic and political exploitation to which they are subjected. Feudal systems continue to exist in several parts of the country where the much needed land\, agrarian and other reforms have still to be carried through. It is indeed most unfortunate that despite the economic disparities and severe disadvantages from which they suffer\, the neglected and oppressed segments of society are further subjected to continuing harassments which arise from the various political parties exploiting religious\, ethnic and caste factors merely to secure electoral gains. \nBesides the gross failures of governance to pursue the avowed welfare-state goals and deliver social and economic justice to the masses\, there has also been failure to timely and sensitively respond to the felt needs and aspirations of ethnic and tribal communities\, most of who live in remote\, difficult and harsh areas. The demands of such neglected communities have been ignored for prolonged periods and if and when any ameliorative action has been taken it has happened essentially to secure an envisaged electoral gain for the party in power. Such failures of governance have promoted greater distrust and alienation among the neglected communities\, which no longer have any faith or trust in their State Governments. \nThe poor and neglected people have many other reasons to be angry and frustrated. For example\, the large outlays provided to the States for poverty alleviation schemes are not timely or fully utilised. In many cases\, the funds are diverted to other purposes or even embezzled. Such gross failures result in despair\, cynicism and deep seated alienation among the poorest segments of society. \nFailures of this kind arise from continuing mal-administration\, unaccountability and corruption. Despite endless public criticism in the past several decades\, effective steps have still to be taken to deal with corruption at the highest levels and to enforce efficiency\, honesty and accountability in the functioning of governmental and public institutions. The Lok Pal Bill has been awaiting enactment for the past nearly four decades now and the functioning of the Lok Ayukts\, established in many States\, has still to see even the known crooks being brought to book. Needless to stress\, if good governance is to be delivered perhaps the most crucial challenge shall be to restore ethical and moral values to public life in our country. \nCorruption erodes and weakens the very foundations of the administrative and legal framework and disrupts the Rule of Law. Thus\, internal security cannot be safeguarded unless the governmental apparatus is rid of corruption. \nCorruption has the subversive affect of destroying discipline. And indiscipline leads to the unaccountability which has permeated the administrative apparatus and also led to the growth of the threatening politico-bureaucratic-criminal nexus about which a reference was made earlier. \nEfforts to reduce corruption do not invariably yield the expected outcome as most of the tainted elements enjoy the patronage and protection of their political masters who have placed them in key positions and continue to use them for the execution of their unlawful behests. As I had stated earlier\, from the perspective of effective internal security management it is a matter for deep concern that even persons of highly questionable integrity\, who may have close linkages with criminal and anti-national elements\, could continue to hold responsible positions in the administrative system. The potential of such elements subverting national interests from within the system poses a most serious threat to the security of the State. \nThe continuing determined efforts of adversary external agencies to destabilise India by spreading religious fundamentalism\, inciting tensions that lead to conflicts\, and perpetrating violence and subversion\, have generated challenges which impinge on issues of external security management. In this context it needs to be recognised that issues relating to the management of internal and external security have become inextricably interwoven and\, as such\, the Centre would need to evolve a holistic approach to internal security management\, in close coordination with the States. I would reiterate that in the security scenario which has evolved over the past three decades and more\, it would be impractical\, in fact extremely hazardous\, to deal sectorally with the management of internal and external security issues. \nInternal security cannot be maintained satisfactorily in the country unless the States effectively discharge their constitutional duty of maintaining peace and public order in their realms. The States cannot pass on this crucial responsibility to the Centre\, as has been the continuing trend in the past years. A signal failure of the States has been the continued neglect and the political exploitation of their Police organisations. This has most adversely affected the discipline\, morale\, efficiency\, honesty and trustworthiness of the constabulary. It is essential that every State undertakes a time bound programme to enlarge\, train and equip its Police to effectively manage the existing and emerging challenges as well as to provide very strong support for the implementation of the Centre’s initiatives to maintain public order in the entire country. \nIt may be noted that a stable security environment cannot be engendered merely by promulgating new laws. In the ultimate analysis every citizen must discharge his duty to uphold and protect the sovereignty\, unity and integrity of the country. It is indeed unfortunate that while the vast majority of our educated people are concerned only about their Fundamental Rights there are not very many who are even aware of their Fundamental Duties\, laid down in Article 51A of the Constitution. Even if action were to be taken to enforce the Fundamental Duties of our citizens\, it would be unsound to assume that the citizenry of India shall be overnight imbued with patriotic feelings to protect national interests if the environment in which they live and work continues to be vitiated by discrimination\, corruption and injustice. The requisite environment can be engendered only if the States perpetually demonstrate and ensure that the laws of the land apply equally to the rich and influential and the highest placed public servants. Side by side\, it must be particularly ensured that no injustice is done to the poor and the disadvantaged segments of society as this would result only in promoting distrust and despair among the masses and further eroding their loyalties. \nIn the aforesaid context\, it has also to be noted that lawlessness cannot be controlled and internal security maintained unless the entire framework of the criminal justice system functions with speed\, fairness and transparent honesty. In 2005\, of the over 23 million cases awaiting disposal in the country\, over 7 million IPC crime cases were pending trial. The ever increasing number of criminal cases awaiting investigation and trial and the correspondingly declining conviction rates have generated the growing public perception that crime is a “low-risk\, high-profit business”. \nBesides the enormous logistical inadequacies in the justice delivery system\, the integrity of the magistracy and the subordinate judiciary is seriously tainted. In the recent past\, serious allegations of questionable integrity have been raised even against those who man the superior echelons in our judicial structure. Needless to say\, the most urgent measures need to be taken to clean up the justice administration apparatus and enlarge and strengthen it to deliver speedy and effective justice. Another cause for serious concern is that while we continue to have hundreds of altogether obsolete and irrelevant laws\, most of which were enacted during the colonial period\, we do not have an adequately stringent law\, applicable all over the country\, that can effectively meet the requirements of dealing with terrorist offences\, cyber crimes and the fast growing areas of organised criminality which pose a grave threat to national security. We also do not have a Federal Crime Agency which can deal with the serious offences committed by criminal networks whose activities may spread across the States\, across the entire country and across various foreign lands. We also need a comprehensive law for dealing with serious economic offences which\, if not timely checked\, have the potential of disrupting the national economy. Today\, terrorist and criminal networks operate in a borderless world and\, needless to say\, the grave challenges posed by their activities cannot be tackled if the various concerned law enforcing agencies continue to operate within their respective limited jurisdictions. What is urgently required is an appropriate legal framework and an extremely well considered strategy which is executed in the most effective co-ordination between the Centre and the States\, to deal with each and every aspect of internal security management. \nAnother matter for serious concern relates to the failure\, over the past six decades\, to develop a pool of functionaries who have been especially trained to manage the security apparatus at the Centre. Only the Intelligence Bureau has a sub-cadre of deputationist Indian Police Officers who\, after acquiring the required experience\, comprise the core of the Bureau and can spend their entire careers in this agency. R&AW\, the agency for external intelligence\, has been facing serious personnel problems and recently there have been a number of incidents of grave professional failures. As per the continuing practice\, the officers assigned to posts in the Home Ministry\, drawn from various services and cadres\, are not required to possess any past experience in the field of security management. The situation in the States is much worse.  \nIt is a matter for deep concern that despite the serious challenges to national security faced by the country it has still not been recognised that security management cannot any longer be entrusted to persons who have no training or experience in this field. It is also no longer viable to entrust the work of Intelligence agencies only to officers of one particular service. It is necessary that very high priority is accorded for raising a pool of adequately trained and trusted officers who can be assigned to posts in the Intelligence Agencies and the Departments and Ministries which are responsible for managing internal and external security. \nIn the aforesaid context\, particularly keeping in view that even key posts in the Home and Defence Ministries and their related agencies are\, on many occasions\, assigned to functionaries who have no prior experience of working in the security administration arena\, I had proposed (in the Task Force Report on Internal Security\, September 2000) that Government may consider the establishment of a dedicated Security Administration Cadre\, which is comprised of officers selected from among volunteers from the Civil and Police Services\, Defence Services\, Defence Science Research Organisation\, Science and Technology\, Information and Communication Technology\, Broadcasting and Media and other relevant areas. It was envisaged that such a pool of officers\, in various age groups\, would be properly trained and assigned to posts in the security management machinery. After critically assessing their performance\, the selected officers could be allowed\, as is done in the Intelligence Bureau\, to enjoy open-ended tenures so that\, over time\, they acquire the much needed professional expertise which is sorely lacking in the existing set-up. It was projected that\, once such a dedicated cadre gets adequately established\, Government would be able to select the most suitable officers\, from within this pool of officers\, to man posts at given levels in the Union Home Ministry\, the Intelligence Agencies\, National Security Council Secretariat\, Ministry of Defence and other security management related areas. Side by side\, the States could be provided required support\, particularly well designed training facilities\, to raise similar cadres.  \nThe Government had approved the aforesaid approach in early 2001. Nearly seven years have since elapsed. It is apparent that Government do not intend to terminate the continuing practice of even the top most posts in the security apparatus being filled by persons who have no past experience in security management. \nI would conclude by saying that considering the extremely worrying scale and pattern of the internal security failures in the recent past\, the Centre shall need to significantly enlarge the capacity of its Intelligence agencies\, and to also ensure that the States take similar action\, so that a constant vigil can be effectively kept across the length and breadth of the country. The Centre would also need to most vigorously pursue the States to ensure that the functioning of their Police forces is completely depoliticised and their autonomous working entrusted to the best available officers\, known for their integrity and professionalism. The speediest possible measures must also be taken to revive the criminal justice system and restore its credibility. It is equally important that the State Chief Ministers urgently bring themselves around to fully understanding the altogether grave consequences if they fail to maintain peace and order within their jurisdictions or dither in providing total support and co-ordination to the Centre’s initiatives to make the management of internal security more effective. \nAnd finally\, I would reiterate that effective enforcement of the Rule of Law is crucial to the maintenance of national security and delivery of good governance. Any threat to the constitutional values shall pose a threat to the very foundations of our polity and society and\, consequently\, to the very unity and integrity of our country. \nThis is an edited transcript of the R.D. Katari Memorial Lecture delivered at the DRDO Auditorium\, New Delhi. Mr. N.N. Vohra is Special Representative of the Government of India for the Jammu & Kashmir Dialogue.
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/national-governance-and-internal-security
CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES
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BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20071113T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20071113T053000
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SUMMARY:Inaugural Address at International Conference on Space Security
DESCRIPTION:I firmly believe that space faring nations have the responsibility to put their efforts together to launch time bound financially shared programmes to take up societal missions in a large scale\, pooling their capabilities in launch vehicles\, spacecraft and applications. Such major cooperation itself will act a great measure of space security\, in addition to empowering the most underprivileged\, minimizing communication gaps and reducing threats for conflicts. \nI am delighted to participate in the Conference on “Space Security and Defence: Scope and Prospects for International Cooperation”\, organized by the Institute of Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA) and Centre for Defence and International Security Studies (CdISS). I greet the organizers\, keynote speakers\, space scientists\, space technologists\, Defence and policy analysts\, administrators\, entrepreneurs and researchers participating in this conference from India and abroad. I am of the opinion that international hard cooperation in space will by itself enhance space security.  \nIn recent months\, I have been interacting on the future perspectives of space in many distinguished forums including Boston University\, Centre of Aerospace Strategic Studies (CESA);International Space University\, Strasbourg; MCF\, Hassan\, Aeronautical and Astronautical Societies of Hyderabad\, Caltech USA\, International Astronautical Congress\, Hyderabad; VSSC\, Trivandrum; Goddard Space Flight Centre and Rice University\, USA.  \nThese interactions with the space agencies of the world academicians\, public policy specialists\, astronauts and cosmonauts as well as interested citizens strengthen my view that space technology for the next fifty years should be directed towards the real stake holder – the global human being. That is the only way we would come out of the mindset of the past\, use the full potential of space development of the past fifty years and innovatively develop tools and institutions for a space future that would assure security for the entire humankind. I would like to discuss on the topic “Can space cooperation lead to space security?”  \nWhat are the important space systems which need to be protected today? Let me discuss.  \n\nThere are around 240 (Civil and Military) communications satellites in Geo Stationary Orbit. \nThere are over 800 satellites including remote sensing and reconnaissance \nsatellites in different orbits.\n \nThere are scientific spacecraft carrying sophisticated payload of telescopes. \nThere is an orbiting international space station. \nMoon and Mars exploration is being progressed by multi nations. \nTo make data available and receive data\, there are hundreds of space control centers and tracking systems established by many nations. Most vulnerable part of the expensive space system including complex software remains on the ground. \n\nProtection of space comprehensively is a common interest of human kind. In this scenario\, we have to ask ourselves\, does not space security refers to all the six points mentioned above or something more. Every space faring nation understands that the space ground station is the most vulnerable element in a physical and interference sense. In such a situation\, what can be the space security system need to be evolved?  \nWhat are the real threat perceptions of humanity for the twenty first century?  \n\nThe inequity in education and health care \nThe shortage of human resources both for skills and research throughout the world \nThe looming threat to environment \nThe depletion of resources – energy and water \n\nCan these be managed by the conventional way of thinking that individual nations and group of nations have been engaged in? I firmly believe that space faring nations have the responsibility to put their efforts together to launch time bound financially shared programmes to take up societal missions in a large scale\, pooling their capabilities in launch vehicles\, spacecraft and applications. Such major cooperation itself will act a great measure of space security\, in addition to empowering the most underprivileged\, minimizing communication gaps and reducing threats for conflicts. We have to focus on mass missions like solar energy from space\, desalination of seawater through solar energy\, mass transportation of minerals from Moon and Mars\, which is possible only when the cost of access to space is reduced drastically. Another important long-term consideration is “Don’t we need to work on an alternate habitat to earth?”  \nWORLD SPACE VISION 2050 & WORLD SPACE COUNCIL\nThe future space programme has to be concerned and the missions have be evolved to meet the challenges of having a clean environment and counter the limitation of fossil fuel energy systems focused by World Energy Forum and harnessing the potential of outer space for finding newer materials and also harnessing materials like helium-3 from moon. I consider for realizing this\, all the space faring nations have to come together and bring down the cost of access to space. As the space cooperation in outer space increases\, the threat to space security will reduce because every space faring nation will have a vision and business in our own planet\, the other planets and the moon. Keeping this in mind\, I have been proposing a theme called World Space Vision 2050 including the need of forming a World Space Council. Simultaneously\, I have emphasized on the space faring nations on the formation of an international space force for regulating and preventing any unauthorized weapon or weapon related system activity in the space. Now let me discuss the first part of my presentation that is World Space Vision 2050.  \nWith the background and strength of technological progress in Space systems in the world\, I would suggest the World Space Community to evolve World Space Vision 2050 with the following three components:  \n\nLarge Scale Societal missions and Low cost access to space. \nComprehensive space security \nSpace exploration and current application missions \n\nA World Space Vision would enhance the quality of human life\, inspire the spirit of space exploration\, expand the horizons of knowledge and ensure space security for all nations of the world. It is also essential to create World Space Council\, which could oversee the planning\, and implementation of large scale and societal missions like energy from space\, space security and deep space exploration. International cooperation according to me is foundation for sensible investment in space. Such a unified\, global approach will enable the world to see a quantum jump in the progress in space science and technology for the benefit of all the nations of the world for many generations to come. So\, the space scientists and leaders of the world have a great challenge and opportunity.  \nNow\, I would like to focus on the first component of the World Space Vision\, on large societal missions and low cost access to space using space science and technology. This technological contribution will lead to cost effective launches of large payloads for geosynchronous and polar orbit missions\, paving the way for Earth-Moon-Mars combination missions with mass transportation systems.  \nAs you all are aware\, the payload fraction of current generation expendable launch vehicles in the world does not exceed 1% or 2% of the launch weight. Thus to put one or two tonnes in space requires more than one hundred tonnes of launch weight\, most of which – nearly 70% – is oxidizer. Such space transportation systems\, with marginal payload fractions\, are wholly uneconomical for carrying out mass transportation and to carry freight and people for the missions of earth\, Moon and the Mars. There is definitely a need for space faring nations to work together to develop reusable launch vehicles\, which can bring down the cost of payload in orbit from the present US $ 20\,000 per kg to US $ 2000 per kg and eventually to $200 per kg.  \nSpace Transportation Systems with High Payload Fraction\nStudies in India have shown that the smallest size reusable space launch vehicle\, weighing about 25-30 tonnes can be developed with high payload fractions which gathers air at cruise phase\, liquefies air and then separates out the liquid oxygen for onboard storage while the spacecraft ascends directly from earth to orbit. These studies in India suggest that an “aerobic” space transportation vehicle can have a 15% payload fraction for a launch weight of 270 tonnes. This type of trans-atmospheric space transportation system has the potential to increase the payload fraction to 30% for higher take off weight. \nIndia is working on both single and two-stage to orbit RLV (Reusable Launch Vehicle). The goal here is to reduce the cost of access to Space by one or two orders of magnitude. Scientific breakthrough\, for example\, in air breathing propulsion systems may lead to a revolution in Space Transportation. Space communities of the world have a huge stake in such breakthrough research in advanced inter-disciplinary and inter-institutional collaboration.  \nCritical Technologies for space Transportation Systems\nThe real value of future societal space missions\, like energy from space and seawater desalination using space solar power can take place only\, when mankind builds fully reusable space transportation systems with very high payload efficiencies. Several technologies are critical and need to be developed such as:  \n\nIn-Flight Air Collection and Oxygen Liquefaction Technology \nRam/Scramjet Engines \nAscent Turbojet /Turbofan Ramjet Engines \nAdvanced light weight High Temperature Materials \n\nMulti-Role System Architecture Required\nIt is essential that these new technologies are flight-tested comprehensively over the entire speed and height regimes that are common to the role of trans-atmospheric vehicles in space transportation. A multi-role system architecture is required and the flight test vehicle designed with such a system would have to comprehensively demonstrate in flight\, all the special attributes of fully reusable space transportation for safe\, affordable flight to space.  \nWe have to protect the assets in GSO and other orbits and increase their service life. I have proposed Space Satellite Service Stations as an international venture to have Space Satellite Service Stations. We have to guard against any threat from asteroids and manmade debris. This also calls for an international effort  \nWhen enormous societal and economic commitments have been made by nations with space infrastructure\, the main security concern is that outer space should be free of weapons. We must recognize the necessity for the world space community to avoid terrestrial geo-political conflict to be drawn into outer space thus threatening the space assets belonging to humanity.  \nAny unilateral action\, which upsets the stability of space\, is against the interest of the entire humanity. Multilateral approaches are required to ensure that the use of outer space is in conformity with international law and in the interest of maintaining peace and security and promoting international co-operation. Hence\, I suggest creation of an International Space Force (ISF) made up of all space faring nations wishing to participate and contribute to protect world space assets in a manner\, which will enable peaceful use of space on a global cooperative basis. In this connection\, I was happy to see the paper on “a code of conduct for responsible space-faring nations prepared by Mr. Michael Krepon”. This code of conduct can be used by the International Space Force as a guide line. Any unilateral action\, which upsets the stability of space\, is against the interest of the entire humanity. Multilateral approaches are required to ensure that the use of outer space is in conformity with international law and in the interest of maintaining peace and security and promoting international co-operation. Hence\, I suggest creation of an International Space Force (ISF) made up of all space faring nations wishing to participate and contribute to protect world space assets in a manner\, which will enable peaceful use of space on a global cooperative basis. In this connection\, I was happy to see the paper on “a code of conduct for responsible space-faring nations prepared by Mr. Michael Krepon”. This code of conduct can be used by the International Space Force as a guide line.  \nParadigm shift in foreseeing space of next fifty years\nI am of the view that the present capabilities of major space faring nations are not optimally utilized. The launch vehicles of the world\, the spacecraft of the world\, the application potential of the world\, the space scientific research potential of the world and above all the huge costs envisaged for space 2050 programmes would call for certain “paradigm shift” in nations to work together to bring the benefits of space to humanity as a whole. This is possible as my experience suggests\, only if we have a hard cooperation of each nation contributing substantially in technology and resource. In this context\, I would like to share with you two Indian experiences in international cooperation\, which has happened in India.  \nOne is a Joint venture programme between India and Russia with the shared funding of $300 million that has resulted into development leading to production of a world’s first super sonic cruise missile called Brahmos in the defence sector.  \nAnother experience of India is the Pan African e-Network initiative costing over $100 million\, for connecting 53 Pan African Nations for providing education\, healthcare and e-governance services. These experiences give me the confidence that hard international cooperation indeed can accelerate the application of space science and technology leading to fast results for societal application. Such international cooperation itself will aid the security dimension in space. A world space vision can trigger many young towards hitherto “impossible” challenges.  \nThe World Space Vision 2050 would enhance the quality of human life\, inspire the spirit of space exploration\, expand the horizons of knowledge\, and ensure space security for all nations of the world.  \nIn this context\, I suggest evolution of World Space Council to formulate and implement World Space Vision as discussed. The World Space Council with global participation could oversee the planning and implementation of exploration\, space security and societal missions. Such a unified approach will enable the world to see a quantum jump in the progress in space science and technology for the benefit of all the nations of the world. Many of you represent countries that have brought about the incredible space revolution during the last 50 years. What we need today is a step function as a global space initiative to implement a World Space Vision and missions for an enhanced quality of life for a peaceful and safe world. I can assure you that India will be a partner in this effort.  \nConclusion: World Space Profile by 2050\nNow\, let me visualize the space profile in 2050\, with the focus of World Space Vision 2050\, being steered by the World Space council.  \n\nA world\, where all citizens will have equitable distribution of energy through solar power and solar powered satellites. \nA world where all citizens even in the remotest parts will have electronic connectivity and knowledge connectivity through constellation of communication satellites. \nA world where all citizens will have safe drinking water by the technologies of seawater desalination using solar power. \nA clean planet earth through the use of solar energy from solar power satellite and power generated from helium-3 derived from Moon. \nA Planet earth will have a clean industrial complex on Moon and an alternate habitat at Mars. \nPlanet earth will be transformed to prosperity without poverty\, peaceful without fear of war and a happy place to live for the whole humanity using space technologies as one of the prime movers. \n\nI am convinced that time has come for political leadership of space faring nations has to come together and adopt a world space vision. Forums like you may play a major role in this effort. \nWith these words\, I inaugurate the Space Security Conference. My best wishes to all the participants success in their mission of developing strategies and policies for international space cooperation.  \nMay God Bless you.
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/inaugural-address-at-international-conference-on-space-security
CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES
ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20071110T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20071110T053000
DTSTAMP:20261113T221326
CREATED:20231223T124856Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T121445Z
UID:62702-1194672600-1194672600@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Keynote Address at the 42nd Foundation Day Function
DESCRIPTION:The Hon’ble Vice President of India\, Shri M. Hamid Ansari\, delivered the Keynote Address on Emerging Foreign Policy and Security Challenges for India on the occasion of the IDSA’s 42nd Foundation Day\, held on 10 November 2007. Shri Pranab Mukherjee\, Hon’ble Minister of External Affairs\, and President\, IDSA\, presided over the function. Shri A.K. Antony\, Hon’ble Union Minister of Defence was the Guest of Honour.
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/keynote-address-at-the-42nd-foundation-day-function
CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES
ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20071001T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20071001T053000
DTSTAMP:20261113T221326
CREATED:20231223T124951Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20231223T124951Z
UID:62703-1191216600-1191216600@idsa.in
SUMMARY:India's Foreign Policy and the Future of India-US Relations
DESCRIPTION:Thank you for inviting me to the Council on Foreign Relations. I thought I might share some thoughts with you on India ‘s foreign policy and the future of India-US relations. Yogi Berra is sometimes credited with having said that it is difficult to make predictions\, especially about the future! I am\, nevertheless\, sufficiently confident that\, extrapolating current trends and developments\, the future of India-US relations is strong and the graph is on the ascendant. \nIndia’s approach to the world is naturally a function of our values\, our history and geography\, and of how we define our interests. Our strategic perspectives in the last sixty years have been a product of the historical aberration that was the early twentieth century. Throughout history\, India had been a society that was open\, pluralistic and intensely engaged with the rest of the world. Yet\, in 1947\, independent India found herself restricted by the Cold War world and reduced by colonialism to poverty\, disease and famine. In the beginning of the 18th century\, India accounted for about a quarter of the world’s wealth\, roughly equal to that of all of Europe combined. By independence\, our share in global output had plummeted to less than 4%. It is thus not surprising that our primary objective\, since independence\, has been to improve our people’s lives by regaining our position as a major global economy within a pluralist\, secular\, socially equitable and democratic framework. In making this effort\, India has also decisively demonstrated that democracy and development are not only compatible but also necessary for ensuring sustainability. \nThe primary task of Indian foreign policy since 1947 has naturally been to enable the transformation of India’s society and economy\, restoring traditional patterns of dealing with the world\, and building strategic autonomy of choice. \nJudging by the results\, our foreign policy choices have served the nation well. For more than two decades\, India has recorded average annual GDP growth of around 6%. In the last four years\, this has risen to over 8%\, with the result that India is now the fourth largest economy in the world in purchasing power parity terms. Historically unprecedented transformations and improvements in the people’s living standards have taken place in India in the last few decades. Yet\, much remains to be done. If we are to abolish mass poverty in India\, we need to grow at 8 to 10% every year until 2020. Our record suggests that the goal is achievable\, given considerable effort and the right policy responses\, as well as a supportive and peaceful international environment. \nAmong the reasons that give us this confidence in India’s future efforts to develop\, one of the major factors must be the democratic nature of our polity. Democracies by their very nature are predictable. This may seem paradoxical\, given the fact that democracies tend to be fractious and full of competing political agenda and ideologies. However\, because democracies are based on a popular mandate and governments are answerable to the people\, there is an underlying continuity in the policies of elected governments. \nThe predictability of India’s foreign policy can also be ascribed to the fact that it is based on principles and a broad national consensus. Our world-view\, reflecting the vision of leaders like Mahatma Gandhi\, Jawaharlal Nehru\, Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi\, also bears the indelible influence of our civilizational heritage and our historical experience. As a secular polity\, India shares the values of fundamental human rights and freedoms with other liberal democracies. Thus\, quite apart from its size\, population\, economy and politics\, India’s civilizational values make it a natural bulwark against fundamentalism and terrorism and a factor of peace and stability in Asia. \nOther reasons for confidence in India’s future are our demographic trends and human resource base\, which are two of our strongest assets. Some 550 million Indians out of our billion plus population are below the age of 25. The middle class of over 300 million people is growing steadily. Our universities produce over 2 million undergraduates each year. India’s comparative advantage in knowledge driven economic activities is a direct result of our demographics and education policies. We seek today to replicate the successes of the IT industry in the fields of biotechnology\, pharmaceuticals and other knowledge intensive areas. \nLadies and Gentlemen\, \nIn the evolving geo-political and economic situation in the world\, India needs a stable\, peaceful\, democratic and prosperous periphery for its own and the region’s future. If India is to grow rapidly and transform herself\, we need a supportive and peaceful regional environment. This is why the present situation in Myanmar concerns us deeply. We urge a broad-based and inclusive process of national reconciliation and peaceful reform to lead Myanmar’s political evolution. Bloodshed in this situation is unacceptable. India will work with like – minded countries to make a peaceful outcome possible in Myanmar. \nIndeed\, in its neighbourhood\, India today sees difficult transitions to democracy all around: in Pakistan\, Afghanistan\, Nepal and Bangladesh. We have strongly supported the positive movement towards democracy and development in Afghanistan and Nepal in the last four years. Over 3500 Indians are in Afghanistan\, engaged in that country’s peaceful reconstruction. In each of these neighbours\, it is for the people themselves to make their choices about the nature and direction of their own governments. India’s interest is in a stable and peaceful periphery\, and we will continue to work with our neighbours to achieve this goal. \nOne of our primary strategic challenges is to restore traditional linkages within our region and between the region and the rest of the world. Connectivity would enable India’s reintegration into the immediate and extended neighbourhood\, whether in Central Asia or South East Asia or West Asia. This has led us to pursue actively cooperative arrangements such as SAARC\, BIMSTEC and our dialogue with ASEAN. The web of preferential and asymmetrical trading arrangements that India has built up or is working on with her neighbours is designed to further a vision of common and indivisible prosperity. This is also what is behind India’s consistent initiatives to improve relations with Pakistan\, which have borne some fruit in the last three years\, but which need to be pursued to their logical conclusion through dialogue in an atmosphere free of violence. \nFurther afield\, India’s political and economic ties with the Asia-Pacific region are also growing through institutional mechanisms such as the East Asia Summit. We are also pursuing high-level dialogue with major powers through the India\, China and Russia trilateral forum and the India-Brazil-South Africa group\, and also developing closer linkages with major powers like the United States\, Japan\, the European Union and Russia. \nIn today’s world\, as interdependence among the major powers grows\, each of us is engaging the other. Today\, India enjoys strategic partnerships of one kind or another with as many as eleven countries and the EU. Our strategic partnership with the US has strengthened our relationship bilaterally\, in the region and in the world. It is also clear that the development of closer relations between India and any one strategic partner will not be at the expense of relations with any third country. \nLadies and Gentlemen\, \nThe Indian Ocean littoral today has greater economic and strategic value to the world economy than ever before. India has a natural and abiding stake in the safety and security of the sea-lanes of communication from the Malacca Straits to the Gulf. We have endeavoured to promote greater cooperation between Indian Ocean littoral states. Existing or emerging threats of piracy\, drug trafficking\, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction\, closure of choke points\, environmental hazards\, regional conflicts and other developments are of equally vital concern to us. \nAs we look around the world\, the defining characteristics of the Cold War era\, namely\, conflicting ideologies and opposing military blocs\, are being transformed by the imperatives of globalization\, interdependence and connectivity. When I look at the issues of the future\, namely\, energy security\, the environment\, food security\, and the possible spread of WMD\, it is clear to me that each issue will require all states\, and particularly countries like India and the USA\, to work together. The new challenges that are emerging\, including protecting the electronically connected and inter-dependent world from terror and organized crime\, are immensely complex. Handling this complexity requires much closer international cooperation than has been the case till now. It is also naive to expect the international system to deal with such complex and significant issues without democratizing international decision-making. Globalization and integration require that the UN and its Security Council be changed dramatically to reflect present day realities. \nOn a number of these emerging issues\, such as disaster relief\, HIV/AIDS and other pandemics\, new initiatives have been taken for closer India-US collaboration. A telling example of the possible cooperation in these areas is the seamless coordination by our two countries to assist our neighbouring states affected by the tsunami disaster of 2004. \nIf India is to realize its economic potential\, it will also need alternative sources of clean energy. Foremost among them is nuclear energy. The bilateral civil nuclear cooperation agreement that India and the USA have finalized indicates the way forward\, which should lead to the lifting of technology restrictions and the opening up of cooperation in this field with several countries. \nLadies and Gentlemen\, \nThe future trajectory of India-US ties should be clear from what I have described as India’s foreign policy preoccupations and priorities. Today\, India and the USA have an objective convergence in several areas: in values and interests\, in areas ranging from economic development to the dangers of proliferation of WMD\, and in terrorism. There is much that India and the USA need to do individually and together. Each of us brings to the relationship complementary skills and attributes. We are aware of the challenges that continue to confront our own country. But these challenges also translate into opportunities. In infrastructure or energy\, telecommunications or manufacturing\, they create opportunities for economic partnership between India and the United States. \nI anticipate that there will be underlying predictability and transparency in India US bilateral ties\, because this relationship answers to the aspirations and interests of the people of both countries. The links between our two countries are multi-layered. The large and vibrant Indian-American community constitutes a vitally important bridge closely connecting many millions of citizens of both our countries. Parallels of such significant and broad-based popular stake holding in bilateral relations are rare. \nLadies and Gentlemen\, \nAnother important aspect of our relationship with the United States is that it is of mutual benefit. India’s rapid economic growth is propelled not primarily by exports\, but much more by growing domestic consumer demand and increasing investments. Our growth will thus not be at the cost of other countries. It will\, in fact\, be a major stabilizing force in the global economy. This is reflected in recent trends in India-US trade\, where US exports to India are growing much faster than US imports from India. Investments are now also flowing in both directions. In terms of the global economy\, India and the United States have shared concerns on critical issues\, such as energy security. Both our countries are\, for instance\, interested in the stabilization of oil and gas prices at reasonable levels and in reduced dependence on fossil fuels. \nIn advanced areas like nuclear energy and space exploration\, a sound indigenous base has been built that enables India not only to absorb high technology but also to collaborate with the United States in new fields. We remember US contributions in building centres of excellence in India in science and technology and agricultural research. This collaboration led\, amongst other things\, to the Green Revolution and self-sufficiency in food. India believes that advanced technologies must be used and managed with care and a sense of responsibility. Our systems of protecting advanced technology show an increasingly apparent convergence. \nLadies and Gentlemen\, \nI have touched briefly on some of our foreign policy concerns and priorities and on trends in India-US ties. In sum\, our relationship has never been better than it is today. I am confident about its future. \nI would be happy to answer any questions and to hear your comments. \nThank you. \n(This is a transcript of Mr. Pranab Mukherjee’s address at the Council on Foreign Relations\, New York City\, New York.)
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/indias-foreign-policy-and-the-future-of-india-us-relations
CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES
ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20071001T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20071001T053000
DTSTAMP:20261113T221326
CREATED:20231223T124951Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20231223T124951Z
UID:62704-1191216600-1191216600@idsa.in
SUMMARY:India's Foreign Policy and the Future of India-US Relations
DESCRIPTION:Thank you for inviting me to the Council on Foreign Relations. I thought I might share some thoughts with you on India ‘s foreign policy and the future of India-US relations. Yogi Berra is sometimes credited with having said that it is difficult to make predictions\, especially about the future! I am\, nevertheless\, sufficiently confident that\, extrapolating current trends and developments\, the future of India-US relations is strong and the graph is on the ascendant. \nIndia’s approach to the world is naturally a function of our values\, our history and geography\, and of how we define our interests. Our strategic perspectives in the last sixty years have been a product of the historical aberration that was the early twentieth century. Throughout history\, India had been a society that was open\, pluralistic and intensely engaged with the rest of the world. Yet\, in 1947\, independent India found herself restricted by the Cold War world and reduced by colonialism to poverty\, disease and famine. In the beginning of the 18th century\, India accounted for about a quarter of the world’s wealth\, roughly equal to that of all of Europe combined. By independence\, our share in global output had plummeted to less than 4%. It is thus not surprising that our primary objective\, since independence\, has been to improve our people’s lives by regaining our position as a major global economy within a pluralist\, secular\, socially equitable and democratic framework. In making this effort\, India has also decisively demonstrated that democracy and development are not only compatible but also necessary for ensuring sustainability. \nThe primary task of Indian foreign policy since 1947 has naturally been to enable the transformation of India’s society and economy\, restoring traditional patterns of dealing with the world\, and building strategic autonomy of choice. \nJudging by the results\, our foreign policy choices have served the nation well. For more than two decades\, India has recorded average annual GDP growth of around 6%. In the last four years\, this has risen to over 8%\, with the result that India is now the fourth largest economy in the world in purchasing power parity terms. Historically unprecedented transformations and improvements in the people’s living standards have taken place in India in the last few decades. Yet\, much remains to be done. If we are to abolish mass poverty in India\, we need to grow at 8 to 10% every year until 2020. Our record suggests that the goal is achievable\, given considerable effort and the right policy responses\, as well as a supportive and peaceful international environment. \nAmong the reasons that give us this confidence in India’s future efforts to develop\, one of the major factors must be the democratic nature of our polity. Democracies by their very nature are predictable. This may seem paradoxical\, given the fact that democracies tend to be fractious and full of competing political agenda and ideologies. However\, because democracies are based on a popular mandate and governments are answerable to the people\, there is an underlying continuity in the policies of elected governments. \nThe predictability of India’s foreign policy can also be ascribed to the fact that it is based on principles and a broad national consensus. Our world-view\, reflecting the vision of leaders like Mahatma Gandhi\, Jawaharlal Nehru\, Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi\, also bears the indelible influence of our civilizational heritage and our historical experience. As a secular polity\, India shares the values of fundamental human rights and freedoms with other liberal democracies. Thus\, quite apart from its size\, population\, economy and politics\, India’s civilizational values make it a natural bulwark against fundamentalism and terrorism and a factor of peace and stability in Asia. \nOther reasons for confidence in India’s future are our demographic trends and human resource base\, which are two of our strongest assets. Some 550 million Indians out of our billion plus population are below the age of 25. The middle class of over 300 million people is growing steadily. Our universities produce over 2 million undergraduates each year. India’s comparative advantage in knowledge driven economic activities is a direct result of our demographics and education policies. We seek today to replicate the successes of the IT industry in the fields of biotechnology\, pharmaceuticals and other knowledge intensive areas. \nLadies and Gentlemen\, \nIn the evolving geo-political and economic situation in the world\, India needs a stable\, peaceful\, democratic and prosperous periphery for its own and the region’s future. If India is to grow rapidly and transform herself\, we need a supportive and peaceful regional environment. This is why the present situation in Myanmar concerns us deeply. We urge a broad-based and inclusive process of national reconciliation and peaceful reform to lead Myanmar’s political evolution. Bloodshed in this situation is unacceptable. India will work with like – minded countries to make a peaceful outcome possible in Myanmar. \nIndeed\, in its neighbourhood\, India today sees difficult transitions to democracy all around: in Pakistan\, Afghanistan\, Nepal and Bangladesh. We have strongly supported the positive movement towards democracy and development in Afghanistan and Nepal in the last four years. Over 3500 Indians are in Afghanistan\, engaged in that country’s peaceful reconstruction. In each of these neighbours\, it is for the people themselves to make their choices about the nature and direction of their own governments. India’s interest is in a stable and peaceful periphery\, and we will continue to work with our neighbours to achieve this goal. \nOne of our primary strategic challenges is to restore traditional linkages within our region and between the region and the rest of the world. Connectivity would enable India’s reintegration into the immediate and extended neighbourhood\, whether in Central Asia or South East Asia or West Asia. This has led us to pursue actively cooperative arrangements such as SAARC\, BIMSTEC and our dialogue with ASEAN. The web of preferential and asymmetrical trading arrangements that India has built up or is working on with her neighbours is designed to further a vision of common and indivisible prosperity. This is also what is behind India’s consistent initiatives to improve relations with Pakistan\, which have borne some fruit in the last three years\, but which need to be pursued to their logical conclusion through dialogue in an atmosphere free of violence. \nFurther afield\, India’s political and economic ties with the Asia-Pacific region are also growing through institutional mechanisms such as the East Asia Summit. We are also pursuing high-level dialogue with major powers through the India\, China and Russia trilateral forum and the India-Brazil-South Africa group\, and also developing closer linkages with major powers like the United States\, Japan\, the European Union and Russia. \nIn today’s world\, as interdependence among the major powers grows\, each of us is engaging the other. Today\, India enjoys strategic partnerships of one kind or another with as many as eleven countries and the EU. Our strategic partnership with the US has strengthened our relationship bilaterally\, in the region and in the world. It is also clear that the development of closer relations between India and any one strategic partner will not be at the expense of relations with any third country. \nLadies and Gentlemen\, \nThe Indian Ocean littoral today has greater economic and strategic value to the world economy than ever before. India has a natural and abiding stake in the safety and security of the sea-lanes of communication from the Malacca Straits to the Gulf. We have endeavoured to promote greater cooperation between Indian Ocean littoral states. Existing or emerging threats of piracy\, drug trafficking\, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction\, closure of choke points\, environmental hazards\, regional conflicts and other developments are of equally vital concern to us. \nAs we look around the world\, the defining characteristics of the Cold War era\, namely\, conflicting ideologies and opposing military blocs\, are being transformed by the imperatives of globalization\, interdependence and connectivity. When I look at the issues of the future\, namely\, energy security\, the environment\, food security\, and the possible spread of WMD\, it is clear to me that each issue will require all states\, and particularly countries like India and the USA\, to work together. The new challenges that are emerging\, including protecting the electronically connected and inter-dependent world from terror and organized crime\, are immensely complex. Handling this complexity requires much closer international cooperation than has been the case till now. It is also naive to expect the international system to deal with such complex and significant issues without democratizing international decision-making. Globalization and integration require that the UN and its Security Council be changed dramatically to reflect present day realities. \nOn a number of these emerging issues\, such as disaster relief\, HIV/AIDS and other pandemics\, new initiatives have been taken for closer India-US collaboration. A telling example of the possible cooperation in these areas is the seamless coordination by our two countries to assist our neighbouring states affected by the tsunami disaster of 2004. \nIf India is to realize its economic potential\, it will also need alternative sources of clean energy. Foremost among them is nuclear energy. The bilateral civil nuclear cooperation agreement that India and the USA have finalized indicates the way forward\, which should lead to the lifting of technology restrictions and the opening up of cooperation in this field with several countries. \nLadies and Gentlemen\, \nThe future trajectory of India-US ties should be clear from what I have described as India’s foreign policy preoccupations and priorities. Today\, India and the USA have an objective convergence in several areas: in values and interests\, in areas ranging from economic development to the dangers of proliferation of WMD\, and in terrorism. There is much that India and the USA need to do individually and together. Each of us brings to the relationship complementary skills and attributes. We are aware of the challenges that continue to confront our own country. But these challenges also translate into opportunities. In infrastructure or energy\, telecommunications or manufacturing\, they create opportunities for economic partnership between India and the United States. \nI anticipate that there will be underlying predictability and transparency in India US bilateral ties\, because this relationship answers to the aspirations and interests of the people of both countries. The links between our two countries are multi-layered. The large and vibrant Indian-American community constitutes a vitally important bridge closely connecting many millions of citizens of both our countries. Parallels of such significant and broad-based popular stake holding in bilateral relations are rare. \nLadies and Gentlemen\, \nAnother important aspect of our relationship with the United States is that it is of mutual benefit. India’s rapid economic growth is propelled not primarily by exports\, but much more by growing domestic consumer demand and increasing investments. Our growth will thus not be at the cost of other countries. It will\, in fact\, be a major stabilizing force in the global economy. This is reflected in recent trends in India-US trade\, where US exports to India are growing much faster than US imports from India. Investments are now also flowing in both directions. In terms of the global economy\, India and the United States have shared concerns on critical issues\, such as energy security. Both our countries are\, for instance\, interested in the stabilization of oil and gas prices at reasonable levels and in reduced dependence on fossil fuels. \nIn advanced areas like nuclear energy and space exploration\, a sound indigenous base has been built that enables India not only to absorb high technology but also to collaborate with the United States in new fields. We remember US contributions in building centres of excellence in India in science and technology and agricultural research. This collaboration led\, amongst other things\, to the Green Revolution and self-sufficiency in food. India believes that advanced technologies must be used and managed with care and a sense of responsibility. Our systems of protecting advanced technology show an increasingly apparent convergence. \nLadies and Gentlemen\, \nI have touched briefly on some of our foreign policy concerns and priorities and on trends in India-US ties. In sum\, our relationship has never been better than it is today. I am confident about its future. \nI would be happy to answer any questions and to hear your comments. \nThank you. \n(This is a transcript of Mr. Pranab Mukherjee’s address at the Council on Foreign Relations\, New York City\, New York.)
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/indias-foreign-policy-and-the-future-of-india-us-relations-2
CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES
ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20070420T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20070420T053000
DTSTAMP:20261113T221326
CREATED:20231223T124951Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20231223T124951Z
UID:62705-1177047000-1177047000@idsa.in
SUMMARY:NATO's Changing Role in the Post-Cold War Period
DESCRIPTION:Why is a NATO official visiting India today? The answer is simple. It is because we in NATO believe that new security challenges demand new approaches. And my visit here is a demonstration of that strong interest on the part of NATO to explore with India\, issues of global importance. Issues which may be happening in your backyard\, but have very real implications for the members of the North Atlantic Alliance. \nAfter all\, India is not just among the world’s biggest powers. It is also a rising star of the 21st century – a self-confident\, pluralist democracy with an economy so dynamic that it is the envy of many in Europe and North America. A country\, also\, that now faces the challenge of making the most of its growing international weight\, and charting the right course in a volatile international environment. Globalisation promises to deliver many benefits – a “flat world” as the journalist Tom Friedman has called it – where every individual can benefit and prosper. But it can also bring a darker influence – while money and information can cross borders easily by cyberspace\, so too can terrorists use that medium to spread their malign message. \nAt the same time\, the centre of world politics is moving towards Asia\, with the growth of India and China\, not just in population terms but also as I have alluded to\, through your economic growth\, gives rise to the need for a better understanding of the dynamics of this region. \nThe Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses has a long history of providing research and analysis on European and American policy. So NATO is no unknown territory for you. However\, for a casual observer\, whether here in this country or elsewhere\, the terms “India” and “NATO” might not go together easily. \nOn the one hand\, there’s India – a huge country in South Asia\, a distinct national actor with a long non-aligned tradition\, and with close relations to the Soviet Union during the Cold War. On the other hand\, there’s NATO – an Alliance of currently 26 countries from both sides of the Atlantic Ocean – a collective actor\, if you wish\, which once considered the Soviet Union its main adversary. \nSome might conclude from all this that India and NATO are about as different as one can be\, and that any idea of closer relations is far-fetched. I believe that such a conclusion would be premature at best – and reckless at worst. NATO and India cannot look back upon a common past\, this is certainly true. But I believe that there are many signs that indicate that we may well look towards a future of consultation and co-operation on a range of shared interests. \nBefore I talk a little more about that future\, however\, let me first say a few more words about the past. Since NATO and India had so little interaction in the past\, it is useful to explain where NATO comes from\, and how it has transformed since it came into being almost six decades ago. \nI believe that it is instructive to look at NATO’s 58-year history as an evolution that proceeded in three distinct phases: the Cold War\, the decade that followed the end of the Cold War\, and the period that began with the terrorist attacks on Washington and New York on 11 September 2001. Each of these periods posed very distinct security challenges. Each required a different set of responses. And\, accordingly\, each of these three phases produced a different NATO. \nNATO’s first phase\, as you are well aware\, was the Cold War. It was the East-West conflict\, with a divided Europe as its focal point\, that led to the creation of an Alliance between 10 Western European countries and the United States and Canada. On April 4\, 1949\, these twelve countries signed the Washington Treaty\, in which they solemnly committed themselves to regard an attack on one as attack against all. Over time\, the Washington Treaty turned into a fully-fledged organization\, with a political council\, regular meeting of Allied Foreign and Defence Ministers\, and integrated multinational military command. \nThe Alliance became the centrepiece of an emerging transatlantic community – a community that was based not only on common values or cultural ties\, but on a shrewd calculation of interests: for North America as well as for Europe\, it paid off to work together – and to stay together. The “transatlantic bargain” at the heart of NATO was simply in everyone’s national interest. \nThroughout the Cold War\, NATO’s military role was essentially static: to prevent an attack against the territory of its member countries. NATO could accomplish this objective by deterrence alone. Putting military force on display\, rather than using it\, was enough. So NATO achieved what it had set out to achieve: to keep the peace in Europe\, and to effectively rule out the use of force as a means to advance political aims. \nThe Cold War ended after 40 years. And many observers believed that NATO could now safely be disbanded\, just as the Warsaw Pact was dissolved. But NATO was never like the Warsaw Pact. The Warsaw Pact was dissolved because its members wanted to get rid of it. By contrast\, no NATO member wanted to get rid of the Alliance. Why? Because the advantages of a permanent transatlantic framework for consultation and co-operation had become far too great to give it up. A framework that allowed all countries – big and small – to make their voice heard\, to seek common solutions\, and to train their forces together\, was too precious an asset to be squandered. On the contrary\, many member countries of the former Warsaw Pact now wanted to join NATO! \nEmbracing the new democracies in Central and Eastern Europe\, who were craving for their share of Europe\, including its Atlantic dimension in NATO\, was not the only new role that NATO was suddenly asked to perform. NATO also had to associate a Russia that\, in a sense\, was both an old empire and a new state\, still unsure of its European vocation. And\, last but not least\, NATO also had to deal with new conflicts in the Balkans\, which were making mockery of the very idea of Europe as a zone of peace and shared values. \nAddressing these different tasks was clearly seen as a transatlantic affair. And so the transatlantic community addressed them together. For NATO\, a new chapter began\, the second chapter of the Alliance; a chapter that could have been entitled “the consolidation of Europe”. NATO reached out to Central and Eastern Europe\, through its policy of partnership and by opening NATO’s doors for new members. The Alliance also played a major role in engaging Russia in the emerging new\, undivided Europe. And NATO played a key role in pacifying the Balkans\, by applying force\, for the first time in its history. In 1995\, in Bosnia\, in response to a request by the United Nations\, NATO first provided military support and\, ultimately\, became a peacekeeper\, acting for the first time beyond the territory of its member countries. \nThen came the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001. They made clear that the major threats to NATO Allies no longer emanated from Europe\, as was the case during the Cold War and its immediate aftermath\, but from regions outside of the “old continent”. In the face of international terrorism\, failing states and the spread of weapons of mass destruction\, NATO’s traditional self-image as a “eurocentric” Alliance was becoming obsolete. \nClearly\, Europe’s continued consolidation into a unified democratic space would continue to rank high on NATO’s agenda – and it still does to this very day. However\, if NATO was to continue to provide for the security of its member states in a world of “globalised insecurity”\, we had to leave behind the traditional geographical approach to security. And we had to be prepared to tackle problems at their source. \nIn short\, “911” marked the beginning of the third phase of NATO’s evolution. In August 2003\, NATO took command of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in Kabul. Later the operation has been extended to cover the whole of Afghanistan. And by taking action not only out-of-area\, but out-of-continent\, the Alliance clearly demonstrated that it was prepared to adopt a functional\, rather than a geographical\, approach to security. \nThis third phase of NATO’s evolution is clearly the most demanding. Taking the logic of active engagement seriously means that the Alliance now has to cope with an ever-broader spectrum of missions\, ranging from combat operations to humanitarian relief. \nToday\, with more than 50\,000 troops under NATO command\, the Alliance is keeping the peace in Kosovo; assisting defence reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina; patrolling the Mediterranean Sea in a naval anti-terrorist mission; engaged in combat as well as peacekeeping operations in Afghanistan; and airlifting African Union troops to the Sudanese crisis region of Darfur. In addition\, NATO provided humanitarian relief to Pakistan after the October 2005 earthquake. And NATO is training Iraqi security forces\, both inside and outside of the country. \nSustaining this broad agenda poses a range of political\, military and financial challenges. Not only are most of NATO’s missions and operations today long-term in nature; their ultimate success depends on political and economic development rather than military preponderance. The long-term nature of NATO’s engagements also raises questions of how to finance these operations in a way that all Allies perceive as fair and equitable. As shown by the fierce fighting in the South of Afghanistan\, some of NATO’s assignments have become extremely demanding militarily. NATO’s nations now face the spectre of suffering casualties in missions very far away from home. All this is a far cry from the static Cold War Alliance that was able to meet its objectives without any fighting at all. \nHowever\, if we have learned one lesson in these 58 years of NATO\, it is that this Alliance is remarkably capable of adapting to changing circumstances\, and influencing them in a positive direction. And I believe that we now have a clear picture in NATO of the challenges before us\, and what it takes to ensure success in the third phase of the Alliance’s evolution. \nSo what are our priorities? Let me briefly list them for you. \nFirst\, we need to broaden and intensify political consultation among the Allies. The fact that NATO is now engaged on several continents\, dealing with diverse countries and cultures\, requires that we better understand the overall environment in which we operate. At a time when new security players\, such as the European Union\, are finding their role\, and where other parts of the world are growing in relevance\, the transatlantic community can only make real progress if contending ideas are put to the test through informed and frank debate. Moreover\, where NATO troops are engaged in an operation\, the Alliance should also be engaged in the process leading to a political solution. In short\, more than ever before\, we need a “culture of debate”. \nSecond\, we need to push ahead with defence transformation. If the major threats to our security are now outside of Europe\, and if we agree on the need to address these problems when and where they emerge\, we need military capabilities that are quite different from those we used to have in the Cold War. We need forces that are far more flexible\, forces that can react quickly; forces that can be deployed over considerable distance\, and then sustained over a long period of time. And we need forces that are capable of performing both combat operations tasks and post-conflict reconstruction work. \nWithin NATO\, we have made good progress in developing modern military capabilities. Among the most important developments in this respect is the NATO Response Force\, which gives NATO an entirely new rapid reaction capability. We are also increasing our pool of strategic transport aircraft\, so that we can get our forces quickly to where they are needed. And we are taking a hard look at the way we prepare our operations\, to ensure that they can be better planned\, equipped\, and paid for. \nPolitical and military transformation are two challenges that are essentially for the Allies themselves to meet. But the ultimate challenge lies beyond the Alliance. If we really want to get a grip on the new risks and threats to our security\, NATO will increasingly have to work with other actors – with other governmental and non-governmental institutions as well as with other nations. \nNowhere is this clearer than in Afghanistan. Clearly\, NATO’s active engagement has led to enormous progress in Afghanistan. Today\, less than four years after the Alliance took control of ISAF\, Afghanistan is an emerging democracy and an increasingly pluralistic society. There have been free elections\, and there is a functioning government and parliament as well as several other new institutions. Well over 4 million refugees have returned home; 80 per cent of the population has access to health care; and 6 million children are in school. A quarter of the parliamentarians are women\, and about a third of teachers are women. There has been significant reconstruction and development\, and Afghanistan’s Gross National Product has tripled over the past few years. \nBy any standard\, this is significant progress. For Afghanistan\, of course. For the United Nations\, which continue to carry a major responsibility in helping that country. But also for NATO\, as a security provider. And for the many other organisations and non-NATO countries that are engaged in the reconstruction and development of Afghanistan. \nIndia is one of these countries. It has already donated more than 700 million US Dollars\, and its generosity is widely appreciated\, including by the NATO Allies. We are also aware of the lingering dangers that are associated with civil reconstruction in a country such as Afghanistan\, and this makes the scope of India’s contribution all the more impressive. \nAt the same time\, we all know that the progress achieved so far in Afghanistan is fragile – that it must be sustained and reinforced\, or it could begin to unravel. The most important actor to ensure a positive development is the Afghans themselves. The Afghan government must be in the lead. But the international community should continue to assist. Most importantly\, to achieve lasting progress in Afghanistan\, security improvements must be accompanied by improvements in other fields\, such as job opportunities\, power supply\, transport infrastructure\, medical facilities and education services. Although the NATO-led Provincial Reconstruction teams can provide some limited help in this regard\, it really does require a broader\, concerted international effort by the international community\, including civilian reconstruction agencies and NGOs\, and international aid money. \nNATO has been a strong promoter of such a comprehensive approach. In addition to bolstering our security presence in Afghanistan\, and stepping up our efforts to train and equip the Afghan National Army\, we have been working hard to further engage other international actors\, and to better co-ordinate our work with them. \nWe have been keen\, in particular\, to establish closer\, more effective relationships with other key institutions\, notably with the United Nations and the European Union. And we have established closer contacts with NGOs\, to benefit from their unique perspectives – and to explain our approach to them. To be sure\, developing such a culture of co-operation among international actors is not easy. We all have our own perspectives and we are all attached to our own ways. But we must arrive at an honest appraisal of the particular strengths and limitations of each of our organisations\, and how we can best complement each other’s efforts. And that will require pragmatism\, vision\, and political will. \nNATO has also worked hard to engage more closely with non-member nations. During the Cold War\, NATO did not really need other countries to fulfil its essential security mission of self-defence. Allied solidarity was enough. But today\, as we send our forces to Afghanistan and on other complex missions well away from our traditional area of operations\, we realize full well just how much the success of these missions depends on the contribution by other nations\, and notably our partners. Some partners help us with military bases\, airfields and transit rights. Some provide forces to our missions\, and some provide us with intelligence and expertise. \nLet me stress that this is never a one-way relationship that only benefits the Alliance. Because our partners benefit too. The wide variety of NATO partnership programmes provide partner countries with material help and expertise in taking care of their own security problems\, reforming their military forces\, and increasing their interoperability with those of the Alliance. \nOver the past few years\, we have already successfully broadened our partnership policy beyond Europe\, by reaching out to countries across the Mediterranean and into the Gulf region. And we are now opening a new chapter by deepening our ties with countries in the Asia Pacific region. This is a most timely development. Australia and New Zealand are already involved with us in Afghanistan\, and Japan and the Republic of Korea have also shown a willingness to shoulder a greater share of the international security burden. Prime Minister Abe of Japan made that very clear when he met with the NATO Council in January. And just last month\, Japan agreed to work more closely together with NATO in providing aid to the civilian population of Afghanistan. \nFinally\, NATO also wants to reach out to other major players. With Afghanistan our No. 1 priority\, it is obvious that we need to engage with major players in the region and that country’s direct neighbours. Few would doubt that India has everything it takes to end up as a winner of globalisation. At the same time\, I think it is fair to say that\, in security terms\, India is facing certain challenges. You are living in a difficult neighbourhood\, you have suffered major terrorist attacks\, and you recognise the challenges posed by “failing states”. At this moment\, Afghanistan is the place where India and NATO both seek to provide stability; but there may very well be other areas where India and NATO share similar concerns. \nPakistan is a direct neighbour of Afghanistan\, and one that will play a crucial role in any long-term solution for that country. We already have a military-to-military relationship\, but we want to engage with Pakistan in a political dialogue as well. China\, another direct neighbour of Afghanistan\, has also shown a growing interest in dialogue with NATO\, and we are open to that as well. \nBut our dialogue with major players cannot and must not be confined to Afghanistan’s most immediate neighbours. It should encompass all likeminded countries that share the same security concerns. And this is where India comes into play – clearly a rising star\, as I said earlier\, but a country that faces great challenges\, including how to position itself in the globalisation age. \nFuture NATO-India dialogue does not follow any master plan. But I am certain that\, as we learn more about each other\, you will find that NATO’s almost six decades of experience in multinational security co-operation can offer India many useful insights\, ranging from force planning to training to questions of military interoperability. And we in NATO hope to learn more about India’s strategic thinking\, to benefit from your regional expertise\, but also from your military experience in counter-insurgency and in other areas of common interest. \nLadies and Gentlemen\, \nNot that long ago\, we could afford to be complacent about developments that happened far away. Geography was our shield. Oceans\, deserts and mountains offered us protection. But today? Today\, globalisation has once and for all eliminated the notion of achieving safety by geographical distance. Globalisation offers us tremendous opportunities\, but it also exposes us to chaos and instability farther afield. In other words\, more and more\, the security of all our nations will be affected by what is happening elsewhere on the globe. \nHow should we respond? By thinking and organising ourselves differently than we did in the past. By saying goodbye to the outdated security paradigms of yesterday. And\, above all\, by exploring new approaches of security co-operation – reaching out beyond geographical\, cultural or religious boundaries. \nMy visit to India should be seen against that background of new security challenges demanding new\, common approaches. And I sincerely hope that it will help to foster better understanding\, and encourage greater dialogue and co-operation between us. \nThank You.
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/natos-changing-role-in-the-post-cold-war-period
CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES
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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20070210T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20070210T053000
DTSTAMP:20261113T221326
CREATED:20231223T124951Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20240229T001519Z
UID:62706-1171085400-1171085400@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Closing Remarks at the 9th Asian Security Conference
DESCRIPTION:Distinguished Scholars\, diplomats\, ladies and gentlemen\, \n“It is indeed a Privilege for me to address the distinguished delegates gathered for this Conference. The deliberations have covered a wide spectrum of security issues relating to South-East Asia Within the broader context of the Asia-Pacific region. \nIndia’s connections With South-East Asia go back to historic times. With the seas being the primary medium of communications in those days\, India acted as a bridge for trade between eastern Asia and the West. This interaction also witnessed a mutual exchange of Political ideas\, Culture\, religion\, art and language between India and modern-day South-East Asia. \nIndia’s relations with its extended neighbourhood have received a fillip with the formulation of its ‘Look East’ policy in early 1990s. Forging comprehensive and mutually beneficial bonds with South-East Asia has been the cornerstone of this policy. Today\, this region comprises the most dynamic and progressive economies\, and its close interaction With India is amply reflected in the ASEAN- India summit at Cebu (The Philippines) last month. In 1990\, India’s trade with ASEAN stood at mere 2.4 billion US dollars. It has now grown ten-fold to 23 billion US dollars by 2005 and is expected to cross 30 billion US dollars this year. A Free Trade Agreement (FTA) is also likely by the middle of this year. Besides trade\, our countries are also seeking to benefit through people-to- people contacts and cooperation in areas like agriculture\, technology and energy. \nIn the regional context\, the contours of an Asian economic integration are beginning to take shape. The East Asia Summit (EAS) has gathered a self-sustaining momentum towards the creation of an East Asian Community in the coming years. It may even lead to a larger Asian solidarity\, as envisioned by Pandit Nehru in the early 1950s. We perceive the comprehensive interaction with South-East Asia as a vehicle for regional growth. It will eventually lead to prosperity and true peace in the entire region.  \nHowever\, economic progress and social development will need a conducive environment for growth\, particularly in terms of regional stability and security. The end of the Cold War did provide the necessary systemic conditions\, but it was at best only a transitional phase. Over the last few years\, the region as a whole has witnessed a steady realignment of geo-strategic equations. Along with these changes the accentuation of geo-political fault- lines has severe security ramifications for the region in general\, and for the South-East Asian states in particular. North Korea’s nuclear programme has heightened regional concerns. It has once again raised the complex issue of the proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction. Thus\, it is not surprising that the regional states have been shaping their strategic response to the prevailing regional dynamics in a major way. \nJapan with its strong economy and technological base has always possessed strong defence forces\, but these have been placed under self-imposed Constitutional restrictions. The emerging security scenario in the region has already triggered a debate in Japan about realizing its strategic potential and charting a course to become a ‘normal’ state. \nWe in India are working towards an amicable resolution of the political and security dissonance with Pakistan and enhance stability in the region. We favour politico-diplomatic negotiations to resolve political differences\, in consonance with the principles contained in the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) of the ASEAN\, which India signed in 2003. While India was compelled by the then prevailing security environment to conduct the nuclear test of 1998\, we have always firmly adhered to the doctrine of ‘credible minimum deterrence’. Its fundamental elements are ‘no-first use’ (NFU)\, ‘non-use against non-nuclear weapons states’\, and a voluntary moratorium on further testing. Our credentials on nuclear non-proliferation have been acknowledged by one and all. The initiatives by world powers to accommodate it within the global non-proliferation framework testify to this. India has always been fully committed to the goal of complete elimination of nuclear weapons from the world. This stance is rooted in the realization that the expenditure on security must be balanced with our investment on national development and alleviation of poverty. This is the reason why India’s defence expenditure is a modest 2.5 per cent of the GDP and has never crossed 3 per cent since the early 1990s. \nNon-traditional threats also weigh heavily on the security calculus of the regional states. More than five years after 9/11\, one continues to find such terrorism in the region\, adding fuel to centrifugal tendencies in many countries of South-East Asia. With terrorists increasingly vying for novel and technology-driven means to conduct their dastardly operations\, their possible access to Weapons of Mass Destruction has become the single biggest threat to global security in our times. \nBesides terrorism\, other low-intensity threats like sea-piracy pose a direct challenge to the security of sea-lines of communication (SLOCs). The most critical global sea-routes for maritime trade pass through the Straits of Malacca and Singapore. However\, this vital waterway has become highly insecure due to piracy. Though piracy has reduced considerably since 2003\, the changing contours of the crime and the coordination among pirates needs to be countered strongly.There is also widespread fear that with the nautical expertise acquired from pirates\, terrorists may strike in the Malacca Straits. This would spell disaster for the global economy\, more so for the regional states. With more than half of India’s merchandise trade sailing eastwards\, this vital sea-passage assumes critical importance for India as well. During last year’s Shangri La dialogue held at Singapore\, India indicated both its willingness and capability to assist the littoral states in contributing to the safety and security of the Malacca Straits in any manner acceptable to them.  \nDrug trafficking and illegal trade in small-arms place has increased demands on the security establishments of states. Many other threats like epidemics and natural disasters do not recognize national boundaries. It is thus crucial for regional states to share their resources and harmonise their efforts. Different countries have varying degrees of threat perceptions. The essence of regional security and stability lies in successfully identifying the congruence of interests.  \nA less known and perhaps lesser appreciated fact is that while India shares its land border only with Myanmar\, three South-East Asian states -Myanmar\, Thailand and Indonesia are its maritime neighbours -by virtue of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands chain. \nSuch geographic proximity leads to a significant overlap of security interests between India and the South-East Asian states. The tri- services Unified Command was established in 2001 at Andaman and Nicobar to foster greater synergy with South-East Asia to deal with common security threats. This is best exemplified by ‘Milan’ -the biennial congregation of regional navies at Port Blair since mid- 1990s. More recently\, the coordinated naval patrols with Indonesia and Thailand were instituted. \nlndia’s defence ties with the South-East Asian countries have been strengthened\, along with the realization of the tremendous potential in the field. This cooperation is solely aimed at capacity- building of Armed Forces to deal with maritime insecurities and threats of transnational terrorism and other organized crimes. However\, it has purely defensive attributes and is not aimed at any third country. Our cooperation is extremely crucial for our collective ability to deal with natural disasters. This is borne out by the joint disaster relief operations in the aftermath of the Indian Ocean Tsunami two years ago. Last year India extended a hand to provide succour to the victims of the devastating earthquake that hit Indonesia in May 2006. \nThe key challenge for the regional states lies in building effective multilateral institutions based on a set of common values to achieve common goals based on respective political\, economic and strategic interests. The ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) has emerged as a useful platform for security dialogues involving all regional states. It needs to be appropriately strengthened and reoriented to cater to the dynamics of regional security. Cooperative mechanisms will however\, need to incorporate transparency in intentions and response and a visible respect for the religious and cultural diversities of states. \nTrack II discussions provide a platform for free and frank discussions on all these issues. This is the central aim of the Asian Security Conference organized by the IDSA every year. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru’s visionary words\, “the only alternative to co-existence is co-destruction” must continue to guide all of us. I am sure that the deliberations over the past two days have been fruitful in providing some answers in this direction and would contribute valuable inputs for policy-making.
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/closing-remarks-at-the-9th-asian-security-conference
CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES,Asian Security Conference,ASC Key Speeches,ANNUAL CONFERENCES
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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20070209T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20070209T053000
DTSTAMP:20261113T221326
CREATED:20231223T124957Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20240229T001807Z
UID:62708-1170999000-1170999000@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Inaugural Address at the 9th Asian Security Conference
DESCRIPTION:Namaskar\, Good Morning\, \nI am happy to be here in your midst today on the important occasion when the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA)\, after 40 years of its existence\, enters its own home. On this auspicious house warming event\, I offer my felicitations and greetings to you Mr. President and to all members of the IDSA family. This is certainly a day of rejoicing for IDSA\, its extended family and scholars within India and abroad. Everyone would greatly benefit working in this beautiful campus equipped with all necessary facilities. \nIDSA owes this campus to the resources successive Ministers of Defence have provided so very generously. I compliment them on their farsightedness and magnanimity. I also congratulate all those who planned this project and executed it\, particularly the workers who toiled day and night to complete this project. \nLadies and Gentlemen\, IDSA was founded in 1965 by men of vision. They had a dream to create a great Institution\, an Institution dedicated to the cause of knowledge\, and the cause of security. It is a matter of satisfaction as well as pride that over the years IDSA has made a remarkable contribution to strategic thinking. Its research has helped policy making and provided alternatives to decision makers. It has often led the debates on important issues of national and international security. It has disseminated ideas and information on the security challenges of our time. \nI am very impressed to learn that the Institute’s scholars have recently adopted a vision statement to develop IDSA into a world class Institution. The pursuit of this laudable goal will require long term sustained effort with a sense of commitment and dedication. Besides\, IDSA will also need help from many quarters\, especially the Government. to ensure that IDSA’s work becomes policy relevant\, the interaction between the Institute’s scholars and policy makers will need to be improved. The Institute will also have to pay special attention to the quality of its software\, i.e. the human resource. On this auspicious occasion I wish the IDSA family of scholars all success in realising their cherished vision. \nFriends\, it is the natural craving of the people of the world to live in an environment of security\, peace and harmony so as to be able to pursue the path of progress and development. Over the years mankind has made great progress in varied fields. After the end of the Cold War period\, during the last decade of the 20th century\, it was felt that security problems would also be resolved to a large extent. However\, the hard reality is that despite continuing efforts made to bring about peace\, the 20th century has proved to be the most violent in human history and all out nuclear war between the two superpowers could have ended the human civilization as we know it and perhaps brought about a nuclear winter. Many millions lost their lives in World Wars I & II. Even when there was no major war during the Cold War era of 1945-1990\, at least 20 million people were killed during this period of ‘long peace’. After the Cold War\, during the 1990s\, many armed conflicts took place\, about 6 million people were killed and around 12 million people had been displaced from their homes. \nFriends\, war is an evil game\, it is also financially a very costly luxury at the expense of programmes for overcoming under-development and welfare of the people. World War II is estimated to have cost $ 13 billion in direct costs. Wars and conflicts also bring about financial burdens in the form of peace keeping and reconstruction. The cost of UN Peace Keeping between 1991 and 2002 alone was $ 21.5 billion. Besides\, there is an added cost of defence preparedness. The world today spends a mind boggling figure of over $ 1000 billion per annum on defence. how one wishes at least some of this vast unproductive expenditure could be saved for the sake of alleviation of widespread world poverty and achieving the millennium development goals. \nLadies and Gentlemen\, we have to\, sadly enough\, admit the hard reality that while mankind has succeeded in achieving outstanding progress in a number of fields\, it has failed in making the world more secure. Situations of potential conflicts and wars still exist. Besides\, new dangers are also emerging; these include the spread of weapons of mass destruction\, extremism and terrorism\, international crime\, trafficking in drugs\, and the like. There are also new non-traditional threats like global warming\, competition for scarce resources of water\, energy and strategic materials\, cyber warfare\, genetic engineering and possible weaponisation of space. This emerging grim scenario poses a big and formidable challenge to our security environment. \nThe principal challenges before mankind are\, therefore\, to see how violence can be minimised\, how the world can be made more secure for human progress and how this progress can be made more inclusive. These are indeed daunting challenges and this is where scholars and institutes like the IDSA have a crucial role to play. Your work and those of your institutions can help us understand better the root causes of the threats we face\, their changing nature and the possible manner in which these can be tackled. Your inputs to policy makers are\, of course\, important but you also play an equally significant role in informing the civil society and communities at large. \nFriends\, we are living in the era of globalisation. However\, instead of one unified global world we are witnessing its increasing fragmentation into civilizational superpowers with potential ‘clash of civilizations’. Our planet Earth is getting divided into\, what one scholar has called\, different emotional zones of conflicting ideology of thoughts and extreme rigidity of views. Even in the field of trade and business\, globalisation has led to some negative consequences. It has resulted in great disparities in many parts of the world\, led to anger and alienation on the part of the deprived and the under-privileged\, and in some cases this has even ended up in violence. This certainly is not the true globalisation that we were looking for. \nFriends\, I believe true globalisation begets interdependence and interdependence begets the necessity of a common value system to make it work. We need a common value system to combat terrorism or extremism of any sort\, as also to combat the ravages of poverty\, famine\, disease and under-development. \nThe focus of globalisation today should not be merely on trade and business; it ought to aim at building an ethos of global values of shared conviction and belief in values of democracy\, liberty\, religious tolerance and human rights and in acceptance of the principles and values of plurality and respect for diversity. The universal application of these common global values alone would have the capacity to generate a more secured and peaceful environment. \nLadies and Gentlemen\, today is also the beginning of IDSA’s 9th Asian Security Conference. Celebrating the house-warming of its new campus with the holding of this important Conference is indeed very appropriate as also in keeping with the tradition of IDSA not to lose any opportunity to do serious business. I extend my warm greetings to all the delegates to the Conference. \nThe theme of the Conference\, “Security Dynamics in Southeast Asia” is also very relevant. India and Southeast Asia have enjoyed a special relationship throughout history. India and Southeast Asia are home to many languages\, cultures\, religions and ethnic groups. In fact\, we share a common vision of human progress\, peace\, security and economic development. This relationship assumes even greater importance today. The 21st century has rightly been called the Asian Century. Spurred by impressive industrial and economic growth\, Asia will be a conglomerate superpower synergistically unified in its diversity. Some scholars have even observed that today when the world scenario is dotted with conflicts as also clashes of emotions\, Asia happily displays a culture of hope. It is\, therefore\, very appropriate that study and research on issues related to the security environment of the Asian region receive due priority and importance. \nLadies and Gentlemen\, ‘security’ is an indivisible concept. No country in today’s world can remain in isolation. The nature of the threats we face today\, like spread of weapons\, terrorism\, global warming\, epidemic diseases\, demographic challenges and extremist ideologies\, is trans-national. No nation can meet these threats and challenges alone. Conferences like these are an ideal opportunity to understand each other’s perspectives\, explore co-operative approaches to security and find ways of working together to make the world a safer place. \nWith these words I have great pleasure to inaugurate this Conference. I do hope the Conference will provide an excellent opportunity to the distinguished delegates to contribute to a larger understanding of the issues and problems affecting us today. I wish you success in your purposeful deliberations. \nThank you Shri Pranab Mukherjee\, President of IDSA for asking me to be here this morning. It has\, indeed\, been a great pleasure to share my thoughts with you all. \nNamaskar.
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/inaugural-address-at-the-9th-asian-security-conference
CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES,Asian Security Conference,ASC Key Speeches
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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20070209T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20070209T053000
DTSTAMP:20261113T221327
CREATED:20231223T124957Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20240229T001729Z
UID:62709-1170999000-1170999000@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Luncheon Address at the 9th Asian Security Conference
DESCRIPTION:Ladies and Gentlemen\, \nIt is a special privilege to me to address this distinguished audience. First\, I would like to thank Hon’ble Pranab Mukherjee for inviting me to this conference. I would like to thank Hon’ble A. K. Antony for giving me an opportunity to visit India and get a closer look at the country\, which I read and heard about a lot. \nI think some people may be guessing on Mongolian Defence Minister’s participation in the conference on South-East Asia’s Security Dynamics. Let me explain in a few words about my business here at the conference. \nAs a Member of Parliament and Cabinet\, I am tasked by the Mongolian Government to participate at the 9th Asian Security Conference to promote Mongolian security policy and to inform the distinguished audience on our willingness for broader engagement in Asia’s security institutions. \nToday security issues are not able to be confined within a single country\, neighbours and regions as well as within geographical terms. Mongolia is neighbouring only with two countries\, Russia and China\, enjoying good\, friendly relationship. In traditional understanding of security it should be good enough. But our understanding of national security is much broader so we are keen to get engaged into regional and global security co-operation. \nIn this sense Mongolia’s incline towards South-East Asia\, the only region in Asia with established working security dialogue institutions appears to be logical. Mongolia is giving a significant importance in this direction of its foreign and security policy. Besides positive results of our actions we face some difficulties\, which often do come along with new policies. In my consideration these difficulties are the remnants of our recent past. Throughout most part of the 20th century Mongolia was dominated by the world’s most notorious\, self-isolated communist regime\, which was thrown out in 1990. From that time on Mongolia is successfully pursuing a democratic way of development. A decade of democratisation of its governance and social life\, opening up its economy to global economic co-operation for free trade and investment have started to bring its first results. Mongolia has already passed the difficult time of transition and enjoying a time of relatively stable growth with 8 to 10 per cent of annual GDP growth. \nIn 1997 Mongolia joined ARF\, and since that time has actively participated in its activities. Furthermore we want to deepen our involvement in ARF activities with particular reference to the security agenda. Mongolia is an observer to the SCO\, the organisation establishing itself as a political\, security and economic co-operation institution with growing international recognition and importance. We are looking for broadening our participation in SCO. \nMongolia has received an invitation for membership in Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM). We are looking for full membership in 2007 during its annual meeting this time in Beijing\, China. \nIn November 2005 Mongolia signed the ASEAN Treaty of Amity and Co-operation\, looking forward for membership in East Asia forum\, which\, we hope\, will be able to evolve itself into the important political\, economic and security co-operation institution in East Asia. \nWe are expecting an APEC membership in 2007\, after its new membership moratorium will end. We are also looking for support of APEC members on such an important occasion for us. \nLadies and Gentlemen\, \nIt was my attempt to briefly inform you on my nation’s foreign and security policy within this short time given to me. It was a great opportunity and privilege to me to inform such a distinguished audience consisting of governments or their think tanks and top officials from all Asia and Pacific. I believe that your understanding and goodwill would be imperative for Mongolia’s future prospects. \nThank you all again. \nI wish a great success to the 9th Asian Security Conference.
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/luncheon-address-at-the-9th-asian-security-conference
CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES,Asian Security Conference,ASC Key Speeches
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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20070209T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20070209T053000
DTSTAMP:20261113T221327
CREATED:20231223T124957Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20240229T001645Z
UID:62710-1170999000-1170999000@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Special Address at the 9th Asian Security Conference
DESCRIPTION:Hon’ble Vice President of India Shri Bhairon Singh Shekhawat ji\, \nHon’ble External Affairs Minister and President of IDSA\, Shri Pranab Mukherjee\, \nDirector IDSA\, Shri N. S. Sisodia \nExcellencies\, distinguished delegates\, ladies and gentlemen\, \nI am delighted to be here on this historic occasion of the inauguration of the IDSA’s new premises. The occasion becomes even more special as it coincides with the opening of the 9th Asian Security Conference. \nIDSA has come a long way since its beginning in 1965. It now enters a new phase through this premises. I am glad that the new IDSA campus is located next to the United Service Institution of India. This is not a coincidence. Indeed\, it was envisaged that physical proximity between the two institutions will enable greater synergy through increased access to each others’ facilities. It will also enhance their ability to work together in diverse areas. \nApart from this building\, the Institute’s state-of-the-art library will be the pride of the institute. I am told that IDSA library has added to its collection some of the best works in contemporary strategic and security studies. The strategic studies community will find it even more useful once the new Library building becomes operational. \nThe IDSA has adopted a vision statement to develop as a world-class institute. This is the beginning of long and arduous journey. The Institute will need full support of all its stakeholders. The improved infrastructure and new facilities should prove an important step forward to achieve this goal. \nIDSA provides a useful interface between civilian scholars and service officers. It is a long-standing convention for serving defence officers to be deputed on fellowship to the Institute\, to provide crucial military inputs to civilian scholars. This has given the civilian scholars much needed exposure to defence-related issues. Similarly\, the service officers also benefit immensely from their association with IDSA\, resulting in a better understanding of global and regional strategic issues. However\, this interaction needs to be further strengthened by encouraging academically inclined officers of the Armed Forces to work with IDSA. Without access to classified information and experience of working in defence establishments\, it is difficult for civilian scholars to work meaningfully on issues related to defence policy. It is therefore\, vital that our military officers\, having an aptitude for research and analyses take greater interest in this field. \nI have been told that the IDSA has decided to launch a new journal on defence policy studies. This would enable the institute to focus its attention on defence-related issues. \nWe have decided to establish a new chair in defence economics in the IDSA. The formalities have been completed and Rs.50 lakhs have been earmarked as the initial corpus for this chair. This should help in creating a nucleus in defence economics\, an area\, which has been neglected till now. The nation should get maximum value for the money spent on its defence services. This goal can be achieved by analysing the present utilization of defence budgets\, by exploring more cost-effective ways of doing this; learning from success stories of other countries; and most importantly\, through new ideas and innovation. It is my firm belief this chair will initiate the process of analytical studies in the area. \nThe biggest challenge facing us is the modernization of our Armed Forces. Security challenges in the 21st century are different from those we faced in the past. The nature of warfare has undergone large-scale transformation. Conventional wars are less likely\, yet complex threats are emerging. The defence forces have to adapt themselves to the changing nature of warfare. This challenge is by no means unique to our country alone. Indeed\, this changing nature of warfare and the threat scenario are compelling defence forces all over the world to transform themselves adequately. \nInnovative thinking is the need of the hour. There is also a need to evaluate the pioneering work done by other countries in this regard. While defence planners in the Government continuously look at these issues\, think tanks like IDSA\, the USI and other Foundations can help this process through their research findings and perspectives. \nI will be addressing some issues being considered by this year’s Asian Security Conference at the Valedictory Session tomorrow. However\, I would\, like to take this opportunity to congratulate the IDSA for holding this conference on an extremely relevant theme. This year’s conference on South-east Asia has come at a time when India is looking to increase and deepen its relations with the East and South-east. India’s Look East policy has fostered closer economic relations with the South-east Asian region. It has paid rich dividends and today India has a booming economic and defence partnership with the nations of this region. I wish to quote from Hon’ble Prime Minister’s speech at the Third India-ASEAN Business Summit in October 2004 in New Delhi: “A decade ago we unveiled our “Look East” policy. We wish to “Look East” because of the centuries of interaction between us. This tradition\, and our faith in principles of democracy and pluralism\, bring us together. We also share a desire for a stable\, secure and equitable new world order.” \nOur history\, common values and a common vision make the deliberations of the conference important for both India and South East Asia. I once again congratulate IDSA on the inauguration of its new premises. I wish the 9th Annual Asian Security Conference all success. \nThank you and Jai Hind.
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/special-address-at-the-9th-asian-security-conference
CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES,Asian Security Conference,ASC Key Speeches
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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20070209T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20070209T053000
DTSTAMP:20261113T221327
CREATED:20231223T124952Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20240229T001551Z
UID:62707-1170999000-1170999000@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Keynote Address at the 9th Asian Security Conference
DESCRIPTION:Hon’ble Vice President\, Shri. A. K. Antony\, the Defence Minister of India\, Mr. M. Sonampil\, the Minister of Defence\, Mongolia\, Shri N. S. Sisodia\, Excellences\, Ladies and Gentlemen\, \nI am honoured to address the Inaugural Session of the 9th Asian Security Conference. I see that you have an exhaustive agenda. I am sure your discussions over today and tomorrow would be fruitful and would advance understanding and the search for co-operative solutions to Asian security dilemmas. \nIt is befitting that sixty years since the Asian Relations Conference was held in this city\, this Conference with the theme of Southeast Asia is taking place in New Delhi. Southeast Asia is the starting point of India’s Look East policy. This policy conceived in and pursued since the early 1990s was prompted by significant changes in the global politico-economic scenario and by initiation of economic reforms and liberalisation in India. ASEAN’s economic\, political and strategic importance in the Asia-Pacific region and its potential to become a major partner of India in trade and investment were significant elements in our approach. Over time\, this policy gradually evolved to include the Far Eastern and Pacific regions. It also facilitated enhanced links with China\, Japan\, Republic of Korea\, Australia\, New Zealand\, Fiji\, Papua New Guinea and Pacific Island States. \nToday Southeast Asia and India are partners in harnessing our respective economic\, technical and professional strengths. ASEAN countries and India also have a convergence in security perspectives\, a common interest in peace and stability in the region and in the maintenance of security of sea lanes of communication. We now have regular\, annual dialogue at my level and at the Summit level. These political level interactions are further enriched by meetings of senior officials as also specialised working groups in functional areas – science and technology\, health\, trade and investment and transport and infrastructure. The signing of the “India-ASEAN Partnership for Peace\, Progress and Shared Prosperity” at the 3rd India-ASEAN Summit in Vientiane in November 2004 was a key development in our relations. The 5th Summit in Cebu last month has given further momentum to India-ASEAN ties. \nThe resurgence of Asia in political and economic terms has been accompanied by the rise of powerful economic forces unleashed by globalisation and the trend towards regional economic integration. The engagement in the political and security arena has either followed or led to progressive economic integration in terms of Free Trade Agreements and Comprehensive Economic Co-operation Agreements that have either been concluded or are being negotiated with countries of the region. Since 1990\, when our Look East Policy was initiated\, our trade with countries of the region has grown from US $ 8.1 billion to $ 67.5 billion and the share of trade with these countries in our global trade has increased from 19.4 per cent to 28.2 per cent. Following the agreement reached at the Cebu Summit\, we hope soon to conclude negotiations on a bilateral Free Trade Agreement with ASEAN. Our vision\, as articulated by Prime Minister during the India-ASEAN Business Summit in New Delhi on October 19\, 2004\, is that of an “Asian Economic Community\,” which would be the driver of growth and economic integration in the entire region. \nThe usage of the term East Asia has over time expanded from its narrow confines of North East Asia to encompass the entire region from India to Japan. The First East Asia Summit (EAS) held in Kuala Lampur in December 2005 was a historic event that underlined this evolution. Speaking at the Summit\, Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh said that the long-term goal of the EAS should be the creation of a harmonious and prosperous community of nations that would pool its resources to tackle common challenges. He also observed that a virtual Asian Economic Community was emerging with the Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) amongst countries of the region. However\, there is a need for a wider perspective so that ongoing processes could become building blocks for a larger vision. It was in this context that we have suggested a Pan-Asian Free Trade Arrangement that could be the starting point for the Economic Community. Such a community would be the third pole of the world economy after the European Union and the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA). \nThe theme of this conference – security\, cannot be looked at in isolation from these broader political and economic developments. Even in a narrower sense\, a significant aspect of our ‘Look East’ policy has been the growing co-operation and dialogue on security issues both bilaterally with ASEAN countries as well as through multilateral institutions like the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF)\, which also brings in significant non-ASEAN players in the Asian region. Our focus\, including in our bilateral dialogues and co-operative activities with neighbouring states in Southeast Asia and East Asia\, has been on issues like border security\, maritime security\, counter terrorism and energy security. I am delighted to note that your agenda broadly reflects the priorities we have chalked in our dialogues with countries of the region. \nAsia’s security environment is unique given its geographical expanse and the political\, economic and cultural diversity of the region. Our view has been that in Asia\, a pluralistic security order based on a co-operative approach to security is the answer. For one\, such a polycentric security order would be accommodative of the diversity of the region. It would also be a reflection of the growing strength and confidence\, manifested either individually or through organisations such as ASEAN\, of the various economic and security players in the region. In today’s increasingly interconnected world\, each participant has an equal stake and responsibility. Only a pluralistic security order working through a network of co-operative structures can have the legitimacy as well as the wherewithal to deal with the security challenges of the 21st century. This vision has guided our approach to Asian security right from the Asian Relations Conference of 1946 to the recent initiatives including the ‘Look East’ policy. \nOur participation in the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF)\, which we value\, flows from this vision\, the ‘Look East’ policy and closer links with ASEAN as a full-dialogue partner. We consider ASEAN as the driving force of the ARF and believe that the ASEAN way of ‘dialogue and consensus’ should remain the ARF’s guiding principle. Participation in the ARF also enables us to engage with a broader range of countries beyond the ASEAN underlining India’s commitment and goal in ensuring regional peace and stability. It also underscores our belief that from India’s perspective co-operative security can be looked at only in a broader context going beyond Cold War notions of sub-regions. I am happy to note that there is a greater recognition today of India’s stabilising role in the region born out of our restraint\, our economic dynamism and potential\, the history of our civilisational engagement and our role as a firewall against destabilising ideas and influences. Encouraged by this we will continue to seek in our interaction with countries of the region greater political and economic convergence\, closer people to people links through cultural co-operation and education exchanges and meaningful security co-operation to meet common challenges. \nMay I conclude by wishing you success in your deliberations. Thank you.
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/keynote-address-at-the-9th-asian-security-conference
CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES,Asian Security Conference,ASC Key Speeches
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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20061215T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20061215T053000
DTSTAMP:20261113T221327
CREATED:20231223T124957Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T121446Z
UID:62711-1166160600-1166160600@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Opening Address by the Norwegian Foreign Minister at the IDSA-PRIO Seminar On Energy Security
DESCRIPTION:Excellencies\, \nLadies and gentlemen\, \nLet me first thank PRIO and IDSA for hosting this international seminar on the geopolitics of energy security. \nIt is a telling sign of expanding bilateral relations that two prestigious organizations – one Norwegian and one Indian – have come together to set the agenda for on one of the key issues of our times. \nEnergy is indeed at the crossroads of nearly every dimension of globalisation and development – and indeed security. \nWe need energy to combat poverty\, to develop\, to improve living conditions and to thrive as societies. This is just as true for a rural community in the south of India as for a district in the north of Norway. \nAt the same time we now know for certain that the way we approach energy\, the way we produce\, extract and consume it\, will determine the future shape of life on earth. \nClimate change is no longer a scenario. It is happening now and we feel the effects – from changes in the weather to rising temperatures and melting glaciers – be they in the Arctic or in the Himalayas. \nIn short – nowhere can the interdependence of globalisation be better illustrated. We are all of us in the driving seat. It is up to us how we steer the development\, and this fact should occupy our attention in every possible setting. \nThe outlook of global warming is not exciting. But we need not be driven by pessimism. \nIt will take the ingenuity of the human mind to develop new technologies – and we know this can be done. \nIt will take our political skills to develop new mechanisms of international cooperation to shoulder equitably the burden of change – we know that this too can be done. \nAnd it will take the acknowledgement of all of us that poor people have a right to develop\, and that access to energy is vital for combating poverty. \nIndia and Norway – different in size\, history and culture – share the same future. We should set the ambition to shape it together for the benefit of future generations. \nAll these reasons – and there are plenty more – make India an appropriate venue for addressing the geopolitics of energy security. \nThe way India develops will have implications far beyond its borders. It is up to India to decide on the energy mix and the choice of technology it will use. But at the same time we – though we live far away – will be strongly affected by these choices. \nSo we come here to offer cooperation\, dialogue and joint exploration of shared opportunities. \nIndia has the right to develop\, to serve its people and to lift hundreds of millions out of poverty. \n***** \nBack in 1987\, the World Commission on Environment and Development\, chaired by Norwegian Prime Minister Gro Harlem Brundtland\, coined the notion of sustainable development. It made the direct link between energy\, environment and development. \nThe Commission made it clear that rich countries have no right to deny developing countries the opportunity to move out of poverty. Today\, 20 years later\, the message still rings true. \nAt the same time we now know that we need to pursue new models of development that can spur economies without ruining the environment. We need an emphasis on technological progress and equitable burden sharing that will allow developing countries to leapfrog the traditional dirty steps of development. \nIndia’s progress has been impressive. Today\, your engineers\, scientists and other academics are in demand all over the world. Our companies come here to take part in joint projects – not only to access labour at a competitive price\, but also to find advanced technology\, innovative industrial processes and creative minds. \nBut India is facing major challenges as its economy continues to grow. One of them is energy-related. \nWith increasing oil imports\, a heavy reliance on coal\, ambitious plans for the use of natural gas and aspirations to expand its nuclear energy\, India’s situation is very similar to that of China and other countries in South and East Asia. \n***** \nAnd so we come to the geopolitics of energy security. \nOil prices have risen steeply at the same time as concerns about security of supply are growing. Nations are showing renewed interest in nuclear technology\, but there is also growing concern over proliferation and a new nuclear arms race. Today\, these issues are at the top of most international agendas – in the UN\, NATO\, the OSCE\, the G8 and the EU\, as well as the key political forums throughout Asia. \nAnd then – in addition to the global dimension – we have to be acutely aware that our energy decisions will have lasting effects on the global climate and thus the future of coming generations. \nThe International Energy Agency predicts that between now and 2030\, the cumulative global investment needed in the energy sector amounts to a formidable USD 20 trillion. \nDuring the same period\, energy demand will rise by 60 per cent. The major part of this demand will be met by fossil fuels\, which will account for 90 per cent of the world’s energy use. \nAs a result\, CO2 emissions are expected to increase by 55 per cent. A considerable part of this increase will be from new coal-fired power plants\, many of them located here in India and in China. \nA smaller number of countries\, mainly OPEC members and Russia\, will provide an increasing share of the world demand for oil and gas\, as production in OECD countries peaks and decreases. \nWe also know that energy poverty in a number of countries – not least in sub-Saharan Africa – is a serious problem. \nI think we can all agree that if the forecasts are correct\, we will be facing considerable challenges. \nAt the same time we should remind ourselves that it is not possible to imagine the future in terms of statistics. If we focus too much on the forecasts themselves\, we risk undermining our ability to act\, to innovate and to change the course. And we urgently need to do all three. \n***** \nLadies and gentlemen\, \nThe million dollar question then is this: What can be done to avoid undesirable – and dramatic – consequences for human beings\, the world economy\, and for the climate? \nLet us agree on this fact: It is quite obvious that these problems cannot be solved at the national or regional level alone. A concerted effort at the global level is needed. \nI believe there are four key ingredients that are vital for increasing energy security: \n\nFirstly\, we must provide a framework that encourages the development of new oil and gas fields\, and at the same time increases the recovery rate of mature fields.\nSecondly\, we need to increase energy efficiency and the use of renewable energy sources.\nThirdly\, we need to maintain strategic stores of oil\, and possibly also gas\, in order to deal with future disruptions in the markets. This is an area where large consuming countries like India and China could play an important part.\nFourthly and finally\, the global community must explore ways to alleviate energy poverty in developing countries. It is a shocking fact that more people are dying from indoor smoke from burning traditional biomass than from malaria.\n\nI would like to add some more comments to my first two points – about bringing new resources into production and securing greater efficiency. \nFirst\, massive investments are needed in the energy sector over the next couple of decades. Capital of this magnitude is most likely to materialise in an investment climate marked by political stability and good governance. Predictable and non-discriminatory investment regimes are key elements in this connection. \nThe same goes for secure and affordable access to energy transport networks. Producers must have full access to the market if secure long-term investments are to be secured. \nTransparency is a vital ingredient in well-functioning markets. Several international initiatives have been established with the aim of increasing transparency and reducing corruption. \n***** \nNorway is today the world’s third largest oil exporter and the third largest gas exporter. We have an annual oil production of 3 million barrels per day and an annual gas production of 85 billion cubic metres. Early in the next decade our gas export will have risen to 130 billion cubic metres. This is equivalent to the volume Russia exports to Europe today. \nWe engage with our partners as a reliable long term provider of energy that is produced in compliance with the world’s most stringent environmental requirements. \nWe sell our oil and gas on the world market. In this market\, sellers and buyers are interdependent. We place great emphasis on the consumer-producer dialogue\, and support the concerted efforts that are currently being made under the auspices of the International Energy Forum\, where both Norway and India participate actively. \nIncreased cooperation is also needed to help reduce demand through energy-efficiency measures. Countries\, and groups of countries\, are gradually starting to respond to this need. Some countries – such as Japan – have taken steps to introduce wide-reaching measures. \nAt the same time we need a global focus on energy that can combine a variety of measures to address the energy security challenge – and for that matter the climate challenge. \nIt is vital\, for example to promote the use of renewable energy sources. Renewables are presently receiving a lot of attention – in addition to a considerable amount of research funding – in a number of countries.  \n***** \nThen there is the potential of nuclear energy. It is not surprising that nuclear energy is back on the stage in a situation where the world community is seriously concerned about both energy security and CO2 emissions. A debate on the pros and cons is currently taking place in a number of countries – and we should welcome this. \nNorway fully recognises the right to the peaceful use of nuclear energy and nuclear technology. This is set out in the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). \nAnd we have a critical institution to secure compliance in the International Atomic Energy Agency. We strongly support the IAEA’s efforts in the field of nuclear safeguards\, safety and security. We also continue to put great emphasis on compliance with international non-proliferation commitments. \nAs a member of the Nuclear Supplier’s Group (NSG) Norway is now considering the agreement on civil nuclear cooperation between India and the United states. \nLet me reiterate what I said at the outset: \nNorway recognises India’s right to secure the energy resources needed to support its development. We have confidence in the reliability of India’s commitments. And we see how nuclear energy may help to sustain India’s growth without putting an extra burden on the climate. \nAt the same time we have expressed a general concern about any measure that may lead to the weakening or sidelining of the multilateral non-proliferation regime. This regime is a hard won gain. I would welcome the active engagement of India in international efforts to combat proliferation and encourage further steps in nuclear disarmament. \nI welcome the steps being taken by India in the field of nuclear non-proliferation and export controls. And let me add that India’s signing of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty would be a significant step. \nThe NSG has already addressed the matter of the US-India deal. We look forward to further clarification at the next meeting – and I sincerely hope that consensus can be reached among all parties. \n***** \nLet me conclude with a few remarks specifically on the climate challenge. \nSecretary General Kofi Annan emphasised at the Climate Change Conference in Nairobi in November that climate change is not just an environmental problem\, but also a health problem\, a security problem and an economic problem for all nations. \nThe recent Stern report highlights the economic aspects of climate change. It argues that the cost of action would be modest\, whereas the price of inaction would be enormous. \nAs a major oil and gas producer\, Norway takes the CO2 emissions challenge seriously. We were the first oil producing nation to introduce a CO2 tax on our petroleum production. This has helped significantly to reduce emissions. \nOur regulatory framework has spurred technological innovation\, and it has helped to make the Norwegian continental shelf the most energy-efficient producing region in the world. CO2 emissions amount to less than one third of the global average per unit produced. \nRecently Norway embarked on a potentially giant step forward. We have initiated research and development with a view to building the world’s largest full-scale CO2 capture and storage project in connection with a combined gas-fired heat and power plant d on the west coast of Norway.  This is a cooperation project between the Norwegian Government and Statoil\, and the plant will be fully operational by 2014. \nIn a way\, this is our version of a “landing-on-the-moon” project. We will develop ground-breaking new technology\, which could create a basis for cooperation with a number of countries\, including large energy-consuming countries like India. \nGiven the world’s future dependence on gas and particularly on coal as energy sources\, the benefits arising from developing efficient CO2 handling techniques will be considerable. \nHowever\, carbon capture and storage is only one of several means of achieving a more sustainable energy future. Energy efficiency and increased use of renewable energy will also be important. \n***** \nThe Norwegian Government has set itself the ambitious goal of becoming a world leader in the development of environmentally sound technology. \nA three billion dollar fund has been established to this end. It will be managed by the state-owned company Enova\, and will focus on renewable energy and energy efficiency measures. \nAs a part of our expanding relations with India we have put climate change on our common agenda. \nThe reasons are simple. If we succeed\, India should be able to benefit from these new technologies and these new technological processes. Furthermore\, the technology needed will require world class engineers – and India truly has some the best engineers in the world. \nIn addition\, I believe we should engage in discussions about how we can bring the multilateral climate efforts forward. At present\, negotiations have stalled. We need debate – between developed and developing nations – not only on what it would take to bring the negotiations forward\, but also on how concrete initiatives can help reduce emissions. \nHere too\, India and Norway can cover important ground together. \nWe meet regularly in multilateral forums\, like the International Energy Forum and the Carbon Sequestration Leadership Forum. Our energy ministers are in close contact and their discussions have been followed up in the Joint Working Group on Hydrocarbons. \nI am pleased to see that these contacts are also yielding tangible results. A number of MOUs on strengthening cooperation between companies and research institutions in our two countries have recently been signed. \nWe have also seen increased contact between Norwegian and Indian oil companies\, which has resulted in cooperation in third countries. Cooperation in the hydropower sector\, where India and Norway are both major players\, has also been established. These are very positive developments. \nThe International Energy Agency (IEA) believes that much would be accomplished if countries were to implement the plans and regulations that are already in existence. \nFurther results would be achieved through the use of technologies that are already available or close to commercialisation. \nHowever\, in order to make real reductions in CO2 emissions\, technological breakthroughs will be necessary. \nThis is my main message: We need to take bold steps towards more innovative cooperation. \nA seminar on the geopolitics of energy security can easily end up focusing on the potential for conflict\, rivalry and tension. You are exerts in analysing such effects. \nHistory\, even very recent history\, provides ample examples of how the search and competition for energy supplies can bring about war and destruction. \nAs a contrast\, we therefore need to maintain a clear vision of what we can achieve if we pool our resources and talent and maximise our common interests in the field of energy and the fight against climate change. \nI believe this vision should stir us to act. Future generations will demand nothing less of us. \nI wish you all fruitful discussions today on these important matters.
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/opening-address-by-the-norwegian-foreign-minister-at-the-idsa-prio-seminar-on-energy-security
CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES
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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20060603T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20060603T053000
DTSTAMP:20261113T221327
CREATED:20231223T124957Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20231223T124957Z
UID:62712-1149312600-1149312600@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Defence Minister's Address at the 5th IISS Asia Security Summit
DESCRIPTION:Distinguished Guests\, Ladies and Gentlemen\, \nI thank the government of Singapore for the warm hospitability extended to us and the organisers for making excellent arrangements for the Dialogue. Though I had the intention of joining the Dialogue on the previous two occasions\, but because of some domestic reasons I could not do so. I am glad to have the opportunity of participating in the Fifth Shangri-La Dialogue. On this occasion\, our mind goes to the suffering people of Indonesia of the latest earthquake. When I heard of the crisis\, I was in Tokyo and I sent a message of condolence to my Indonesian counterpart. India along with the other countries has extended a hand of cooperation to provide relief and succour to the hapless victims of the earthquake. \nI have been asked by the organizers of the increasingly popular Shangri-La Dialogue to speak to you today as a representative of India – one of the rising global players. While in general I will talk about “Growing India and its impact on regional and world matters”. I am also taking the liberty to briefly review our fast evolving ties with Northeast Asia\, ASEAN and Singapore and end the address with a few words on maritime security. I felt I should begin with a brief overview of India’s well-known defence and security policy goals. \nINDIA’S DEFENCE POLICY GOALS\nProtecting and safeguarding India’s territorial integrity and sovereignty undoubtedly lies at the core of India’s defence policy. It is India’s national mission to promote rapid economic and social development for the vast majority of its people. Our defence and security policy is dovetailed to this supreme goal to ensure a peaceful and secure internal and external environment\, in which it can be pursued. India has always been actively promoting and sustaining durable peace in the immediate neighbourhood\, including the Indian Ocean Region. Premised on the twin policies of no extra-territorial ambition and no export of ideology\, India seeks the peaceful resolution of all disputes. \nAs Defence Minister of India\, it is my responsibility to ensure that our defence forces are adequately equipped to safeguard against any aggression. This established doctrine has led India over the last few decades to create defence industrial and technological capabilities to equip our armed forces\, and we strive continuously to build upon such capacities. That in turn has led India to augment its industrial and technological resources through collaboration where necessary\, in recent years\, both through public-private partnership and with dependable foreign partners. \nIndia’s desire for peace and the use of diplomatic means for resolution of all disputes is unwavering. However\, as a large and vibrant democracy with a diverse social\, religious and economic background of its peoples\, the country finds that its peaceful stance has to be backed by a credible and stable military deterrent with necessary command and control structures. This includes a nuclear doctrine of credible minimum deterrence. Ingredients of this doctrine are\, ‘no first use’\, non-use against non-nuclear weapons states\, and voluntary moratorium on further tests. This defence preparedness is not at the cost of developmental expenditure. Hence\, India’s defence expenditure remains modest at less than 2.5% of GDP and in per capita terms among the lowest. \nGiven the global challenges and dangers posed by international terrorism\, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and related technologies\, piracy on the high seas\, trafficking of arms and drugs and the increasing levels of violence resorted to by non-state actors\, requires us to operate a modern defence intelligence gathering and sharing system. Global challenges have to be met head on globally. This belief leads India to actively work with friendly countries in regional and global security tasks\, UN peacekeeping and peace building\, counter-terrorism\, non-proliferation and arms control. \nINDIA’S ROLE IN ASIA AND THE WORLD\nAs the largest and most populous continent\, Asia hosts nearly 60% of the global population and about 25% of the global GDP; three declared nuclear weapons states and a couple of others tacitly acknowledged so; two of the largest standing armies in the world\, non-Asian navies operating freely in Asian waters and a large number of missile producing and exporting countries. If expanded to the Asia-Pacific region then this huge Asian entity combines with the large north and south American economies and the vast military might and influence of the United States. \nWhere does India stand in this impressive array? A lumbering elephant or an emerging giant? perhaps a bit of both. With its economy growing at over 8% per annum last year and set to rise further in the coming years\, India’s one billion people are increasingly a driver of regional and global growth and prosperity. Software\, manufacturing\, agriculture\, nuclear energy\, space\, disaster management\, maritime affairs\, entertainment and culture are areas in which India’s role is becoming increasingly vital for the region and the world. While the country will still need more time of continuing high growth and a sustainable and balanced development strategy to overcome the problems of poverty\, uneven development\, infrastructural and institutional deficiencies\, it is proactively addressing all these issues. India is a unique case where development\, industrialization and democracy have gone hand in hand. \nWhile there are differences between us\, there is also an increasingly greater realization that there is enough space and opportunity in the region for both India and China to prosper. We are not just passively embedded in our region bound by our common neighbourhood\, but are constantly interacting through endeavours which have brought huge dividends to both. Look at India’s trade with China. From a meagre few hundred million dollars in the beginning of the nineteen-nineties\, our trade has already crossed US$ 13 billion last year. We also look at our relations in a larger regional and global backdrop and realize the responsibility we both shoulder in contributing to the well being of humanity. We are mindful of the overarching importance of a peaceful surrounding environment for us to pursue our most fundamental task of national development. Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao’s visit to India later this year will offer another opportunity to us to add further substance to our relationship\, a relationship which both value. \nThe distinguished Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping had told the charismatic Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi almost 20 years ago\, that there could be no Asia-Pacific century or Asian century without India and China forming crucial elements of such an architecture. India is one of the important legs of the Asian juggernaut along with China\, Japan and Indonesia. In the Asia-Pacific region\, India’s growing ties with the United States and other countries in North and South America brings with it a commensurate role in the region. \nAsia’s emergence is no longer a grand hypothesis. Its growth credentials are increasingly in the realm of reality. Notably\, Asia currently contributes about 25% of global GDP\, which is expected to rise to 57% by 2025. Asian countries are among the fastest developing economies in the world. Intra-Asian trade in 2002 was US $ 3587 billion- about a quarter of world trade. \nIndia’s role is crucial for ensuring and maintaining long-term peace\, stable balance of power\, economic growth and security in Asia. It is a core state whose role is crucial for the economic well-being\, institution building\, collective and cooperative security\, economic integration and trade expansion and political and civilisational dialogue\, essential for a growing Asia. It straddles the land and maritime spaces between East and West\, and provides potential energy and trade corridors to Central Asia and the Indian Ocean region. Responding to the challenges of globalization is one of the key issues faced by all nations today. As a pluralistic\, democratic and English speaking society\, India is well placed to respond. \nThose of our neighbours like Sri Lanka and Bhutan\, who have chosen to leverage India’s engine of growth have benefited significantly. Those who have held back have done so to their detriment. Regional growth has significant security implications because prosperity and pluralism are today key pillars for global security. East Asian development took place in three phases – Japan initially\, the Republic of Korea and Taiwan later and now China. Southeast Asia has also made remarkable progress. In our quest for an Asian century\, can South Asia afford to lag far behind? This obviously calls for a regional and global effort to facilitate the South Asian region to catch up. India is making every effort in that direction mainly through the vehicle of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC). We call upon our SAARC dialogue partners and others to encourage and facilitate this process. \nIndia’s ties with Southeast Asia\, Japan\, Korea\, China and Australia is creating a more stable strategic environment and enhancing independence and institution building in Asia. Coupled with the simultaneous improvement in strategic ties with the United States\, the European Union and Russia\, this is enabling India for the first time in its diplomatic history to forge significant strategic ties with both West and East Asia. India’s rapid economic and social development and growing confidence in responding to the challenges of globalization is already leading to the restoration of our historical connectivity with Southeast Asia as also West Asia. \nThe emergence of India as a global player will have a far reaching impact on the international economy\, politics and security. In each of these areas\, India is poised to play an increasingly larger role and the existing global institutions in their reform process would need to accommodate India’s capabilities and political-intellectual contributions. \nAs a founding member of the United Nations\, India has been firmly committed to the principles and purposes of the United Nations and has consistently and significantly contributed to all aspects of its functioning. India has a long and illustrious history as one of the longest serving and largest troop contributors to the UN peacekeeping operations. India has also played a great role in seeking to address the deficiencies\, inequities and problems in the existing global institutional arrangements. As we observe the 60th Anniversary of the United Nations\, there is unanimity among the member states that the United Nations is in need of urgent and comprehensive reform\, in order to deal with myriad challenges of today’s world more effectively. We believe that the reform and expansion of the United Nations Security Council\, in both permanent and non-permanent categories\, is central to the process of UN reform. The representation of developing countries from Africa\, Asia and other regions\, as permanent members of the Security Council is essential in this context. In this framework\, India is pursuing its candidature for permanent membership of the Security Council. \nEAST ASIA SUMMIT\, TIES WITH NORTH-EAST ASIA AND ASEAN\nIndia is glad that the East Asia Summit (EAS) has been initiated and would in the coming years lead to cooperation among the members to create an East Asian Community\, which as our Prime Minister has mentioned could be the harbinger of an eventually enlarged Asian community or union. As a member of the EAS\, India fully supports and looks forward to constructive cooperation with others in the group to create the framework for greater regional integration and cooperation. We believe such a development would have a positive impact on Asian stability\, economic growth and peace. \nChina is India’s largest neighbour and therefore developing friendly cooperation with China is one of the priorities of our foreign policy. With frequent high-level exchanges including\, my just concluded visit to China\, the process of building trust and understanding has gained momentum and our relations have diversified across a wide range of areas. Our ties with China have reached a certain degree of maturity where we are determined to build upon our existing commonalities and identify newer areas of mutually beneficial cooperation. At the same time we are striving to address our differences in a proactive and purposive manner\, without allowing them to affect the comprehensive development of our relationship. \nOur ties with Japan are also expanding rapidly and not just in the economic and investment sphere. Japan\, of course plays a major role in our development programmes through the Overseas Development Agency (ODA). In recent years we have stepped up our defence and security ties\, based on the view that all countries and regions need to cooperate actively in order to tackle effectively the evolving global challenges. I have also recently concluded a visit to Japan where I had the opportunity to discuss in detail all these issues with my counterpart and some of his senior Cabinet colleagues. Not long ago\, India’s Minister of State for Defence visited the Republic of Korea and Mongolia where our defence ties are also in the process of being upgraded. \nIndia’s trade\, security and energy ties with East Asia and the Pacific region is set to grow rapidly in the coming years. Southeast Asia and China are already two of our largest trading partners in this region\, and Korea and Japan among the leading investors in our country. These ties will grow many-fold in the coming years and would need sustained political\, economic and security dialogue mechanisms for institutionalized support. The EAS\, ARF and BIMSTEC and emerging strategic partnerships are elements of India’s engagement with East and Southeast Asia\, the core of its “Look East Policy”. \nINDIA-SINGAPORE RELATIONS\nAs the host country to the ever-growing Shangri-La Dialogue\, it would be remiss of me not to say a few words about India’s dynamic ties with Singapore. It is emerging as a hub for India’s expanding economic\, political and security ties with East Asia. Singapore is today an important investment and trading partner\, and also provides the base for other East Asian countries to invest in India. It is our hope that the full implementation of the Comprehensive Economic Cooperation Agreement (CECA) signed with Singapore in 2005 – the first of its kind for India – will further generate economic integration between India and Singapore\, and provide the base for new and wider opportunities for trade\, investment\, energy and defence ties with all of ASEAN. New areas of defence cooperation\, including joint training facilities are emerging and supplementing existing cooperation between India and Singapore in the naval\, maritime and counter-terrorism spheres. \nMARITIME SECURITY\nWhile in Singapore and at a security conference of this stature\, the dimension of maritime security looms large on our radar screens. Singapore stands at the crossroads of one of the most important waterways of the world\, the Strait of Malacca. More than fifty percent of India’s maritime trade passes through these waters. Other Asia-Pacific countries like Japan\, China and the ROK are even more dependant on the safe and secure passage of their sea trade through the Strait. In recent years\, piracy has been a major challenge in this region and we can only hope that maritime terrorism does not follow closely behind. \nThere is a need to increase and strengthen regional cooperation to enhance maritime security. India has been working with countries in the region\, both bilaterally and multilaterally through forums such as ARF to further strengthen cooperation. We believe that through the coordination of our individual efforts\, the security of the sea lanes will be enhanced. Otherwise\, as we have seen in the USS Cole bombing incident and recent attacks faced by the Sri Lankan Navy vessels\, a small dhow or boat can unobtrusively collide with a larger vessel causing considerable loss of lives and equipment. \nIndia welcomes the three-nation initiative on monitoring shipping through Compulsory Pilotage project of Indonesia\, Malaysia and Singapore. Subject to the desire of the littoral states\, as a major user-state\, India would be willing to assist the project in whatever capacity is deemed suitable. India has developed capabilities in various aspects of maritime security and would be most willing to share its expertise with countries of the region. India is taking steps to join the Container Security Initiative and has identified the Nava Sheva port for purposes of executing this initiative. The Indian Navy has initiated several maritime security and capacity building measures such as countering piracy by joint exercises (specifically with Indonesia)\, returned the Allondra Rainbow ship to the Japanese authorities from pirates and participated in Tsunami relief measures in 2004-2005 in Sri Lanka\, Indonesia and Maldives. The establishment of a Regional Marine Training Centre has been discussed at the ARF Workshop and the ARF Senior Officers Meeting. We believe that such a Centre would go a long way in establishing common understanding and common procedures. India would be happy to be associated with this initiative. Consistent with their global strategic partnership and the new framework for our defence relationship\, India and the United States have committed themselves to comprehensive cooperation in ensuring a secure maritime domain. Similar initiatives have been taken with other maritime partners. \nBefore I close my address today\, I would like to sum up the tangible global trends at the beginning of the 21st century. Barring a few exceptions\, nation-states today are in what we might term “political and economic credit” environment in their relations with each other\, i.e.\, generally a positive and mutually beneficial state of political and economic affairs. Unfortunately\, this healthy and positive atmosphere is marred by what one might call a worldwide “security deficit”\, whereby no country is free from the tension and conflict arising from the scourge of international terrorism\, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and their related technologies\, trafficking of arms\, drugs and humans and the growing tendency among non-state actors to take the law into their own hands. I would like this gathering of ministers\, officials\, researchers and scholars responsible for defence and national security of the countries of the Asia-Pacific region\, to ponder deeply what more can be done\, individually by each country and collectively as a region.
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/defence-ministers-address-at-the-5th-iiss-asia-security-summit
CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES
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CREATED:20231223T125051Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20240229T001901Z
UID:62713-1138599000-1138599000@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Inaugural Address at the 8th Asian Security Conference
DESCRIPTION:Excellencies\, Distinguished Participants at the 8th Asian Security Conference\, Ladies and Gentlemen\, \nI am indeed honoured to meet this august gathering of eminent experts and to inaugurate the 8th Asian security Conference of IDSA. Since its inception in January 1999\, this Conference has served as a forum for free and open discussion by security analysts\, experts and scholars from different parts of the world. Every year IDSA selects a specific theme concerning Asian security for in-depth discussion. This year’s theme for the Conference\, “Changing Security Dynamic in West Asia: Relevance for the Post 9-11 Systemic”\, is particularly relevant since growth and India’s security are closely linked to that of the West Asian region. As a member of the international community\, India has been deeply concerned about the vicious cycle of violence and counter-violence and the consequent deterioration of the security situation in West Asia. It has also repeatedly called for de-escalation of tensions. \nI am happy that the Conference organisers have expanded the scope of the Conference by including the North African region. The socio-political and cultural continuum that characterises the security environment of the entire region\, extending from Western Sahara till Iran\, in fact\, demands such an extensive coverage. \nThroughout human history\, trade and cultural linkages between the people of Indian subcontinent and the region which we now call West Asia\, have ensured a lasting relationship. This relationship continues and\, in fact\, vigorous efforts are being made to deepen and strengthen it. \nMuch is made out of the theory of “Clash of Civilizations”\, advanced by Prof. Samuel P. Huntington in his famous book. But such theories are predicated on division of the world in narrowly defined ideological terms. Our own experience as a functioning\, multi-religious\, pluralistic democracy completely debunks such divisive theories. Indeed\, our interaction with the West Asian region has been traditionally warm and marked by cooperation and mutual enrichment\, leading to cross-fertilisation of cultures. Ideas have been exchanged in the fields of mathematics\, astronomy and medicine; and literary texts have been translated or transliterated for mutual benefit. The influence of Persian and Arabic learning in India\, and the impact of the architectural styles and aesthetics of West Asia\, are too obvious to be missed today. The birth of Urdu\, the language of the Bollywood\, and its influence on Hindi and other Indian languages symbolises the creative cross-fertilisation between India and West Asia. \nThe unceasing stream of mutual influences has contributed to the growth of an amazing interweave of cultures in the region. In the increasingly inter-dependent world today\, there are easily discernible civilizational and cultural links among nations- stretching from the coast of Mediterranean to the Bay of Bengal. These remind us of the history that has gone into the making of the culture of interdependence that we emphasise so much today. We all live in turbulent and even dangerous times today. In this turbulent and tense phase of our times\, it is appropriate for us to emphasise the commonalities between our cultures and peoples. We should work together to preserve and sustain this invaluable historical legacy. \nHistorians have pointed out that there were trade links between the cities of Mohenjodaro and Harappa and Mesopotamia nearly 4000 years ago. The trade links between India and West Asia were seasonal and influenced by the monsoon winds. These links had developed between the Malabar Coast in India and the mouth of the Red Sea\, as well as between other port cities in India and ports in the Persian Gulf and the Arabian Peninsula. There is evidence to show that there was trade in cotton cloth\, spices\, perfumes and handicrafts between India and the West Asian region from around 200 BC. The Arabs traded more than a thousand years ago with South West India for spices and carried them back to Europe. \nIt is also well known that people-to-people contact between West Asia and India continued over the centuries. In the post-colonial period\, close political relations between India and other countries in the region gave us a common voice in shaping the global agenda through Non-alignment\, characterised by principles of equality\, rejection of colonialism\, and independence in decision-making and action. These close relations also facilitated dialogue to resolve differences. \nThe unprecedented revolution in communication technology has activated cross-State linkages among non-State actors. Intra-State conflicts have the capacity now to snowball into international crises. This makes it necessary to isolate the factors causing international insecurity today and work in a cooperative manner to make our societies safer and more secure. As the traditional concept of militaristic state security is yielding ground to a more comprehensive notion of security\, we now need to identify non-traditional threats to security. \nGiven the vast reserves of hydrocarbon in the region\, West Asia has emerged as the principal source of energy in the world. Once described as a ‘marginal crescent’ in world politics\, it has made its mark as a critical pivot in the international economy today. The entire world\, thus\, has a stake in the security and stability of the region. \nIndia has an abiding interest in peace and prosperity of the region. There are about 3.5 million workers from India in the Gulf countries. The remittances they send home are an important source of foreign exchange for us. Our oil imports from the region account for nearly 60% of our total crude oil imports. As regards our exports\, the region is the third largest destination for Indian goods\, behind only the EU and North America. Exports to the region account for nearly 16% of our global exports. \nIndia has always remained willing to share its experience with the countries in the Gulf and Middle East region. Economic reforms initiated in our country since the early nineties have led to a robust growth rate of over 7% in the GDP. This has been fuelled in large measure by ever growing manufacturing base in the country\, alongside the world leadership position achieved in the areas of cutting edge technology. If the world has already witnessed the phenomenal growth of I.T and computer software industry in India\, the coming years are expected to see India clocking similar\, if not greater\, thrust in the biotechnology and other development defining sectors. I have dwelt on this issue at some length since in the present times\, this aspect has increasingly begun to define relations between countries and peoples. I am happy to note that these relations are poised to grow even stronger in the coming years with new opportunities having been made available\, for flow of investments\, both ways. \nOur relationship with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) has been growing. We have a mutual commitment to get engaged proactively. We have signed a Framework Agreement for Economic Cooperation with the GCC. We have also intensified our relations with all the key countries of the region. The King of Saudi Arabia has just concluded a historic visit to India. We have an ongoing dialogue mechanism with the Arab League and the possibility of further cooperation between India and Arab League Members\, is being continually explored. \nIn recent years\, the menace of international terrorism has been causing increasing concern to the world at large. The depredations of this scourge are not restricted to this country or that country or any specific region alone. We are witness every day to the growth of ever new global linkages amongst terrorist and radical groups. While it took the tragic events of 9/11 to focus world’s attention to the threat posed by international terrorism\, India has been a victim of this kind of terrorism for much longer. The international community can no longer afford to find excuses for not dealing with this problem in a concerted manner. Our fight has to be directed not only against those who perpetrate the terrorist crimes but also those more powerful interests which harbour and support terrorist elements for their narrow and short term\, but ill-conceived\, gains. \nCommitment to the Palestinian cause has been a bedrock of our foreign policy even before we gained independence. In a cable sent to Mufti of Jerusalem on 4th Sept 1937\, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru\, who became our first Prime Minister after independence\, had affirmed\, “The Indian National Congress sends you greetings and assurance of full solidarity in the struggle for Palestine Independence”. In the post-independence period we have remained fully supportive of the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people for a homeland of their own. We believe that the conflict can be resolved only through meaningful dialogue and not by force; particularly since Arabs and Jews have lived together in peace for long. A just\, comprehensive and durable peace in the region can only be achieved through negotiations on the basis of relevant UN Security Council resolutions as well as the “Land for Peace” principle. In this context\, we support the ‘Quartet Road Map’ which has been accepted by both sides. \nIndia welcomes the Gaza disengagement and hopes that the resurgence of violence will soon give way to peaceful negotiations. India has consistently urged an end to violence from all sides. We look forward to further progress in the peace process that would bring about a just and peaceful solution within a reasonable time frame\, leading to a sovereign\, independent State of Palestine with well-defined and secured borders\, living at peace with the State of Israel. We also remain ready to join in the efforts of the international community for capacity building of the Palestinian people and for strengthening their administrative and democratic institutions. \nOur people have traditionally enjoyed friendship and cordiality with the people of Iraq. We feel their pain and suffering and deeply empathize with them in these trying times. We are ready to respond to the needs of the Iraqi people for stability\, security\, political progress and economic reconstruction. We have committed US $20 million in assistance to the Iraqi people in response to the UN Secretary General’s appeal in 2004 and\, at the Donors’ Conference held in Madrid in October 2004\, we further committed an additional amount of US$10 million to the two Iraqi Trust Funds. We distributed milk powder worth US $ 1.2 million to Iraqi children through the World Food Programme in 2004 and have sent foodgrains to Iraq in 2005. We have also expressed our willingness to participate in the reconstruction of Iraqi petro-industry in future. \nWe believe that the UN has a crucial role to play in the process of political and economic reconstruction of Iraq. As such we welcomed the unanimous adoption of Resolution 1546 by the UN Security Council\, on June 8\, 2004. We also remain fully supportive of the right of the Iraqi people to freely determine their political future and to exercise control over their natural resources. We welcomed the Interim Government of Iraq as the first step towards transfer of full sovereignty to the people of Iraq. Only a fully inclusive political process leading to a truly representative Government in Iraq can effectively deal with challenges of fighting insurgency and rebuilding of the economy and it is in this context that we have welcomed the recent elections in Iraq. The priority before the international community now is to ensure gradual return to peace and normalcy in Iraq. A stable and peaceful Iraq is vital for the stability of the entire region\, more so for India\, since continued instability in Iraq can have dangerous consequences. \nWest Asia stands at the crossroads of history today. The ongoing turbulence in West Asia will have a major impact on the global security system. With its energy potential and the rest of the world’s critical dependence on its resources\, the region will continue to attract international attention in years to come. Large and growing extra-regional military presence in West Asia\, and the rising constituency of radical religious groups threatening to assert their subversive strength against the States\, will continue to be of great concern to the international community. \nWe have all seen the disastrous consequences of an untamed tide of violence in the region. We will have to cooperate with one another to stem this tide and find more effective ways of addressing the root causes of such violence. The main task awaiting the international community is to bring lasting peace and security to the region. \nDistinguished Delegates\, \nThe concerns I have briefly touched upon are included in the comprehensive agenda of the Conference. I am sure\, during the course of the next two days you will deliberate on the issues defining the security dynamics of West Asia and its impact on the international political system. I have no doubt\, your deliberations will provide valuable inputs for the strategic community in India and abroad\, and help us in securing peace and prosperity for the people of West Asia and the world. \nI would like to conclude with a quotation from our revered national poet Gurudev Rabindra Nath Tagore\, He is conscious about our disagreements\, our difficulties and our sufferings; but an eternal optimist that he was\, he urges the mankind to move on and to strive to achieve happiness and peace. “The current of the world has its boundaries\, otherwise\, it could have no existence\, but its purpose is not shown in the boundaries which restrain it\, but in its movement\, which is toward perfection. The wonder is not that there should be obstacles and sufferings in this world\, but that there should be law and order\, beauty and joy\, goodness and love.” \nThank you.
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/inaugural-address-at-the-8th-asian-security-conference
CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES,Asian Security Conference,ASC Key Speeches
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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20051111T053000
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UID:62714-1131687000-1131687000@idsa.in
SUMMARY:IDSA Foundation Day Lecture 2005
DESCRIPTION:I am truly delighted to be here in your midst to celebrate the 40th Anniversary of the Institute of Defense Studies and Analysis. I am particularly happy that you have chosen on this auspicious occasion to honour your former Director\, Shri K. Subrahmanyam\, for helping to lay a strong foundation for this institution in its formative years. His incisive writings continue to stimulate and contribute to the thinking of strategic analysts and policy makers in this vital area of national concern. We look forward to many more years of active contribution from this doyen of the strategic community in India\, to the vital policy debates of our times. \nOver the years\, Shri Subrahmanyam has pointed out in his writings the importance of making strategic choices that affect our national security and well-being\, by careful weighing of costs and benefits without getting trapped in “black and white” views of the world\, ignoring the shades in between\, in which the real world manifests itself. He has been an ardent advocate of a holistic vision of national security\, tempered with a sense of realism and pragmatism. \nLet me therefore suggest that in keeping with our honorand’s dictum on the need for long term planning\, we use this anniversary celebration to introspect on strategic policy planning in general\, and on IDSA’s contributions to this process in particular. \nOn balance\, I think it is fair to say that over the past four decades IDSA has largely fulfilled its mission. While the existence of IDSA as one of our few strategic think-tanks suggests a deeper need to create an adequately vibrant strategic community\, this is perhaps a subject for study in its own right. Suffice here to say that I believe your institute has rendered yeoman service\, often in difficult circumstances\, to promote strategic thinking\, inform policy-makers and the public at large\, and to develop a community of strategic thinkers. I congratulate all those associated with this Institute for contributing to strategic studies and institution building in a vital area of national concern. \nHowever\, an anniversary is also an occasion to objectively consider the lessons of the past\, and to strategize to meet the challenges of our future. I would like to briefly outline the challenges that confront us today. \nIt is a truism that despite the progress humankind has recorded\, war\, like privation\, disease and ignorance\, is far from being eliminated. In fact\, as we progress materially\, our record in coping with conflict seems to be\, probably\, worsening. While instances of war and armed conflict may have been reduced over time\, the actual impact on people has worsened. Estimates suggest that mortality caused by conflict has increased dramatically\, from 1.6 million in the sixteenth century to nearly 110 million in the twentieth century. \nWe can therefore draw no comfort from the trends that determine our future. Optimists suggest that the present security challenges will at worst persist; but pessimists forecast cataclysmic devastation. Pragmatists suggest that security problems will worsen overtime\, but probably incrementally. Personally\, despite my own training in the “dismal science” of Economics\, I am inclined to be more optimistic than the optimists. Perhaps Bonar Law was right when he said that “there is no such thing as an inevitable war. If war comes\, it will be from the failure of human wisdom”. I believe that peace in our troubled and violent age requires eternal vigil\, patience and wisdom. We must all work together to analyze potential sources of conflict to find solutions without recourse to arms. It is this that is the challenge before Governments and humankind as a whole. \nIt is in this context that centres of research and think-tanks derive their importance. Policy making in most countries is often reactive: Governments are driven by deadlines and events. And once an event occurs\, it is a bit late to plan for it! This is one reason why so many problems are difficult to resolve. Proactive planning is the goal of strategic thinkers worldwide\, and this is where your community must step up efforts to identify problems\, highlight trends\, develop scenarios\, and suggest policy options\, before crises overtake us. \nI have often said and felt that there is a dearth of long term planning. Of course there is a saying of a very famous Cambridge economist\, Lord Keynes\, who said in the long term\, we are all dead\, but I do believe that there is a need for long term planning. On the one hand\, policy papers can sometimes become impractical\, and on the other\, policy options are sometimes bereft of long term vision. Our academia loses its sense of independence and Government begins to devalue inputs from outside its system. There is therefore an obvious interest in strengthening mutual interaction to focus on long term planning. \nIn the lexicon of economics\, the cost of investing in long-term policy making – in time\, money and energy – are quantifiable and immediate. Unfortunately\, however\, the benefits are reaped only in future\, and all too frequently\, by successors. These benefits are also hard to quantify\, since a crisis averted does not register on the popular consciousness. Naturally\, the incentive for in-depth analysis and long-term policy planning has always been weak\, despite the obviously disastrous consequences of ignoring such efforts. \nHaving said that\, let me elaborate my perspective of our security environment. There are those who define security solely in the narrow prism of violent conflict. However\, I believe violence is only a symptom of larger social and economic ailments. Societies face risks in terms of competition the power and control\, from institutional failures\, weakening democratic structures\, economic disparities and\, of course\, sectarian and territorial disputes. Sometimes external factors such as regional conflict\, scarcity of resources and economic shocks adversely affect societies. For instance\, competition for the increasingly expensive sources of energy particularly hydrocarbons can lead to local and even global economic crises\, and eventually if care not taken\, may lead to serious conflicts as well. Indeed\, many threats to internal security derive from a sense of alienation among people. This sentiment is then exploited by external forces inimical to our nation. There is thus a link between external and internal threats to our security. Therefore\, apart from firm political and administrative handling of such threats\, we also need the economic and social space within which a political leadership can contend with such problems. This space can be created by rapid social and economic development. Apart from deriving a linkage with our own internal challenges\, regional disturbances in neighbouring countries affect us in other ways. The danger of a number of failed States emerging in our neighbourhood has far reaching consequences for our region and our people. The impact includes crises which generate an inflow of refugees and by destablisation of our border areas. We see signs of the ills of disaffection\, alienation and conflict not only in India but also across our neighbourhood. We have to be alert to these developments and deal with the dangers that lie ahead. \nThe breakdown of effective international mechanisms also affects the security of individual countries. As long as terrorism was seen as a phenomenon that was ‘elsewhere’\, the international community was unwilling to adopt an effective coordinated strategy to deal with this menace which constitutes a grave threat to the civilized world. Similarly\, the international regime against proliferation is also under stress. It is clear that the existing system of unequal and discriminatory rules\, based on the nuclear Non Proliferation Treaty is deeply flawed. It has permitted unchecked proliferation by some\, while preventing countries such as ours from acting in its economic and security interests. An effective non proliferation framework that addresses our security interests while simultaneously encouraging peaceful uses of nuclear energy is in our vital national interest. \nApart from the many factors that are challenges to our security\, options to address such challenges are also not limited to mere application of force. Whether it is war in its classical sense\, or in its many variations such as internal conflict\, insurgent movements or even transnational terrorism\, non-military measures are invariably needed to evolve durable solutions. Hence\, policy analysts must adopt interdisciplinary approaches and policy planners should develop sophisticated\, multi-pronged responses. These must result in improving our security in all its dimensions: economic\, social\, political and even in terms of food and energy security. Such an approach is even more important as military and police forces grapple with new and unconventional challenges. \nLadies and Gentlemen\, \nAt the same time\, as media transforms our world into a global village\, threats involving large-scale loss of lives have to be factored into any security matrix. Similarly\, just as our interconnected world has brought with it an easing of borders or softening of borders\, it has also unfortunately enabled many security problems to attain transnational and global dimensions. The specter of international terrorism is one such phenomenon evolving out of the churning that has accompanied globalization processes. It is imperative to contend with both trans-border\, regional and global ramifications of local problems as well as the reverse. In devising strategies to meet transborder challenges\, we must now consider ways of evolving multinational strategies. \nWe must also find ways of using international opinion as a force multiplier in addressing external challenges effectively. No country in the world\, howsoever powerful\, even the sole superpower in the world today\, can counter threats unilaterally. This therefore makes diplomacy doubly important for a poor country such as ours. I have often said that for us in India\, effective diplomacy is an important supplement and indeed an alternative to excessive defence spending. Therefore it is important to devise methods of effectively participating in multilateral fora\, in influencing world opinion and striving to make such mechanisms more representative\, more consensual and more effective and mindful of India’s national concerns. \nIt is in this context that I have said in the past that our security policy in the emerging global order must be based on three pillars. The first must be to strengthen India economically and technologically; second\, to develop adequate defence capability making the optimal use of modern science and technology so that we can effectively meet all contemporary challenges to our security. And finally we must develop partnerships in the strategic economic and technological spheres to enlarge our policy choices and developmental options. \nLadies and Gentlemen\, \nTherefore\, our engagement with the major powers and indeed with the world must be set in this wider perspective. We must balance the pursuit of national interests with a clear appreciation of what other nations perceive as their core interests. To advance our own security interests\, we must engage in cooperative\, constructive and mutually beneficial relations with all major powers of the world. Most of all\, we must engage in proactively strengthening multilateral mechanisms for financial\, economic and political security. \nWe have as a nation\, a great State in a rule based international system\, a system that is rule based and not deal based. I believe all poor countries have a stake in an international system that is just equitable and effective. \nLadies and Gentlemen\, \nNational security is increasingly a complex and interlinked challenge. Appropriate handling now requires comprehensive capabilities and the collective effort of the nation. In a troubled world\, India can and must play a more positive role in securing peace and maintaining it. We need to do so remaining mindful of the fact that international relations are ultimately power relations\, based on realpolitik\, not on sentiment. And howsoever\, we may regret it\, international relations are not a morality play. \nWhile India seeks economic development and material progress both for itself and for the role that we believe is India’s destiny\, institutions such as yours must strive to become world class centres of excellence. Your goal must be to expand the knowledge pool on issues of security and in planning for a better collective future for our people. I wish you well in these endeavours\, on this auspicious day. May your efforts to achieve this vision be realized well before the 50th anniversary of your establishment. \nThank you.
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/idsa-foundation-day-lecture-2005
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CREATED:20231223T125051Z
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UID:62715-1130218200-1130218200@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Nuclear Non-Proliferation and International Security
DESCRIPTION:I welcome this opportunity to present to such a distinguished audience some views on issues relating to nuclear non-proliferation and international security. At the outset\, I would like to thank the Institute of Defence Studies and Analyses for inviting me to deliver this address. The Institute has a well deserved reputation as our premier strategic think-tank and quite appropriately\, they have focused on a subject that not only has a strong contemporary relevance but represents a long term challenge for India and the international community. There is a vigorous\, and in my opinion\, a healthy debate underway currently on a range of issues that relate to different facets of this subject. A number of recent developments including the Next Steps in Strategic Partnership (NSSP)\, the July 18 Agreement with the United States\, the September vote in the IAEA and the recent deliberations of the NSG have contributed to that. While connecting the common threads\, it is our case that India’s approach to nuclear non-proliferation has been a consistent one\, a principled one and one grounded as much in our national security interests as in our commitment to a rule-based international system. \n2. India’s commitment to nuclear non-proliferation is not new. Indeed\, this is an area where we can truly claim to be among the founding fathers! The Indian leadership\, particularly Jawaharlal Nehru\, was among the first in the world to appreciate the dangers that nuclear weapons posed to humanity. As with the rest of the world\, our understanding of the complexities of the challenges posed by nuclear weapons developed over time. Initially\, Hiroshima and Nagasaki were responsible for a strong sense of moral outrage at a weapon of mass destruction. It took the Bikini atoll tests and the fate of the Japanese vessel The Fortunate Dragon to dramatize the dangers of radioactivity. As the number of nuclear weapon powers increased\, and their rivalry acquired an increasingly adversarial character\, there was a growing realization of the political\, military and eventually even existential nature of the problem. At the same time\, nuclear technology offered a promise of development that could not be ignored\, least of all by a society emerging from colonial rule and seeking to leapfrog in its development process. Bilateral cooperation programmes and the Atoms for Peace contributed to the spread of nuclear technology and its increasing application for power generation and other civil purposes. These two competing trends created the dilemma of how the benefits of the technology could be best harnessed without adding to the security challenges inherent in that spread. That is an issue that still confronts the international community and is one that is not confined to nuclear technology alone. \n3. The initial debate about the control of nuclear weapons and technology focused on four issues: cessation of nuclear testing\, creation of nuclear free zones\, the problem of sharing nuclear weapons particularly within alliance structures\, and the possibility of renunciation of nuclear weapons by nations that had not yet produced them. India took a position on each one of these issues\, arguing strongly in favour of restricting both the spread and quantum of nuclear weaponry. Pandit Nehru’s call in 1954 for a ‘standstill’ to nuclear weapons tests and then for a test ban began a process that eventually led to the 1963 Partial Test Ban Treaty. En route\, this debate also produced the 1959 Antarctica Treaty that created a nuclear free zone on that continent. The application of a nuclear free zone in other areas was not deemed viable by India given the proximate location of nuclear weapon powers\, a position that continues to this day. The sharing of nuclear weapons\, a prospect that seems so ludicrous today\, was a serious possibility in the 1950s and 60s\, and sharing of weapon technologies had actually taken place. India’s position was one of firm opposition\, and this eventually became a global norm. It was the renunciation of nuclear weapons that became the most contentious issue in the non-proliferation proposal debate. \nIn 1956\, India proposed the international control of military reactors and then co-sponsored the non-proliferation proposal in the United Nations. Nehru prophetically warned the world as far back as 1957 not only of nuclear proliferation but of connected dangers of terrorism. But from being an early and enthusiastic supporter of this concept\, Indian reservations deepened as it watched the evolution of an international treaty conspicuously lacking\, despite its strong urging\, in a mutuality of obligations between the weapon states and non-weapon states. Finally\, as you are all aware\, India chose not to be a party to the NPT\, precisely because of its inherently discriminatory nature. \n4. This history is worth recalling\, if only for the reason that it demonstrates that India had sensitivities about nuclear weapons from the very inception of that technology and that these were reflected in its approach to international security. In fact\, India was prepared to advocate bold and radical measures to prevent the spread of nuclear weaponry\, some would argue even at the cost of its own interests. Today\, when other countries speak about non-proliferation\, it may not be out of place to remind ourselves that our activism in this regard well predates the NPT. Developments since 1968 only further underline India’s non-proliferation credentials. Unlike some other states who eventually joined the NPT\, India did not undermine the NPT even though it differed with many of its premises. At no stage did we support irresponsible theories that projected nuclear proliferation as a new version of balance of power. India\, in fact\, scrupulously followed all the basic obligations of an NPT member\, resisting suggestions for nuclear cooperation that could have had adverse implications for international security. Indeed\, in the four decades since NPT\, our record contrasts favourably with NPT members\, even of the weapon state category\, some of whom encouraged and abetted proliferation for political or commercial reasons. Our export control performance during this same period also contrasts favourably with those of many developed nations who could not stop their companies from supporting clandestine WMD programmes. At a policy level\, this was an important component of a larger commitment to disarmament enunciated most notably by Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi’s 1988 Action Plan. As you are all aware\, the indefinite extension of the NPT and the enactment of the CTBT finally compelled an exercise of the Indian weapon option in 1998. \n5. As a responsible nuclear weapon state\, we are even more conscious of our obligations to the international community on the control of WMD technologies and their delivery systems. This appreciation has guided many of the policy initiatives undertaken in recent days\, but this may be an opportune occasion to spell out India’s current approach to global non-proliferation and international security\, particularly as it has evolved since India’s emergence as a Nuclear Weapon State in May 1998. The key components of this approach are : \n(i) While India is a Nuclear Weapon State\, it remains committed to the goal of complete elimination of nuclear weapons. The model that could be followed in this regard is the Chemical Weapons Convention\, which is both multilateral as well as non-discriminatory in the rights enjoyed by\, and obligations it imposes\, on parties to the Convention. We continue to believe that the best and most effective nuclear non-proliferation measure would be a credible and time-bound commitment to eliminate nuclear weapons from existing arsenals\, including India’s own nuclear weapons. We have no desire to perpetuate the division between nuclear-have and have-nots. \n(ii) A new global consensus on non-proliferation is called for\, taking into account the new challenges that have emerged since the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty was concluded. Clearly\, some NPT members\, both Nuclear Weapon States and non-Nuclear Weapon States\, have not adhered to the provisions of the Treaty and this requires global norms that go beyond the NPT. For example\, India has agreed in the Indo-US Joint Statement of July 18 that it would not transfer reprocessing and enrichment technologies and would support international efforts to limit their spread. We have accepted that a new global consensus would have to be based on new and more rigorous standards being observed in export controls on sensitive technologies. India has signaled its willingness to be part of this consensus by adopting a very comprehensive WMD Export Control legislation and harmonizing our export control lists with those incorporated in the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) and Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) guidelines. This has enabled us to fulfill the obligations prescribed in the UNSC Resolution 1540. \n(iii) We believe that States should adhere to the commitments that they have made under international treaties and instruments and must be transparent in fulfilling their commitments. We are unable to accept as legitimate the pursuit of clandestine activities in respect to WMD related technologies. Our own security interests have been seriously undermined by the clandestine nuclear weapons programmes in our neighbourhood aided and abetted\, or at the least\, selectively ignored by some NPT signatories themselves. In seeking clarity on such clandestine activities\, the international community must focus not merely on recipient states but on supplier states as well; otherwise our global non-proliferation effort would be undermined by charges of motivated selectivity and discrimination. With respect to the Iran nuclear issue\, we welcome Iran’s cooperation with the IAEA in accounting for previously undeclared activities\, but it is important that remaining issues which involve the Pakistan-based A.Q. Khan network are satisfactorily clarified as well. We see no reason why there should be an insistence on personal interviews with Iranian scientists but an exception granted to a man who has been accused of running a global ‘nuclear Wal-Mart’. These aspects must surely be considered for an objective assessment on this question. \n(iv) For the future\, we believe we have the responsibility and the capability to participate fully and actively in global R&D efforts to evolve proliferation-resistant nuclear technologies\, which enable us to derive the full benefit of nuclear energy\, minimizing the risk of diversion to military uses. There are two critically important projects in which some key countries with advanced nuclear technology are members. One is the International Thermonuclear Energy Research (ITER) project\, which is aimed at development of energy through nuclear fusion. The EU\, US\, Russia\, China\, Japan and South Korea are partner countries\, and India is likely to be invited soon to join as a full partner. The other is the U.S.- led Generation IV initiative\, which aims at creating reactor prototypes that are not prone to proliferation. India is looks forward to join this cutting-edge effort as well. In both cases\, India’s participation is welcomed not only in recognition of its advanced capabilities but also its record as a responsible nuclear state. \n6. If you look at India’s recent actions against the backdrop of this approach\, then a great deal of the apprehension and negative perception about India’s nuclear policy\, would appear misplaced. \n    – Firstly\, there is a continuity and consistency in our approach that may sometimes be masked by the particularities of a specific decision; \n    – Secondly\, what appears to some observers as inordinate external influence over our decision-making in sensitive areas is\, in fact\, rooted in our own well-considered and independent judgement of where our best interests lie. This is in keeping with our tradition of non-alignment; \n    – Thirdly\, we must adjust to change\, change inherent in our emergence as a Nuclear Weapon State\, change inherent in the sustained dynamism and technological sophistication of the Indian economy\, and\, as a consequence\, change in global expectations of India as an increasingly influential actor on the international stage. \n7. Since 1998\, a key challenge to India’s foreign policy has been to seek global recognition and understanding of its impeccable record on non-proliferation despite its decision to acquire nuclear weapons. This recognition is important though some may not see it that way. We live in an increasingly globalised world and as India’s economy shifts towards greater technological sophistication\, it will need access to cutting-edge technologies in virtually all fields. In each of the recent initiatives India has taken\, whether the NSSP\, the July-18 Indo-U.S. Joint Statement\, the applications to participate in ITER and Generation IV\, Glonass and Galileo Satellite Navigation Systems\, the Indo-U.S.Space Launch Agreement\, and several others\, this technological compulsion has been a major consideration. These would not have been possible\, and India could have remained in a technological strait-jacket had it not backed up its commitment to non-proliferation with the adoption of global norms as has been done by other states with advanced nuclear technology. The cumulative results of the steps we have taken\, such as enactment of the WMD Bill\, the upgradation of the national export control lists so as to harmonize them with those of the NSG and MTCR\, the proposed separation of our civilian and military nuclear facilities and the negotiation of an additional Protocol with the IAEA\, is to increase the confidence of the international community in the robustness and effectiveness of our export control systems making us a more viable destination of advanced dual use technologies. With the U.S.\, there is already a more liberal and predictable licensing of dual use technology for Indian industry. \n8. Indeed\, we have a situation today where the Government has created a favourable enabling environment and it is our end-users who should display greater vigour in taking advantage of resultant opportunities. China\, with a much less favourable licensing regime\, imports ten times the dual technology that we do from the United States. For our space and nuclear industries\, the completion of NSSP resulted in the removal of many of our organizations from the Entity List\, with consequent licensing benefits. Some organizations remain listed and we continue to work for their removal. The ‘NSG plus’ and ‘MTCR plus’ restrictions that were in place were also done away with. The space industry today is permitted direct cooperation for developing\, producing\, marketing and operating US commercial satellites and those of third nations that contain US origin components. It created the basis for discussions that we have currently on the conclusion of a bilateral space launch agreement with the U.S. It has also contributed to a useful dialogue on the subject of missile defence. \n9. What does the international community gain in making an exception to the current regulations for India? How do we answer the proponents of the current global non-proliferation regime\, who see the exception being made for India as the unraveling of this regime? \n10. The exception for India is rooted precisely in its record on non-proliferation\, even though it is not formally a member of the NPT. It is significant to note that the Indo-US understanding in civilian nuclear cooperation is prefaced by President Bush conveying his appreciation for India’s strong commitment to preventing WMD proliferation. He has acknowledged India as a responsible State with advanced nuclear technology. There is today no other State\, which has this record of responsibility and is still denied non-discriminatory access to civilian nuclear technology. \n11\, Secondly\, our export controls are today at global standards and our policy of non-transfer of re-processing and enrichment technologies\, in fact\, put us in an “NPT plus” category. \n12. Thirdly\, in considering its approach towards the resumption of full civil nuclear energy cooperation with India\, the international community has to ask itself whether India is a partner or a target for the global non-proliferation regime. It clearly cannot be both at the same time. Our view is that India’s commitment and India’s record points to it being a partner. Technology-denial regimes that treat India as a target must\, therefore\, be abandoned. \n13. Fourthly\, the international community also needs to ask whether the global non-proliferation regime is better with India inside the tent or outside. As a corollary\, will civil nuclear cooperation with India strengthen the non-proliferation system or weaken it? Obviously\, we cannot be inside the tent if we do not measure up to the required norms. We\, of course\, are convinced that we do\, for the reasons that I have already enumerated. \n14. India is today a rapidly expanding industrial economy with a wide array of technologies that are relevant to proliferation. That in itself makes a case why our export controls and their effective implementation will matter more and more for global non-proliferation efforts. As a nuclear weapon state\, our support for international norms is critical for their success. But it is not only in our controls and restraint that we can make a difference. The time when NPT was regarded as self-enforcing is long past. The spread of technologies cannot be controlled by cartelisation alone. There are enough examples to show that commercial and political incentives can defeat that. The challenge that the world currently faces requires more active endeavours. This is particularly so as the dangers of non-state actors acquiring nuclear weapons have given the WMD threat an added dimension. UNSC resolution 1540 is one example of the global community’s response. There are others\, among them a combination of national and trans-national efforts. The Container Security Initiative and Proliferation Security Initiative are two such examples. Advocates of non-proliferation must seriously examine whether the support of India towards global efforts is to their advantage. That support is difficult to muster if India perceives itself as unfairly treated despite its demonstrated commitment to a rule bound system. \n15. A word about separation of our civilian and military nuclear facilities. Some non-proliferation advocates contend that since it is India which will determine what is civilian and what is military\, this would open the door for flouting non-proliferation norms. This betrays a lack of understanding of the July 18 Joint Statement. The Indo-U.S. Agreement is not about India’s nuclear weapon programme. It is about civilian nuclear energy cooperation. The objective of the agreement is to advance India’s energy security through full civilian nuclear energy cooperation. It is legitimate for our partners to expect that such cooperation will not provide any advantage to our strategic programme and hence the need to separate it from our civilian nuclear sector. But it makes no sense for India to deliberately keep some of its civilian facilities out of its declaration for safeguards purposes\, if it is really interested in obtaining international cooperation on as wide a scale as possible. This would be quite illogical. \n16. India is poised today to enter a new phase in its foreign policy. We aspire to be a permanent member of the Security Council. We are demonstrating a growing capability to shoulder regional and global responsibilities. Our focus is increasingly on trans-national issues that today constitute the priority challenges – whether it is terrorism or proliferation\, pandemics or disaster relief. We cannot sit out the debates on the big issues of our times. Our interests demand a vigorous and articulate diplomatic effort that explains our positions and advances our interests. Non-proliferation is one area where we have a record to be proud of and I would conclude by emphasizing that it has been and will remain one of our principal contributions to international security.
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