BEGIN:VCALENDAR VERSION:2.0 PRODID:-//MP-IDSA - ECPv6.15.12.2//NONSGML v1.0//EN CALSCALE:GREGORIAN METHOD:PUBLISH X-WR-CALNAME:MP-IDSA X-ORIGINAL-URL:https://idsa.in X-WR-CALDESC:Events for MP-IDSA REFRESH-INTERVAL;VALUE=DURATION:PT1H X-Robots-Tag:noindex X-PUBLISHED-TTL:PT1H BEGIN:VTIMEZONE TZID:Asia/Kolkata BEGIN:STANDARD TZOFFSETFROM:+0530 TZOFFSETTO:+0530 TZNAME:IST DTSTART:20160101T000000 END:STANDARD END:VTIMEZONE BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20250309T133000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20250309T223000 DTSTAMP:20261113T220654 CREATED:20120214T035244Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250309T035528Z UID:86864-1741527000-1741559400@idsa.in SUMMARY:Speaking Notes at the 14th Asian Security Conference on Non-traditional Security Issues DESCRIPTION:Dr. Arvind Gupta\, Director-General IDSA\,\nDistinguished participants\,\nLadies and Gentlemen. \nThank you for asking me to speak to the 14th Asian Security Conference on Non-Traditional Security Challenges — Today and Tomorrow. I see from your programme that you have a very distinguished list of speakers and participants and an exhaustive agenda on non-traditional security issues. I am glad that you are looking at these issues so carefully and look forward to learning from the results of your deliberations. \nIn the circumstances\, there really is not much that I can add which most of you do not know about what you are considering. \nSo I thought I would share some personal thoughts on what constitute non-traditional security challenges\, and then to say a few words on which ones should really concern us in India. \nWhat is non-traditional security?\nIn my present job I find that two of the most abused words are “security” and “strategic”. We have\, in my opinion rightly\, broadened our definition of “security” over time. The very fact that we use the term “non-traditional” for security challenges makes it clear that many of these issues\, such as energy\, water and natural disasters\, were not originally regarded as security issues. This does not mean that the issues did not exist in the past. It is no one’s case that natural disasters\, water scarcity and energy security did not affect mankind before the 20th century. But we include them today in our security considerations for two reasons. Firstly\, our ability as societies to withstand\, mitigate and adapt to the challenges of water scarcity and natural disasters sometimes appear less than before. Secondly\, their consequences for our lives and societies are far greater\, given our increasing dependence on complex systems in our economic\, social and (to a lesser extent) political lives. \nBut have we taken this too far? I sometimes think that we risk being too inclusive in treating everything as a matter of security. The ultimate is the term “human security”\, which reduces life and it’s living to a matter of security! I am not sure that this is either helpful or useful. It is not helpful in understanding or prioritising among security challenges\, and it is certainly no guide to the actions required to deal with such threats. For instance\, I notice that you had a session yesterday on climate change as a non-traditional threat to security. I am not sure that thinking about climate change as a security issue really helps us to identify responses to it. Thinking of it as a scientific issue could. \nFrom a practioner’s point of view I find it better to distinguish between security issues amenable to the application of hard power\, those less so\, and those which are not. Along this continuum\, non-traditional security challenges would be those that require the mixed application of hard and soft power\, where solutions are not so clear as victory and defeat\, and where problems mutate into more benign forms. They would also include those which do not respond to the application of hard power\, such as food security. \nAnother similar and largely overlapping way of looking at the problem is to distinguish between zero-sum challenges and non-zero sum challenges. \nLet me elaborate. Zero-sum challenges are those like terrorist threats\, espionage and other state-security threats\, and traditional military threats. These respond to the application of hard power. Non-zero sum challenges are those like energy\, water\, maritime security and others. And there are those which overlap both categories\, like cyber threats\, space and nuclear threats. These are domains where the combination of intent and capability mean that the nature and definition of the threat is necessarily subjective\, and perception management becomes an extremely important part of both the challenge and the response. \nWhich ones should concern India?\nIt is easy to do a catalogue of all the threats that we should be worrying about. The broader our definition of security is\, the longer the list of challenges. But how do we choose which ones we should worry about and concentrate our effort on? \nThe traditional answer is that we should concentrate on those of strategic significance to ourselves. This brings me to the second most abused word that I mentioned earlier\, “strategic”. The dictionary meaning of “strategic” is of or serving the ends of strategy. And strategy is defined as the art of war\, or of attaining longer term military objectives\, or a long-term plan of action or policy. I assume from this that by strategic we mean of long-term and primarily military significance. \nNow\, not many of the non-traditional security challenges that we so blithely list these days actually meet the test of this definition. Not many of them actually serve the attainment of longer term military objectives\, or are of long term military significance. They are\, instead\, of varying long term significance to the attainment of India’s grand strategy\, the purpose of which is to transform India\, so that every Indian has a fair chance of achieving his potential\, untrammelled by poverty\, illiteracy\, and disease. \nIf India’s transformation is our criterion\, energy security must have one of the highest priorities among the many non-traditional challenges on your agenda. Energy is the one challenge and possible future constraint on our economic growth which could limit India’s development. Besides\, it is also the key to other challenges that you have listed. Water\, for instance. Eighty percent of the surface of this planet is water. But it is unusable because it is salty. Given energy that problem could be solved. \nMy conclusions from this argument are simple. I would draw three lessons from an Indian point of view: \n\nIt would be useful if we were to also rank and deal with our non-traditional security challenges from this point of view\, examining how they could and do affect our ability to transform India.\nWhen security challenges are looked at in this manner\, India’s strengths could well be in asymmetric domains – cyber\, nuclear and space – which require not just (the creation and design of) capabilities but also imagination (in doctrines and uses of those capabilities).\nThirdly\, traditional or hard security issues should not be under-estimated. There is an overwhelming need to undertake the hard power military modernisations and revolutions and internal security reforms necessary to defend our increasingly complex society and economy. We had a vivid reminder of this only yesterday in the terrorist attack on Israeli Embassy personnel in a vehicle not far from here.\n\nWith these few words I hope I have provoked a discussion or even an argument. \nI wish you and your conference success. \nThank you. URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/speaking-notes-at-the-14th-asian-security-conference-on-non-traditional-security-issues-2 CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20241112T133000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20241112T223000 DTSTAMP:20261113T220654 CREATED:20250222T083849Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250826T011009Z UID:85160-1731418200-1731450600@idsa.in SUMMARY:Inaugural Address by Shri Rajnath Singh\, Hon’ble Raksha Mantri & President\, MP-IDSA at Delhi Defence Dialouge DESCRIPTION:Good morning\, \n\nFirst of all\, I welcome all the participants who have come from abroad and various parts of India to share their expertise in the inaugural Delhi Defence Dialogue. I appreciate Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses and its Director General\, Ambassador Sujan Chinoy for launching this first edition of ‘Delhi Defence Dialogue’.\nI am confident that the Delhi Defence Dialogue will emerge as a flagship platform for addressing multifaceted challenges in regard to defence and security issues. The dialogue is a response to a need of such platforms for informed deliberations and keen analysis of contemporary defence and security challenges in a rapidly changing world.\nFriends! There could be no better theme than “Adaptive Defence: Navigating the Changing Landscape of Modern Warfare”. I congratulate MP-IDSA for choosing such relevant and contemporary theme.\nFriends\, we are living in a world of geopolitical and economic flux\, full of uncertainties with changes taking place at an unprecedented pace in history. The traditional mindset of perceiving reality as something static is being challenged\, and the compartmentalized understanding of subjects is evolving into a more multi-disciplinary and inter-disciplinary approach. Traditional notions of war are being reshaped by emerging technologies and evolving strategic partnerships. New perspectives\, doctrines and concepts of operations have emerged within the armed forces in keeping with the changing nature of threats and challenges.\nDefence and Security\, both in the conceptual and practical domains\, are experiencing the overwhelming impact of the information age. This is the age of Grey Zone and Hybrid warfare where traditional ways to defend ourselves have been challenged. In this scenario\, continuous adaptation is the best strategy to cope up with and to address the challenges posed by the fast changing world.\nFriends\, Adaptive Defence\, at its core\, is a strategic approach where a nation’s military forces and defence mechanisms continuously evolve to counter emerging threats and challenges effectively. It is not merely responding to what has happened but anticipating what could happen\, and preparing for this proactively. In essence\, it involves cultivating a mindset and capability to adapt\, innovate\, and thrive\, even in the face of unpredictable and evolving circumstances.\nSituational awareness\, flexibility at strategic and tactical levels\, resilience\, agility\, and integration with the emerging and futuristic technologies are the keys to understand and create adaptive defence. We need to translate and imbibe these principles into the defence and security apparatus. Adaptive Defence must be the mantra of our strategic formulations and operational responses.\nIndia\, and for that matter the world\, faces a diverse range of security challenges\, from the traditional border related threats to unconventional issues such as terrorism\, cyber-attacks\, and hybrid warfare. Recognising the need for an adaptive defence strategy in a changing geopolitical and technological scenario\, the Government of India\, under the leadership and guidance of Prime Minister Narendra Modi\, has taken several initiatives to build a robust and self-reliant defence ecosystem. It includes establishing the institution of the Chief of Defence Staff\, promoting jointness among the three armed forces\, improvising the training curriculum\, forging new defence partnerships around the world\, and so on.\nFriends\, contemporary wars are not being fought on the battlefields alone. We\, in this age of digitization and information overload\, are facing an unprecedented scale of psychological warfare. The Government of India is determined to employ adaptive defence strategies to counter the menace of information warfare against national security. Our Government has taken robust steps to deal with contemporary threats to the nation. While these include measures against external threats\, these also focus on enhancing our indigenous capability and capacity.\nSeveral initiatives have been taken to address the issue of defence modernization and production. The Atmanirbhar Bharat Abhiyan\, with its focus on self-reliance in defence sector\, forms the bedrock of this vision. The Defence Acquisition Procedure – 2020 prioritizes domestic procurement and promotes indigenously designed\, developed\, and manufactured products. I commend the MP-IDSA for having initiated an academic exercise to review DAP-2020 in consultation with all stakeholders. The emphasis on indigenous capabilities aligns with our aim to reduce dependence on foreign suppliers. This must not be seen as an isolationist approach\, as we are very much open to foreign investment\, collaboration\, joint R&D and co-production within the broader framework of “Make in India” initiative.\nTo attract investments for the defence industry\, the Government of India has increased the Foreign Direct Investment limit up to 100 per cent in specific cases. It has also streamlined the procedure to invest in defence manufacturing industry with increasing the upper limit to 74 per cent through the automatic route. The government is also promoting co-development and co-production of niche (नीश) defence technologies with foreign manufacturers.\nAdditionally\, the establishment of Defence Industrial Corridors in Uttar Pradesh and Tamil Nadu aims to attract investments and promote defence manufacturing clusters. The iDEX initiative fosters innovation by encouraging startups and MSMEs to contribute to defence technology development.\nThe Make in India campaign has also seen success in indigenous projects like the Tejas Light Combat Aircraft\, INS Vikrant\, and DRDO’s missile programmes. Today\, we are also witnessing the fruits of our endeavour in the rising exports of defence items from India. Currently\, India is already exporting defence items to over 100 nations\, with the top three destinations for defence exports in 2023-24 being the USA\, France\, and Armenia. We hope to achieve the target of Rs 50\,000 crores worth of defence exports by 2029.\nThe publication of multiple positive indigenisation lists further emphasizes the government’s commitment towards self-reliance. These lists include numerous defence items that will no longer be imported\, thereby encouraging their domestic production.\nFriends\, India is committed to remain among the leading countries working on emerging Technologies in cyberspace and Artificial Intelligence. We have already issued the AI framework and guidelines for the DRDO projects and programmes. The system laboratories of the DRDO has AI technology groups to introduce AI features in all the products. There is an AI roadmap for each Defence Public Sector Undertaking.\nWe have also introduced programmes to train our youth for futuristic defence needs. I can assure you all\, that the Government is keen to have state of the art AI capabilities with these initiatives. A country of the size and potential of India has to have the capability and wherewithal to deal with the imminent global innovations of AI in defence.\nFriends\, drones and swarm technologies are bringing fundamental changes in the ways and means of warfare. The development has changed the post-World War II understanding of warfare completely. The traditional notions and concepts of warfare in all three dimensions – land\, air and water – have been rapidly changing. These dimensions are being seen as overlapping due to drone and swarm technology interventions.\nIndia is aiming to become a drone hub of the world. Several initiatives have been taken in this regard. This would not only help the Indian economy but also significantly contribute to our Make in India and the Atmanirbhar Bharat programme. We are already working to improve Research & Development thorough reliable certification mechanisms\, and Indian Intellectual Property creation in this sector. Additionally\, we have also introduced rewards for innovation through the schemes of iDEX and ADITI.\nFriends\, not only reforms related to defence personnel\, command\, control and equipment\, but a Collaborative Approach also is critical to deal with contemporary problems of defence and security. The actors involved in these matters are not only states\, but non-state as well. The current geopolitical dynamics and cross-border issues make a collaborative approach to defense essential. The ambiguities of the cyberspace\, Artificial Intelligence\, and the vast potential of quantum and nanotechnologies further demand collaboration and sharing of knowledge\, perspectives\, information and if possible\, strategies.\nIt is an irony that in a world that is increasingly being seen as a global village\, where sharing of ideas and solutions is a collaborative exercise and where security has become an all-pervasive reality\, we continue to be divided by ideological and geopolitical walls of our own creation. Adaptive Defence can only become a reality when it is also a reflection of Collaborative Defence. This event will help us analyse aspects of jointness and integration as part of the proceedings.\nLadies and Gentlemen\, jointness cannot and should not be restricted to the military domain of individual countries. Our interconnectedness is as much a blessing as it is a challenge. If our threats are transnational so should be our solutions.\nFriends\, it is rare to find a technological solution today that is completely designed\, developed\, manufactured and consumed within the same country. This is the nature of globalisation and the inter-dependence that it has created. The logic of both economies of scale and the sources of expertise demand that our solutions should therefore be logically And our inter-connectedness allows and facilitate such collaborations without the limitations of geography. Our time zones facilitate and encourage the ability to utilize time more efficiently. Our skill sets ensure that time\, money and talent become assets rather than constraints. However\, this works well only if all countries cooperate and refrain from seeking unilateral advantage as we have seen in some glaring instances.\nFriends\, those of you who regularly visit India and have been a witness to our journey of progress and would have noted some rather perceptible changes. The infrastructure development has moved ahead by leaps and bounds in recent years. However\, for me\, the real change is defined by the collective and boundless energy of the 1.4 billion people of India. I would very much hope to see this energy translate to the proceedings of this event. I see the best minds coming together to improve our understanding of challenges. I am also equally hopeful that you shall seek solutions to complex issues.\nFriends\, by bringing together policymakers\, military experts and scholars\, the Delhi Defence Dialogue seeks to generate innovative ideas and collaborative strategies to enhance our defence posture. It is a vital initiative that aspires to strengthen our strategic vision emphasizing a comprehensive approach and facilitating informed discussions that contribute to national\, regional and global security. Through this\, we intend to foster strategic partnerships\, promote indigenous defence production\, and find ways to adapt to emerging technologies. I hope that this process comes up with a set of robust policy recommendations for defence and security planners.\nFriends\, Adaptive Defence is not merely a strategic choice but a necessity. As the threats to our nation have evolved\, so too must our defence systems and strategies. In this context\, India’s vision of adaptive defence must be founded on flexibility\, innovation\, and resilience\, and we should also be prepared for all future contingencies. It is more than just protecting our borders; it is about securing our future. Let us all work together towards a more secure\, Atmanirbhar\, resilient and adaptive India.\n\nThank you. \nJai Hind! URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/inaugural-address-by-shri-rajnath-singh-honble-raksha-mantri-president-idsa-at-delhi-defence-dialouge CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES,CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20240224T133000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20240224T223000 DTSTAMP:20261113T220654 CREATED:20240224T002541Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250224T002734Z UID:85177-1708781400-1708813800@idsa.in SUMMARY:Adaptive Defence must be Mantra for Strategic Formulations and Operational Responses: Raksha Mantri DESCRIPTION:New Delhi: The Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA) is hosting the inaugural edition of Delhi Defence Dialogue (DDD)\, titled ‘Adaptive Defence: Navigating the Changing Landscape of Modern Warfare’\, from November 12-13\, 2024. \nThe Dialogue commenced with a Special Address by Hon’ble Raksha Mantri\, Shri Rajnath Singh\, who described Adaptive Defence\, as a strategic approach\, where a nation’s military forces and defence mechanisms continuously evolve to counter emerging threats and challenges effectively. In essence\, it involves cultivating a mindset and capability to adapt\, innovate\, and persevere\, even in the face of unpredictable and evolving circumstances\, said the Raksha Mantri\, who also commended MP-IDSA\, led by its Director General Amb Sujan R. Chinoy\, for taking the initiative to focus on Adaptive Defence. \nEmphasising that Adaptive Defence must be the mantra of India’s strategic formulations and operational responses\, the Raksha Mantri described situational awareness\, flexibility at strategic and tactical levels\, resilience\, agility\, and integration with the emerging and futuristic technologies\, as key to understanding and creating adaptive defence. \nThrowing light on the initiatives that India has undertaken to build a robust and self-reliant defence ecosystem\, Raksha Mantri said that the Government of India has been working at the structural\, organisational and capability levels to incorporate strong element of jointness among the three armed forces. The establishment of the institution of the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS)\, development of the idea of theatre commands\, improvisation of the training curriculum\, and forging of new defence partnerships around the world are some of them. \nSpeaking on how India is increasingly deploying Adaptive Defence strategies to counter the menace of Information warfare against national security\, he said that the Government has taken several initiatives to address the issue of defence modernisation and production. The Atmanirbhar Bharat Abhiyan\, with its focus on self-reliance in defence sector\, forms the bedrock of this vision. \nThe Raksha Mantri further listed several initiatives taken by the government to attract investments for the defence industry. Increasing of the Foreign Direct Investment limit up to 100 per cent in specific cases\, establishment of Defence Industrial Corridors in Uttar Pradesh and Tamil Nadu\, and the ‘Make in India’ campaign\, being some of them. \nApart from reforms related to defence personnel\, command\, control and equipment\, a collaborative approach also is critical in dealing with contemporary problems of defence and security\, emphasised the Minister. Adaptive Defence can only become a reality when it is also a reflection of Collaborative Defence\, he concluded. \nEarlier\, Director General\, Manohar Parrikar IDSA\, Amb Sujan R. Chinoy\, in his Welcome Address said that the world has entered the era of multi-dimensional warfare\, involving actions other than military operations. Modernisation for militaries around the world is a time and resource consuming process and technological transformations must be accompanied by organisational and doctrinal adjustments\, he added. \nToday\, network-centric warfare has taken the centre stage. Artificial Intelligence and advances in the space and cyber realms are fusing with sensors. Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs) and beyond-visual-range (BVR) weapons on the modern battlefield. These in turn are drastically reducing sensor to shooter (STS) kill chains\, said Amb Chinoy. \nSpeaking in India’s context\, Amb Chinoy said that India is located in a complex region. Modernisation and Make in India are synonymous with Indian Armed Forces and cooperation with strategic partners in high technologies is vial\, he concluded. \nThe inaugural edition of the Delhi Defence Dialogue will be a flagship platform of MP-IDSA for addressing the multifaceted challenges of defence and security\, in India. It aims to delve into critical topics affecting military security\, including the emerging threats\, evolving character of warfare\, supply chain management issues and the role of technology in modern warfare. The inaugural edition features over 30 speaker\, including eminent foreign speakers from nine countries viz\, Armenia\, Australia\, France\, Israel\, Japan\, Italy\, Russia\, USA\, besides experts from India. URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/adaptive-defence-must-be-mantra-for-strategic-formulations-and-operational-responses-raksha-mantri CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20231212T133000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20231212T223000 DTSTAMP:20261113T220654 CREATED:20231211T230725Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250311T230947Z UID:87561-1702387800-1702420200@idsa.in SUMMARY:Inaugural Session: Keynote Address by Chinmaya R. Gharekhan\, formerly Prime Minister’s special envoy on West Asia and Middle East peace process. DESCRIPTION:Welcoming the BESA delegation headed by Prof. Efraim Inbar\, Director\, BESA Centre\, Lal Bahadur Shastri Chair (LBSC) Dr. Arvind Gupta stated that the interaction provides a useful opportunity for exchange of views regarding bilateral and regional developments between two important partners. He said that the interaction was taking place amidst the backdrop of momentous changes in West Asia and the remarkable pace of interactions in the India Israel bilateral relationship. Dr. Gupta gave a brief overview of global and regional strategic developments including the financial crisis in US and Europe\, uncertain trajectory of US-China relations\, changes in the Arab world and dynamic changes in India’s neighbourhood. Dr. Gupta closed his remarks by noting pertinent developments in India-Israel relations across the economic\, technological and defence fields and hoped that discussions that follow would add weight to understanding the above mentioned dynamic developments. \nIn his remarks\, Dr. Inbar noted that BESA cherished the relationship with IDSA given the policy-oriented nature of work that the two think tanks were engaged in. He articulated that it was the duty of think tanks to pose the right questions\, think creatively about strategic challenges and inform the policy makers as well as general public about those. Dr. Inbar noted that despite differences of opinion on certain issues\, India and Israel share the same kind of challenges. These according to him included radical Islam\, Iran’s nuclear issue\, rise of China and perceived decline of US influence in the region. \nDelivering the Keynote Address\, Amb Chinmaya R. Gharekhan stated that India-Israel ties are not a one-sided relationship but one in which both sides have important benefit. The Indo-Israeli relationship has taken solid roots and it is growing exponentially. He stated that even between friends\, there are differences of opinions. In this context\, he mentioned the strong public support for the Palestinian cause in India. However\, he noted that such differences are no obstacles for strong bilateral relations. Amb Gharekhan noted the success of Israeli diplomacy in moderating mainstream/elite opinion regarding Israeli policy decisions. India has also stopped co-sponsoring Palestinian-related resolutions at the UN. However\, he said that India would continue to express its support for the Palestinian cause at multilateral forum. \nSpecial Address by His Excellency Alon Ushpiz\, Ambassador of State of Israel\nIn his special address\, his Excellency Alon Ushpiz\, Ambassador of State of Israel said that India and Israel\, young nations and old civilisations\, share a “special relationship”. Highlighting the key elements of India-Israel relations he said that the ultimate cliché of India-Israel relations is that both nations have almost identical values\, interest and challenges. This has become clearer and stronger in the past twelve months. India and Israel are the only two nations in the region where people can express their opinions freely\, as seen with the recent debate on corruption in India\, and housing protests in Israeli cities a few months ago. The psychological element is an important factor in bilateral relations. As early as 1951\, both nations were corresponding on cooperating on food security\, with Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion writing to Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru regarding Israeli assistance to India in cooperative farming and agriculture. An engaged bilateral relationship requires certain chemistry between people of both nations; this ‘click’ is apparent when Israelis and Indians come together. This does not mean that both nations need to and can agree on everything. As seen with Israel’s relationship with the US\, though both sides have their disagreements\, they still remain close allies. The best proof that the India-Israel relationship is a special one is that both nations cooperate in the most important sectors– in the fields of security and food. Cooperation in these two areas generally requires a high level of intimacy between two countries. \nAmb Ushpiz stated that the main leg of the relationship is ‘security’ which is “thick and stable”. It is one of the hearts of this bilateral relationship. Security cooperation goes beyond buying and selling of items; it is about building partnerships and developing and introducing solutions. \nThe second leg is trade. India-Israel bilateral trade has increased in worth from an amount of $ 180 million in 1992 to $ 4.7 billion in recent times. Problems of composition in bilateral can be decreased by signing a Free-Trade Agreement (FTA). An FTA can gradually increase bilateral trade as well as shift the composition in trade to focus on high-tech agricultural items. As generally seen\, it can also lead to an increase in commercial and business air traffic between the two countries with the potential to boost business ties. \nThe third leg of bilateral cooperation is agriculture. In this context\, he talked about mutually beneficial cooperation in agriculture wherein Israeli technologies can be shared and applied rather than just focussing on technology transfer. It was noted that the best way to cooperate in this area was through technology. Here again\, it is not about buying and selling; instead\, Israel has been working on the ground to create model farms that employ Israeli technology to boost production. A joint action plan has also been established between the Israeli government and India’s Ministry of Agriculture. Israel is in the process of setting up seven centres of excellence in Haryana\, Punjab\, Rajasthan\, Gujarat\, Maharashtra\, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu\, to facilitate the transfer of cutting edge agricultural technologies to Indian farmers. It was pointed out that close to 30 projects spread across three baskets of vegetables and fruits\, water and dairy have been identified. These projects are being financed by the Government of India. Another important aspect of this cooperation is the recognition that the future is in seeds. Israel is aware that Indian public opinion is very sensitive on this issue but they believe that once the right seeds are brought into this market\, larger and better quantities in agricultural outputs can be expected. \nThe fourth aspect of relations between India and Israel is the need to develop cooperation on R&D. Platform of investment already exists in scientific and industrial R&D cooperation. Israel also hopes to increase the number of Indian students in Israel\, as well as invest in public diplomacy\, especially to bring Israeli culture to India. \nAmbassador Ushpiz\, while providing details of the Indo-Israeli bilateral relations\, observed that differences of opinion on some issues have not affected the bilateral relations. He also talked about increasing the public diplomacy footprint of the Embassy in order to better convey Israeli approaches to foreign policy and security. It was noted that India and Israel have identical views on ‘Arab Spring’ and face the same dilemmas. Both sides’ views are manifested in their genetic yearning for democracy on the one hand and the constant desire to see stability. It was noted that both nations hold different view on Palestinian issue but this is not an obstacle in bilateral relations. It was pointed out that Iran remains the most important foreign policy issue for Israel. Israel does not believe that India would want to see the emergence of another nuclear state. Israel’s stance towards this issue is to pursue political isolation and economic sanctions. He also pointed out that Afghanistan is very high on Indian agenda but not on Israeli agenda. URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/inaugural-session-keynote-address-by-chinmaya-r-gharekhan-formerly-prime-ministers-special-envoy-on-west-asia-and-middle-east-peace-process CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20230117T133000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20230118T223000 DTSTAMP:20261113T220654 CREATED:20250210T224807Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250327T232219Z UID:84938-1673962200-1674081000@idsa.in SUMMARY:14th South Asia Conference - Think20@G20: Towards a Resilient South Asia DESCRIPTION:Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses is hosting its 14th South Asia Conference in New Delhi. The South Asia Conference\, which the Institute has been organising since 2007 seeks to draw on a cross-section of policy makers\, academics\, civil society actors and young professionals from all countries of the South Asian region\, to examine and discuss issues of common concern and interest. \nThe theme for this year’s conference is “Think20@G20: Towards a Resilient South Asia”. The Conference will be held on 17-18 January 2023 at MP-IDSA. \n\n \nWatch Video | DAY: ONE\n\n \nWatch Video | DAY: TWO\n\n\n  \n\nConcept Note\n\n\nThe Group of Twenty (G20)\, the central forum for international cooperation on financial and economic questions\, has been formulating and implementing policy decisions on the most pressing issues impacting countries across the globe since 1999. Since 2012\, the Think20 (T20) engagement group\, comprising prestigious think tanks and academia from the international community\, has been providing an analytical depth to G20 discussions and assisting the G20 leaders in developing concrete and sustainable policy measures centred around G20 priorities. Each year\, under a new G20 Presidency\, the T20 creates Task Forces to structure their proposals around the most critical issues and drive policy innovation. \nIndia has recently assumed the Presidency of G20 for the year 2022-23. The T20 is the ‘ideas bank’\, formed to provide insightful policy proposals during India’s Presidency. It has created eight task forces to take up issues related to macroeconomics\, trade and livelihoods; to discuss open\, accessible\, and inclusive digital public architecture; to create a mass movement for sustainable consumption; clean and green energy; to reassess the global financial order; to accelerate the sustainable development goals; and to create a roadmap for multilateralism. India is committed to play a significant role as President in the policy formulation in all these areas of tasks undertaken by the G20. \nThe Chair of the T20 engagement group this year is Ambassador Sujan R. Chinoy. He is the Director General of Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA) which is hosting its 14th Annual South Asian Conference in January 2023. This conference is structured\, under his leadership\, as a platform to discuss issues of common interest and concern and to explore areas of convergence. The recommendations that emerge from the collective brainstorming in this conference can be channelised through the T20 to the G20 leadership track. \nSince India is the only South Asian Country in G20\, India’s presidency is an opportune moment not only for India but also for the entire South Asian region. India’s motto in the G20 this year is “One Earth\, One Family\, One Future”\, which is supported by India’s ancient ethos ‘Vasudhaiba Kutumbakam’ (World is One Family) which is the guiding principle for India’s Neighbourhood First policy\, Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR)\, Vaccine Maitri and collaborative approaches in the extended neighbourhood. \nOne of the aims of the T20 this year is to connect scholars and thinkers from the non-G20 members to the G20\, to funnel ideas from the larger global community into the G20 agenda\, and also take the views of those members into consideration who are going to be impacted by the policy decisions of the G20. In this context\, MP-IDSA intends to harvest the views of the South Asian Countries on their expectations from G20 to address the most pressing issues in each of the countries as well as in the region through its flagship event -i.e.\, the South Asia Conference\, proposed to be held in January 2023. \nThe global economic downturn due to the Covid-19 pandemic\, the impact of the Russia-Ukraine war\, and economic challenges in most of the countries in the region have exacerbated economic challenges faced by countries like Sri Lanka and Pakistan. Although the situation in Bangladesh and Nepal is not as grim\, inadequate foreign reserves remain an issue. The Maldivian economy is recovering better in the post-pandemic period\, but there is a concern about high public debt in the country. Bhutan too faces a moderate risk as far as debt sustainability is concerned. Political transition in Afghanistan amidst the global pandemic has led to a significant economic downturn in the country. \nDespite the gradual resumption of economic activities in the post-pandemic period\, the region is likely to face severe food\, energy and inflationary crises due to disruptions and supply side constraints. The economic situation is likely to hamper the achievement of sustainable development and millennium development goals as well as other country-specific economic targets. The susceptibility of most South Asian countries to external shocks and the uncertainties in the global economy underscore the need for resilience in the South Asian region. \nIndia\, the region’s largest and the world’s fastest-growing economy\, has recovered more strongly than the world average\, according to a World Bank overview. The forecast for India’s economic growth is very optimistic. As a responsible regional power\, India has played a crucial role in providing relief and assistance to its neighbours during the pandemic and also stands to be a partner in their economic recovery. Its record as “first responder” in the face of natural disaster is exemplary. \nIn spite of India’s willingness to share its growth and prosperity with its neighbours\, and popular will at the regional level to work together for common wellbeing\, intra-regional economic integration has been minimal compared to other regions around the world. Intra-regional trade accounts for less than five percent of the total trade taking place in the region and efforts at the regional level to boost trade have fallen prey to narrow nationalist perspectives on security and foreign policy. This is primarily due to avoidable historical/legacy issues as well as mistrust among states. Given the problems the region is facing today\, it is imperative that countries work together in regard to effective and sustainable policy formulation\, digitalisation and use of technology to address the macro-economic challenges in the region. Such effective coordination requires a high level of understanding among countries and collaboration between academia and think tanks. \nThe 14th South Asia Conference titled\, “Think20@G20: Towards a Resilient South Asia” will be held on 17-18 January 2023. A cross-section of experts\, analysts\, and policymakers are being invited to discuss the following issues\, particularly the way forward: \n\nWhat are the most pressing economic issues faced by South Asian countries and why?\nHow are the countries dealing with their economic issues and how can India’s presidency of the G20 be leveraged to boost regional integration?\nHow do the regional countries view the role of G20 in their efforts to deal with and address economic problems?\nHow have the G20 policy decisions so far impacted the South Asian economies?\nHow G20 can emerge as a more productive and relevant multilateral platform for South Asian countries and why it should?\nWhat are the recommendations South Asian countries wish to offer for T20’s consideration for its policy recommendations to the G20 leadership track?\nHow can the emerging regional consensus for growth and prosperity be utilised to tap the potential for greater regional economic integration that may contribute to regional peace and development?\n\n\nProgramme\n\n  \n\n\n\n  \nDay One: Tuesday\, 17 January 2023\n \n\n\n0930-1000:\nRegistration \n\n\n1000-1100:\nInaugural Session \nWelcome Address by Amb Sujan R. Chinoy\, T20 Chair of G20 India and Director General\, MP-IDSA\nInaugural Address by Mr Amitabh Kant\, Sherpa\, G20 India\n\n\n1100-1115:\nTea\n\n\n1115-1230:\nWorking Session – I: Introducing T20 and G20\n\n\nChair:\nAmb Sujan R. Chinoy\, Director General\, MP-IDSA & T20 Chair\n\n\nSpeakers:\nAmb Rajiv Bhatia\, Distinguished Fellow\, Gateway House\nDr Sandhya Purecha\, Chair W20\nMr Abhay Thakur\, Additional Secretary & Sous-Sherpa G20\nProf Harsh V. Pant\, ORF\, Co-Chair of T20 Task Force 7 ‘Towards Reformed Multilaterlism’\nMr Rohan Jaitley\, Member of Core Group of T20\nMs Sunaina Kumar\, ORF\, Executive Director\, T20 Secretariat India\n\n\n1230-1300:\nAmbassadors’ Interaction on G20\n\n\nChair:\nAmb Sujan R. Chinoy\, Director General\, MP-IDSA & T20 Chair\n\n\n1300-1345:\nLunch\n\n\n1345-1415:\nSpecial Lecture by Mr Tetsushi Sonobe\, Dean & CEO\, ADBI and Chair Think7 on “T7 Outlook of Japan on G20 Process”\n\n\nChair:\nAmb Sujan R. Chinoy\, Director General\, MP-IDSA & T20 Chair\n\n\n1415-1530:\n Working Session – II: Country Perspectives on Climate\, Economic\, Gender & Energy Concerns\n\n\nChair:\nProf Mahendra P. Lama\, Jawaharlal Nehru University\n\n\nSpeakers:\nDr Sharmind Neelormi\, Professor\, Dept. of Economics\, University of Jahangirnagar\, Bangladesh\nMr Dil Bahadur Rahut\, Senior Research Fellow\, ADBI\nMr Anushka Wijesinha\, Co-founder\, Centre for Smart Future\, Colombo\nDr Zaw Naing\, Managing Director\, Mandalay Technology\, Myanmar\n\n\n1530-1645:\nWorking Session – III: Country Perspectives on Climate\, Economic\, Gender & Energy Concerns\n\n\nChair:\nDr Uttam Sinha\, MP-IDSA\, Co-Chair of T20 Task Force 6 on ‘Accelerating SDGs’\n\n\nSpeakers:\nDr Ajaya Dikshit\, PRI\, Nepal\, adviser\, Institute for Social and Environmental Transition & Policy Research Institute\nMs Ngu Wah Win\, Research Fellow\, Knowledge Circle Foundation\, Myanmar\nDr Ramani Gunatilaka\, Independent Consultant\, Sri Lanka URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/14th-south-asia-conference-think20g20-towards-a-resilient-south-asia CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES,Previous South Asia conference,South Asia Conference,CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20220216T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20220216T053000 DTSTAMP:20261113T220654 CREATED:20231223T123622Z LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T121438Z UID:62593-1644989400-1644989400@idsa.in SUMMARY:Remarks by Amb. Sujan R. Chinoy at SIIS-CICIR International Symposium on Core Concerns of Major Powers and Their Role in Rebuilding of Afghanistan DESCRIPTION:Prof. Wu Chunsi\, \nDistinguished Panellists\, \nIt is an honour for me to speak at the SIIS-CICIR International Symposium on the “Afghanistan Issue”. \nSix months after the Taliban takeover\, Afghanistan stands at a new inflection point. It is a worrisome juncture. A new year has dawned without the situation in Afghanistan exhibiting any signs of fundamental change. The so-called interim government of the Taliban is in control of a nation of about 40 million Afghans that it does not truly represent. The new dispensation is seen as disregarding the minorities\, women and the democratic forces in terms of their political participation. \nThe return of the Taliban has been widely viewed as a failure of the 20-year-long international effort to bring democracy and peace to Afghanistan. Yet\, not all of that effort was in vain. In the intervening two decades\, the situation concerning women\, the girl child and the minorities saw major improvements. Education was made accessible to girls in a conservative society in which the alternative was to be condemned to early matrimony and a life spent behind veils raising large families\, with no gender equality to speak of. \nSome new standards have been established in popular Afghan society on which it will be difficult even for the Taliban to turn the clock back. If we go by how much Saudi Arabia has changed over the last two decades\, it is imperative that the Taliban should make necessary adjustments to their ideology and outlook in keeping with the times.  \nThe biggest challenge for the Taliban today is to transform itself from an insurgency into a political group that is willing to settle internal and external differences through peaceful dialogue. If the Taliban remain violent and intolerant\, they will continue to invite criticism from the international community. If they turn benign\, they run the risk of condemnation by more radical factions and groups like the Islamic State-Khorasan (IS-K). This is truly ironic. \nFailure by the Taliban to take into account the realities and lessons of history would be a huge mistake. Draconian crackdowns on dissenting civilians\, combined with deteriorating economic conditions\, could lead to wider social unrest. \nDevelopments in Afghanistan have broader ramifications in the region and beyond. The return of the Taliban has galvanised radical groups in Pakistan\, Central Asia\, China\, Russia as also in Gaza\, Syria and West Africa into believing that violence can bear fruit. An air of triumphalism permeates Jihadist groups\, particularly those linked to Al-Qaeda. The Taliban’s return is viewed as a victory for Islamism and Jihadism\, reviving hopes for the restoration of the Shariah. This can hardly be helpful to any country. \nThe most urgent task before the global community at this moment is the delivery of humanitarian assistance to the Afghan people in a transparent manner. The returning UN and aid workers need to be protected. They should have the freedom to carry out their tasks in an unhindered manner. Their presence will permit not just the monitoring of the distribution of food aid and other assistance\, but may also help to check the excesses committed by zealots and criminals on vulnerable sections of society. It is up to the Taliban to ensure that their regime becomes a responsible one\, in tune with the expectations and aspirations of the Afghan people and the global community. \nThe Taliban have given assurances of security for countries that wish to reopen their diplomatic missions in Afghanistan. Even so\, not a single country has so far officially recognised the Taliban regime. This includes those countries that had given quick recognition to the Taliban in 1996 as well as those who actively sought\, and celebrated the American departure from Afghanistan. It would be imprudent to take vicarious pleasure or draw vicarious satisfaction from the discomfiture of any particular country in regard to its strategy towards Afghanistan. One must be careful not to subordinate the interests of the people of Afghanistan to geopolitical interests and interplay of power politics. We must all undertake coordinated action\, pro bono\, to bring a better future for Afghanistan. \nIndia is a major stakeholder in Afghanistan’s destiny. India has no choice. India’s historical ties with Afghanistan and geographical proximity place a special responsibility on New Delhi. \nAs a close neighbour\, India has keen stakes in ensuring a stable\, secure and developed Afghanistan. For India\, the situation in Afghanistan has major implications. The threat of a spill-over of malevolence radiating out of Afghanistan into Kashmir cannot be taken lightly. The Indian Army is fully capable of countering such threats. The priority\, however\, is to preserve the goodwill earned by India among the people of Afghanistan over years\, through capacity-building and high-impact developmental projects at the cost of billions of dollars. India is one of the largest donors\, having contributed more than US $ 3 billion over the years for several major developmental projects in Afghanistan. \nA proactive approach has enabled India to actively contribute to the task of building a regional consensus for the future of Afghanistan. UNSC Resolution 2593 adopted on 30 August 2021 during India’s rotational Presidency condemned terrorist attacks\, and emphasied the non-use of Afghan territory to shelter terrorism\, protect the rights of women\, children and minorities and provide humanitarian assistance. \nThe Delhi Declaration on Afghanistan\, issued at the end of the regional meeting held in New Delhi in November 2021\, called for “collective cooperation against the menace of radicalisation\, extremism\, separatism and drug trafficking in the region”. India has witnessed a spike in drugs seizures in recent months. India’s focus is quite similar to the focus on the “three evils”\, also called “three evil forces\,” defined by the first Summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation in 2001\, that is\, terrorism\, separatism\, and extremism. These challenges can singe the entire region\, especially the countries that border Afghanistan. It is quite unfortunate that neither China nor Pakistan attended the meeting in Delhi. \nPrime Minister Modi has succinctly outlined four key aspects that require focus: The need for an inclusive government in Afghanistan; a zero-tolerance stance about Afghan territory being used by terrorist groups; a strategy to counter drugs and arms trafficking from Afghanistan; and\, addressing the increasingly critical humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan.  India had supported the UNSC resolution 2615 in December last year which made exceptions under the sanctions regime for humanitarian assistance to Afghanistan.  \nIt is well-known that many countries are challenged today by one or more of these scourges. Such common concerns provide the ground for convergence and cooperation among regional countries\, including between India and China. The regional dialogue should be more broad-based\, not fractured as it is now in plurilateral and overlapping groups. There are many regional dialogues on Afghanistan taking place. Instead of talking past one another while attempting to do similar things\, we should be talking to each other to achieve better results. Working together to deal with such issues enhances trust. It enables all of us to further cooperation in the multilateral space\, including at the UN. However\, the geostrategic differences between certain members of the UNSC are preventing the UN from doing its best\, and perhaps slowing things down. The Afghan people should not have to pay for geostrategic contestation which they have nothing to do with. It is also rather incomprehensible that the global community\, especially the big powers\, have not anticipated all that is unfolding before us at the level of the humanitarian tragedy. \nIndia has consistently supported the timely delivery of humanitarian assistance to the Afghan people. India has sent more than 3 tonnes of essential medicines to the Indira Gandhi Institute of Child Health in Kabul. India has donated 500\,000 doses of COVID-19 vaccines and has pledged a further 500\,000 doses as part of its humanitarian aid for the people of Afghanistan.  The supply of 50\,000 metric tonnes of Indian wheat for Afghanistan will start soon. \nI am confident our discussions today will lead to some useful ideas that support a better future for Afghanistan. \nThank you. URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/remarks-by-amb-sujan-r-chinoy-at-siis-cicir-international-symposium-on-core-concerns-of-major-powers-and-their-role-in-rebuilding-of-afghanistan CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20211216T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20211217T053000 DTSTAMP:20261113T220654 CREATED:20231223T125349Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250403T031422Z UID:62728-1639632600-1639719000@idsa.in SUMMARY:13th SOUTH ASIA CONFERENCE - Return of the Taliban in Afghanistan: Implications and Way Forward DESCRIPTION:Concept Note\n\n\n\n Concept Note Return of the Taliban in Afghanistan: Implications and Way Forward(To be held Online on 16–17 December 2021)Concept Note The Taliban are back in Afghanistan. Amidst deepening humanitarian and economic crises in the country\, the Taliban have announced a caretaker cabinet\, mostly comprised of members blacklisted under the UN sanctions list\, including the prime minister and his cabinet colleagues from the Haqqani Network. The caretaker government barely represents the remarkable social and ethnic diversity that characterises the Afghan polity. Though several countries have directly engaged the Taliban\, they remain circumspect about extending any formal recognition to the Haqqani–Taliban regime in Kabul. The growing friction among various Taliban groups\, particularly between the Taliban and the Haqqani Network\, has also come to the fore. Contrary to the commitments made to the international community by the Doha-based Taliban leadership\, there have been growing instances of summary executions and revenge killings in provinces and vast rural areas\, and enforcement of strict restrictions on women\, youth and media across the country. Though Taliban leaders in their international interactions continue to state that rights of women and ethnic and religious minorities will be protected\, and that there will be a general amnesty for Afghans who have worked with the previous government or the Western coalition\, including members of the erstwhile security establishment\, the situation on the ground suggests otherwise. Whether by design or owing to differences within the rank-and-file\, the Taliban leadership appears to be capitulating under pressure from its notably conservative core cadres. Compared to the 1990s\, the Taliban today have several constituent groups with competing ideas and perceptions about ‘genuine Islamic rule’. With the takeover of Kabul\, the Islamist veneer on the Taliban movement appears to be cracking as factional power-play deepens within the ‘emirate’. Maintaining ambiguity or contradictory messaging on issues of concern caters to managing differing perceptions within the rank-and-file and simultaneously sustaining the façade of a new and changed Taliban\, especially as the Haqqani–Taliban regime seeks international engagement and recognition. The disconnect between sections of the older leadership that sought to convey a relatively moderate image of the ‘emirate’ to the outside world\, and a whole new generation of battle-hardened commanders and overzealous hardliners that predominate the Taliban rank-and-file\, is more than palpable. The leadership also remains strikingly all-Taliban and Haqqanis\, in the absence of non-Taliban or Shia representation in its senior ranks. This is bound to lead to a strong sense of marginalisation and alienation among non-Taliban Pashtuns and various other ethnicities that together form a vast majority of the Afghan population. The UN Security Council and various other forums such as G7\, G20\, SCO and CSTO have thus emphasised the need for the establishment of “an inclusive and representative government” in Afghanistan. While the so-called Taliban 2.0 may have realised the value of public diplomacy and communications strategy\, their ideological and political impulse\, as reflected in their tendency to monopolise and over-centralise power\, appears patently old and familiar. With the Taliban\, who subscribe to the Deobandi-Wahhabi version of Islam taught in Pakistani madrassas\, now at the helm in Kabul\, the theological and ideological divide among various militant Islamist entities\, particularly on matters of jurisprudence\, is likely to gain further traction in the region. Unfortunately\, the decades-old support structures responsible for sustained sectarian violence and cross-border terrorism in Afghanistan and the region remain fully intact. Such threats have also long-disrupted and long-impeded progress on both intra- and inter-regional trade and connectivity. Several reports\, including by the UN\, suggest that international terrorist networks and their regional affiliates of various hue\, including those that are state-sponsored\, who seek to violently impose their obscurantist ideologies on mostly pluralistic societies in the region\, have been regrouping in Afghanistan. Their presence remains a key security concern for countries in the South and Central Asia region\, and beyond. Recent developments in Afghanistan are likely to galvanise them into spectacular action\, provide impetus to drug trafficking and radicalisation among youth\, and thereby sow the seeds of future conflict and socio-political discord in the ‘Heart of Asia’. The UN Security Council Resolutions 2593 (August 2021) and 2596 (September 2021) have emphasised that the territory of Afghanistan should not be used to threaten or attack any country\, to plan or finance terrorist acts\, or to shelter and train terrorists\, and that no Afghan group or individual should support terrorists operating on the territory of any country. The larger international community has for now adopted a policy of ‘wait and watch’ towards the developing situation in Afghanistan. However\, given the growing humanitarian crisis facing the Afghan people and the threat of refugee outflow\, consequent to the collapse of both state machinery and economy\, including the flight of capital and trained manpower from the country\, the regional and international constituency advocating transactional engagement with the Haqqani–Taliban regime is expanding. Against this backdrop\, the MP-IDSA is organising a two-day conference in an online format on 16–17 December 2021\, as part of its Annual South Asia Conference\, inviting a cross-section of experts\, analysts and policymakers to seek answers to the following questions and dwell on the possible way forward on Afghanistan: How is the situation in Afghanistan likely to pan out in the immediate to short-term? Given the growing pulls and pressures\, both within and from outside\, will the Taliban be able to hold itself together and provide a stable and effective national leadership?  How are other Afghan political actors likely to respond to the return of the Taliban in Kabul? How are regional and extra-regional countries looking at the return of the Taliban and its implications for the security landscape in and around the ‘Heart of Asia’?In the absence of national reconciliation\, how effective and sustainable will the economic and political incentives be in transforming the Taliban\, from an armed proxy jihadi network into a moderate\, broad-based and independent governing authority? What does the return of the Taliban bode for Pakistan in the long-run?The Taliban 2.0 (as the new pseudonym goes) is being pushed to an ostensibly more moderate position by the more virulent Islamic State-Khorasan (IS-K) group and its affiliates. In this context\, how is it likely to affect the ideological underpinnings of the Taliban and their unity? What is the way forward\, in terms of available policy options for the region and the wider international community to deal with the developing situation in Afghanistan? Conference Programme 13th MP-IDSA SOUTH ASIA CONFERENCERETURN OF THE TALIBAN IN AFGHANISTAN: IMPLICATIONS AND WAY FORWARDRead More[+] Inaugural Address Inaugural Address at 13th MP-IDSA SOUTH ASIA CONFERENCE Conference Rapporteurs’ Report CONFERENCE RAPPORTEURS’ REPORT Conference Takeaways CONFERENCE TAKEAWAYS Conference Videos 13th MP-IDSA South Asia Conference: Return of Taliban in Afghanistan | Inaugural & First Session 13th MP-IDSA South Asia Conference: Perspectives on Afghanistan | Second Session 13th MP-IDSA South Asia Conference: Regional Perspectives | Third Session 13th MP-IDSA South Asia Conference: Way Forward in Afghanistan | Fourth Session \n\nContact us\nMr Vishal Chandra\nCo-ordinator\, 13th South Asia Conference\nResearch Fellow\, South Asia Centre\nManohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\nNew Delhi-110010\nTel (O): +91 11-26717983\nEmail: sac2021.mpidsa@gmail.com \n  URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/13th-south-asia-conference-return-of-the-taliban-in-afghanistan-implications-and-way-forward CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES,Previous South Asia conference,South Asia Conference,CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20211216T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20211216T053000 DTSTAMP:20261113T220654 CREATED:20231223T123625Z LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T121439Z UID:62594-1639632600-1639632600@idsa.in SUMMARY:Inaugural Address at 13th MP-IDSA SOUTH ASIA CONFERENCE DESCRIPTION:Inaugural Address at 13th MP-IDSA SOUTH ASIA CONFERENCE On\nReturn of the Taliban in Afghanistan: Implications and Way Forward\n 16-17 December 2021\nByAmbassador Sujan R. ChinoyDirector General\, MP-IDSA16 December 2021\nDistinguished participants from different parts of world\, friends and colleagues\, ladies and gentlemen. \n It is an honour for us to host the 13th South Asian Conference. Unfortunately\, it is being held online due to the constraints imposed on us by the pandemic. In better times\, we hope to see you all in person\, as in earlier years. \n Over the years this conference has acquired a unique stature as an important Track II initiative\, bringing together academics\, experts\, policy makers\, practitioners and media representatives to discuss issues of common interest and concern. This year\, despite the webinar fatigue that we all experience\, the response to our initiative from the region and beyond has been quite encouraging. I thank all the foreign participants who have accepted our invitation to participate and share their valuable insights. \n Friends\, \n This year the theme we have chosen for discussion is “Return of the Taliban in Afghanistan: Implications and Way Forward”. We thought it appropriate to focus on this topic because it is an important regional development. Afghanistan stands at a new inflection point. Developments in Afghanistan have a broader ramification for the region and beyond. \n The return of the Taliban has been widely viewed as a defeat of the US and failure of the twenty-year-long international effort to bring democracy and peace to Afghanistan. The Taliban have claimed victory. Yet\, there is no gainsaying that the US and its allies have shed much blood and treasure over the past two decades. Not all of that was in vain. The presence of foreign troops did contribute to security for minorities\, women and children. Some new standards have been established in popular Afghan society on which it will be difficult even for the Taliban to turn the clock back. If we go by how much even Saudi Arabia has changed over the last two decades\, it is not difficult to aver that even the Taliban will have to make adjustments and accept the new realities. Failure to do so would imperil the Taliban’s rule\, perhaps lead to popular unrest in the future and most certainly deny the Taliban the full legitimacy they seek in the international community. \n Based on their initial pronouncements\, many observers feel that the Taliban would be more moderate in their new avatar. For every such assessment\, there is the counter view that the Taliban will return to their old ways of murder and mayhem backed by an anachronistic mind-set. \n Developments since the takeover have eroded confidence. \n The so-called interim government of the Taliban disregards the minorities\, women and the democratic forces. The members of the Taliban cabinet are anything but moderate and are known offenders of human rights with a record of violence. \n The minority Tajiks\, Uzbeks\, Hazaras\, Nuristanis and Turkmens who together constitute more than half of the population account for only 10 out of the 53 ministries today and most of these are relatively unimportant ones. There is not a single woman on the list. \n The international community that was rooting for an Afghan-owned and Afghan-led system in Kabul is now clamouring for an inclusive government in Kabul. \n India is a stakeholder in Afghanistan’s destiny. We have no choice. Our historical ties with Afghanistan and geographical proximity put a special responsibility upon New Delhi. \n The Delhi Declaration on Afghanistan issued at the end of the meeting is broadly on anticipated lines. There are several elements that clearly draw upon the language of the UN Security Council Resolution 2593 of 30 August 2021\, adopted under the rotational presidency of India. These cover condemnation of terrorist attacks\, emphasis on preventing the use of Afghanistan’s territory for sheltering\, training\, planning or financing any terrorist acts\, protecting the rights of women\, children and minorities and providing humanitarian assistance. \n The newer elements in the Delhi Declaration pertain to call for collective cooperation against the menace of radicalisation\, extremism\, separatism and drug trafficking in the region. This is a remarkable common cause that was forged precisely because Pakistan was absent from the table. It is well-known that all the participating countries have been challenged by one or more of these scourges. \n With the Taliban now at the helm in Afghanistan for nearly three months\, the most urgent task before the global community today is the provision of humanitarian assistance in an open and transparent manner. Afghanistan’s coffers are empty. \n It simply has no means to pay for any imports and the queues for daily necessities are growing longer. Under such circumstances\, the rights of women\, children and minorities are gravely imperilled. \n The return of UN and aid workers to Afghanistan will permit not just the monitoring of the distribution of food aid and other assistance\, but may also help to check the excesses committed by zealots and criminals on vulnerable sections of society. It will be a daunting task to ensure their safety and security against the backdrop of mounting attacks by an irascible IS-K (Islamic State-Khorasan) which is viscerally opposed to the Taliban. It is an irony of history that a violent and radical regime is deemed by an even more violent and radical group to be inadequately violent and radical. \n For India\, the situation in Afghanistan has major implications. The threat of a spill-over of malevolence radiating out of Afghanistan into Kashmir cannot be taken lightly. The Indian Army\, no doubt\, is fully capable of countering such threats. The priority\, however\, is to preserve the goodwill earned by India among the people of Afghanistan over years\, through capacity-building and high-impact developmental projects at the cost of billions of dollars. This is reflected in Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s remarks at the G-20 Summit in October in which he alluded to the “friendship that the people of Afghanistan have for India”. \n Both at the G-20 Summit and the SCO Summit held in September\, the Indian Prime Minister unequivocally indicated India’s readiness to deliver humanitarian assistance to “Afghan friends” in an unhindered manner. The silver lining is that the Taliban are open to the idea of Indian assistance. India\, like others\, is keen to ensure that assistance flows to the people of Afghanistan through the UN\, without diversion by the regime towards its own ends. India has committed to provide 50\,000 MT of wheat\, essential life-saving medicines and COVID Vaccines to the Afghan people as humanitarian assistance. \n Hopefully\, Pakistan will realise that it is its duty to facilitate such assistance by India to the Afghan people. \n Prime Minister Modi himself has given fresh impetus to the regional dialogue and efforts to build lasting peace and security in Afghanistan. While receiving the participants attending the Delhi meeting\, he succinctly outlined four key aspects that require focus: The need for an inclusive government in Afghanistan; a zero-tolerance stance about Afghan territory being used by terrorist groups; a strategy to counter drugs and arms trafficking from Afghanistan; and\, addressing the increasingly critical humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan. A proactive approach has enabled India to actively contribute to the task of building a regional consensus on the future of Afghanistan. \n Today\, no country in the world has yet accorded recognition to the Taliban regime\, not even Saudi Arabia\, the UAE and Pakistan who had recognised the Taliban regime in 1996. It is up to the Taliban to ensure that their regime becomes a responsible one in tune with the expectations of the Afghan people and the global community. \n I hope that the discussion that follows will deepen our understanding of the common challenges and provide suggestions on what the global community should do to ensure a better future for Afghan people. \n Thank you. \n \nRemarks at the Release of Special Issue of MP-IDSA Journal of Defence Studies on 1971 War \n ByAmbassador Sujan R. ChinoyDirector General\, MP-IDSA16 December 2021\nLadies and Gentlemen\, the commencement of this year’s South Asia Conference coincides with Vijay Diwas\, that is\, Victory Day. On this very day 50 years ago\, India fought for a just and humanitarian cause\, and defeated a state that was responsible for the reprehensible genocide of innocent Bengalis in erstwhile East Pakistan. The war not only led to a stunning and comprehensive defeat of Pakistan\, it also saw the birth of a new nation—Bangladesh. \n The war represents one of the most significant events of the 20th century. It changed national boundaries\, and this was achieved over the span of merely 13 days after the commencement of hostilities on part of Pakistan on 3 December 1971. \n The war had far-reaching strategic implications for India\, Bangladesh and Pakistan. It gave a chance to India and Bangladesh to work together for the upliftment of the lives of the millions.  Then\, as now\, Pakistan had a chance to join the noble endeavour to bring peace and prosperity to South Asia. Regrettably\, Pakistan chose a different path and sticks to it even today\, with the use of unconventional means to disrupt the historical processes of peace and development that are before us. The use of terrorism\, and support for radical groups\, is the preferred means through which Pakistan seeks to interact with the rest of South Asia\, particularly with India.   \n The 1971 war paved the way for the fullest realisation of the aspirations of the people of Bangladesh who had\, until then\, been artificially suppressed and denied equitable resources. The laudatory progress of Bangladesh in every sphere of socio-economic activity thereafter\, as indicated by its human resource index\, is a clear reflection of this reality. Bangladesh has set a new benchmark in many spheres for the rest of South Asia. We can learn from one another. \n This Special Issue of the Journal of Defence Studies focusses on the military aspects of the 1971 Indo-Pak War. As we are well aware\, wars are not fought in isolation. Other aspects that had a profound impact on the war have also been covered in this issue. \n I do hope that you will enjoy reading this mega volume. May I take this opportunity to thank the Editorial Advisory Board of the Journal\, the Deputy Director General\, the JDS Editorial Committee\, the Guest Editor and the Associate Editor for putting it together in time for Vijay Diwas. \n We will shortly also be bringing out a Special Issue of our flagship journal\, Strategic Analysis\, on a similar theme. \n It is with great satisfaction and pleasure that I now release the Special Issue of the Journal of Defence Studies titled “50 Years Later: 1971 India–Pakistan War”. \nThank you. URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/inaugural-address-at-13th-mp-idsa-south-asia-conference CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20211001T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20211001T053000 DTSTAMP:20261113T220654 CREATED:20231223T123625Z LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T121439Z UID:62595-1633066200-1633066200@idsa.in SUMMARY:Welcome Remarks by Ambassador Sujan R. Chinoy at MP-IDSA Seminar on ‘India and UN Peacekeeping – An Appraisal’ DESCRIPTION:General Nambiar\, Ambassador Nambiar\, Friends\, good morning. \nIt gives me great pleasure to welcome you all to today’s webinar on the theme “India and UN Peacekeeping – An Appraisal”. It is rare to have two brothers\, who\, between them\, have dominated the military and diplomatic aspects of peace-keeping at the UN. \nThe UN Charter emphasises the international community’s determination to collectively strive for peace. Collective peace has remained an elusive goal. Ethno-nationalism\, over-lapping notions of sovereignty and the creation of new borders in the process of de-colonisation and independence movements have compounded the difficulties. The decades of the Cold War\, even Marxist movements\, created proxy interests in many emerging nations of Asia and Africa. \nSince the mandate for all peace-keeping operations is approved by the UN Security Council\, it is an unquestionable fact of life that the permanent members of the UNSC play a disproportionate role in determining the range and scope of any peace-keeping mission. Most peacekeeping operations (PKOs) are themselves a compromise between the great powers that wield veto powers. Where core interests are involved\, great powers have also resorted to direct action first\, acting singly or in tandem with like-minded allies\, followed by an ex-post facto sanction by the UNSC. The US entry into the Korean War in 1950\, led by General MacArthur\, is one example\, where the Mission evolved in quick time to become a US-led UN force. In the case of Iraq\, former UNSG Kofi Annan is on record having stated that the US intervention was illegal since it was not mandated by the UN. \nJust as there is a division in the world between haves and have-nots\, there is also a class consciousness of sorts in the world of Peace Keeping Operations. Great powers are prone to resorting to action under Chapter 7 of the Charter\, authorising the use of force for peace enforcement in line with their interests. The NATO/ISAF mission in Afghanistan is also an example. The UN mission in the former Yugoslavia\, UNPROFOR\, which was headed by General Satish Nambiar\, started out primarily with a mandate under Chapter 6 for the peaceful settlement of disputes but soon took on Chapter 7 attributes in Bosnia where ethnic cleansing was at its peak. \nGreat powers have often sought to use UN Peace Keeping Operations to suit their interests. In recent years\, Pakistan\, with China’s help\, has tried to rake up the J&K issue at the UN\, particularly after the abrogation of Article 370. It sought the doubling of the strength of UNMOGIP\, itself a mission that has long outlived its utility as a monitoring force for the cease-fire line in J&K. The Simla Agreement and the replacement of the CFL by the Line of Control should have seen the end of UNMOGIP\, but vested interests have ensured that it continues in the absence of any sunset clause in the mission. UNMOGIP’s limited mandate renders it incapable of monitoring the terrorist havens on the Pakistani side of the LoC or preventing cross-border infiltration. Nor is it capable of preventing frequent ceasefire violations. Since we do not report cease-fire violations to the UNMOGIP nor allow it to monitor the situation on our side of the LoC\, whereas Pakistan does\, the report presented by the UNSG on UNMOGIP is always skewed. \nThe GoI has rightly taken various steps asking the UNMOGIP to vacate government properties in India\, which had earlier been provided free of charge. Action has also been taken to monetise various other facilities that were earlier being provided free of cost to the UNMOGIP. \nThe primary objective of peacekeeping is to assist countries torn by conflict to create conditions for lasting peace. Peacekeeping derives its strength from global legitimacy\, burden sharing and the ability to mobilise military and police from around the globe. Since the UN’s inception\, a million individuals from more than 125 countries have served in 71 peacekeeping operations. \nIndia has been a founding-member of the United Nations and one of the first and largest contributors to the UN for maintaining international peace and security. India has contributed more than a quarter million troops and participated in more than 49 missions\, from Korea to Congo to South Sudan. 174 Indian peacekeepers have made the supreme sacrifice. In keeping with this tradition\, today\, there are more than 5\,000 Indian personnel deployed across nine missions. \nIndian peacekeepers have been praised for their professionalism and friendly approach even in the most challenging situations. Yet\, peace-keepers from developing countries have historically been discriminated against when it comes to compensation\, especially for deaths in the line of duty. \nThe COVID pandemic has brought about new challenges. As a reflection of India’s commitment to ‘Protecting the Protectors’\, India had donated two lakh doses of COVID-19 vaccine for UN Peacekeeping personnel in March this year. \nTraditional and non-traditional security threats also impact peace-keeping operations. The spectre of terrorism continues to challenge peace and prosperity. \nAs a non-permanent member of the UNSC\, India has taken the lead in assimilating technology in peace-keeping operations to better enable the UN peacekeepers to meet contemporary threats. The four point framework outlined by India in August this year under India’s Presidency of UNSC involves developing and strengthening mobile digital platforms\, early warning responses\, communication networks and training capabilities. \nIndia\, in collaboration with the UN\, has also rolled out the UNITE AWARE Platform\, a situational awareness software that allows a Peacekeeping Operations Centre to visualise and analyse the ground situation in a conflict zone on a real time basis. India also plays an important role in training peace-keepers. \nIt was under India’s Presidency of UNSC in August that the Council adopted a resolution on ‘Accountability of Crimes against UN Peacekeepers’ as well as a Presidential Statement on ‘Technology for Peacekeeping’\, the first such UNSC document on this theme. \nTo discuss these issues\, we have with us a distinguished set of panellists with rich personal experience in UN peace-keeping operations. \nI now request Lt. Gen. Satish Nambiar to deliver the inaugural remarks. \nThank you. URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/welcome-remarks-by-ambassador-sujan-r-chinoy-at-mp-idsa-seminar-on-india-and-un-peacekeeping-an-appraisal CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20210331T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20210331T053000 DTSTAMP:20261113T220654 CREATED:20231223T123626Z LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T121439Z UID:62596-1617168600-1617168600@idsa.in SUMMARY:Introductory Remarks by Ambassador Sujan R. Chinoy at 5th India-Iran-Afghanistan Trilateral Dialogue DESCRIPTION:Introductory Remarks by Ambassador Sujan R. Chinoy\, Director General\, MP-IDSA   5th India-Iran-Afghanistan Trilateral Dialogue (Virtual)31 March 2021\nDr. Seyed Kazem Sajjadpour\, President of IPIS\, Iran\,\nDr. Davood Moradian\, Director General of the AISS\, Afghanistan\,\nLadies and Gentlemen\,\nGood afternoon. Happy Navrooz. \nIt is a privilege for me to participate in today’s webinar. It is good to be back among friends. Thank you\, Dr. Moradian\, for hosting today’s event\, and it is so good to see Dr. Sajjadpour with us\, looking hale and hearty. As you all know\, the Afghan Institute for Strategic Studies (AISS) and the Institute for Political and International Studies (IPIS) of Iran are long-standing partners of our Institute. I recall the last Trilateral Dialogue that we had hosted in New Delhi in the pre-pandemic times in June 2019. The theme of that dialogue ‘Agenda for Future India-Iran-Afghanistan Cooperation’ was as relevant then as it is today. \n I am glad that we are continuing the tradition of conducting our trilateral meetings during these difficult times\, albeit in a virtual form. Hopefully\, the situation will improve over time for us to have the next round in person. \n Friends\, the COVID-19 pandemic has devastated lives and livelihood all around the world. An already divided global community stands further divided today over trade\, technology\, territorial disputes and the tenets that should shape the post-pandemic world. \n The arrival of vaccines has given all of us new hope. If humankind cooperates\, there is a better chance of overcoming the catastrophic effects of the pandemic and recovering economic growth in an inclusive manner. The vulnerable among us that have fewer resources will still have to guard against the lure of easy finance and debt trap diplomacy. \n Friends\, Afghanistan is still in the throes of a difficult transition. Last September\, the External Affairs Minister of India Dr. S. Jaishankar addressed the Afghan peace negotiations at Doha. Russia\, India and Iran held a tri-lateral meeting on Afghanistan in Moscow in November last year. There has been a condemnable spike in violence since then. The intra-Afghan dialogue has not made sufficient progress. 19 years of war have left tens of thousands dead. \n India has been supportive of all the efforts made by the Afghan government to have a dialogue with the Taliban in the context of intra-Afghan negotiations. \n The lofty goal of building an enduring architecture for peace and progress is vital for the people of Afghanistan. It is equally vital for others\, especially its neighbours. Minister Jaishankar said at the Heart of Asia-Istanbul Process meeting in Dushanbe yesterday that Afghanistan requires a “double peace”\, that is peace within Afghanistan and peace around Afghanistan and that the interests of all need to be harmonised. He also pointed out that the situation in Afghanistan continues to be cause for grave concern and that India supports a regional process under the aegis of the UN to achieve a sustainable political settlement and comprehensive ceasefire in Afghanistan. \n In order to achieve this\, the Taliban should eschew violence for the sake of national reconstruction. It must sever its links with all terrorist outfits which threaten regional and global peace and security. It should cooperate in putting into place a sustainable ceasefire. \n Democratic institutions in Afghanistan are still nascent\, and must be preserved. There has been considerable progress in protecting the rights of women and minorities. This achievement too must be preserved. It will permit the Afghan nation to draw more fully upon the rich talent and potential of all its citizens. \n Terrorism in our region remains a potent force. It is imperative that the world stands as one against terrorism. The prospect of fundamentalist and extremist groups once again suppressing the aspirations of the Afghan people and forcing Afghanistan back into the past must be resisted by the Afghan people. The Afghan people do not wish to rear their children in an atmosphere dominated by violence\, terrorist sanctuaries\, illicit drug production and organised crime. They deserve a better future. \n India’s role in promoting connectivity\, especially an air corridor\, has been lauded by the Afghan government at Dushanbe. India has been a major developmental partner for Afghanistan with more than 400 projects across 34 provinces\, involving an outlay of over US $ 3 billion. \n As the world’s largest producer and exporter of vaccines\, India has leapt to assist countries around the world through its Vaccine Maitri (Friendship) initiative to fight COVID-19. Afghanistan and Iran are among those countries. \n There are multiple opportunities for India\, Iran and Afghanistan to work together on the basis of our shared interests. Healthcare and capacity-building projects should be at the top of the list. Tele-medicine and tele-education should also be explored\, given the constraints on travel imposed by the pandemic. \n India and Iran are on the same page in building new connectivity nodes in the region that would provide greater access to and from Central Asia and Afghanistan. The development of the Shahid Beheshti port in Chabahar is the key to the success of tri-lateral between India\, Iran and Afghanistan. \n India and Iran have warm and friendly ties that go back centuries. Over the last few years\, we have sought to strengthen our partnership. Bilateral visits at the apex level have provided momentum to our ties. The recent visit of Iran’s Defence Minister to India to attend the Aero India 2021 exhibition – the first such visit in 40 years – will deepen mutual understanding and cooperation in new areas. Iran is a key pillar of India’s Look and Think West policy. \n I am confident that new perspectives will emerge at today’s webinar. Let us work together to build a robust India-Iran-Afghanistan partnership\, and\, a better future for the people of Afghanistan. \n Thank you. URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/introductory-remarks-by-ambassador-sujan-r-chinoy-at-5th-india-iran-afghanistan-trilateral-dialogue CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20210330T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20210330T053000 DTSTAMP:20261113T220654 CREATED:20231223T123627Z LAST-MODIFIED:20231223T123627Z UID:62597-1617082200-1617082200@idsa.in SUMMARY:Opening Remarks by Amb. Sujan R. Chinoy At MP-IDSA & Gusau Institute\, Nigeria Webinar DESCRIPTION:Opening Remarks by Amb. Sujan R. ChinoyDirector General\, MP-IDSAAt MP-IDSA & Gusau Institute\, Nigeria Webinar30 March 2021\nLt. Gen. Aliyu Gusau Mohammed\, Founder\, Gusau Institute\, \n Amb Abhay Thakur\, High Commissioner of India to Nigeria\, \n Mr. Boss Mustapha\, Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF) & Chairman\, Presidential Task Force on COVID-19\, \n Experts from Gusau Institute\, \n Distinguished participants\, \n Good afternoon\, \n Today\, we have gathered for the first bilateral event\, albeit in virtual mode\, between the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses and the Gusau Institute of Nigeria. We hope we can schedule regular meetings in the future to deepen our friendship and mutual understanding.     \n My Institute has a long history of contributing to India-Africa ties. For many years now\, we have been hosting an annual roundtable dialogue to commemorate Africa Day. \n While it is true that the focus of today’s webinar is on India and Nigeria facing the Covid-19 pandemic together\, it is vital that we seize this opportunity to broaden our discussions with the aim of deepening our bilateral ties in diverse sectors. \n Today\, India-Africa relations stand completely transformed under the dynamic leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. India has designated Africa as a ‘top priority of its foreign and economic policy’. Our development partnership remains anchored in the principles of equality\, mutual respect and mutual benefit\, with demand being driven by African priorities. \n Friends\, India and Nigeria share a unique bond. We are both large and populous countries. Our ties predate our political independence. We have sympathised with\, and supported one another\, in the endeavour to realise our true destinies as free nations. \n Nigeria is one of India’s key partners in Africa. Our partnership is multifaceted and multidimensional. We have deepened our cooperation in the energy sector and strengthened our people-to-people ties. Defence and strategic cooperation are also gathering momentum. The vast Indian diaspora in Nigeria acts as a bridge for robust bilateral engagement.  \n Friends\, the COVID-19 pandemic has taken a toll everywhere\, in terms of human lives and economic setbacks. It has sharpened geostrategic competition. At the same time\, it has also invited the human race to look beyond immediate selfish gains to work together to defeat what is arguably the most difficult challenge in a century. \n Economic recovery and building resilient supply chains to prevent future disruptions have emerged as major tasks. \n With the arrival of vaccines\, the world is looking with hope beyond the pandemic. However\, the globalisation of the future should be redefined to ensure that there is inclusive growth. Vulnerable countries in Asia and Africa will have to guard against exploitation of their resources and markets through insidious “debt traps”. \n As the world’s largest producer and exporter of vaccines\, India’s readiness to ship these to dozens of countries under its Vaccine Maitri (Friendship) initiative to fight COVID-19 is a “good Samaritan” act in consonance with the Indian ethos of Vasudheva Kutumbakam (which in Sanskrit means that ‘the world is one family’). \n Healthcare provides us an opportunity to work together. India and Nigeria should also take the lead in working together in information technology. The Ministry of External Affairs of India has already extended the e-ITEC course on “COVID-19 Pandemic: Prevention and Management Guidelines for Healthcare Professionals” to healthcare workers in Africa. The Aarogya Setu App and the E-Gram Swaraj App for rural areas for mapping COVID-19 are technological achievements that could be useful for Nigeria. \n The COVID-19 pandemic has also brought to the fore the issue of mental health\, an area that deserves closer attention. \n Since the movement of African students to India\, including from Nigeria\, for higher-education has been disrupted\, India could consider expanding the e-VidyaBharti (tele education) project to establish special virtual programmes between Indian and Nigerian educational institutions. The Indian Institute of Technology in Chennai has devised courses for coastal management for Mauritius and Seychelles; something similar could be considered by Indian Institutes of Technology for Nigerian students. \n The fury of nature often calls for a coordinated response\, whether in Asia or in Africa. I believe there is scope for Nigeria to work with India in the context of the ‘Coalition for Disaster Resilient Infrastructure’ (CDRI) initiative\, leading to closer bilateral cooperation in this field. \n Collaboration in renewable energy holds great promise with 33 countries from Africa\, including Nigeria\, having joined the International Solar Alliance. Nigeria’s rare earth minerals are a reservoir for the high-tech manufacturing industry\, including equipment required for harnessing renewable energy. \n Friends\, the new US administration has recommitted itself to multilateralism. This augurs well for the UN and other agencies such as the WHO. It also helps the return to the fore of the Paris Climate Change Agreement. We believe that India’s non-permanent membership of the UNSC in 2021-2022 will give it a fresh opportunity to engage others and help strengthen multilateralism. \n Today\, the concept of the Indo-Pacific is gaining wider currency. It is a contemporary and representative term that recognises that economic growth and prosperity is not the sole purvey of a few. Asia and Africa as a whole are showing the same promise that East Asia showed a few decades ago when the world spoke of the “Asia-Pacific”. \n Friends\, our shared maritime interests remain anchored in developing a Blue Economy\, particularly in the context of what Prime Minister Modi has termed SAGAR (Security And Growth For All In The Region). \n We have shared stakes in ensuring unimpeded commerce and freedom of navigation and over-flight along key sea lanes of communication. \n As piracy rears its ugly head in the Gulf of Guinea\, India could share with Nigeria its experience of fighting this menace in the Indian Ocean. Maritime Domain Awareness (MDA) has assumed great importance. In addition to its hosting the Information Fusion Centre for the Indian Ocean Region (IFC-IOR)\, India has recently become an observer to the Indian Ocean Commission (COI)\, and the Djibouti Code of Conduct (DCoC) and its 2017 Jeddah Amendment. India is also posting naval liaison officers to the Regional Maritime Information Fusion Centre (RMIFC) in Madagascar\, among other places. In all\, India has concluded white shipping agreements with 21 countries to facilitate the task of cooperating to keep the seas free\, open and safe. Perhaps the two governments could examine the scope for concluding a White Shipping agreement. \n There is also great potential to engage in fruitful cooperation in cyber security\, counter-terrorism and military training. \n It is a matter of privilege for India that the Nigerian President H.E. Muhammadu Buhari is an alumnus of the Defence Services Staff College in Wellington (Tamil Nadu) in India. Given India’s rich record of participation in peace-keeping operations in Africa and Nigeria’s own profile in this regard\, it would be to our mutual advantage to strengthen cooperation in peace-keeping. \n Overall\, I am glad to inform you all that India’s defence cooperation with Africa is growing\, as evident in the AFINDEX 2019 field exercise and the MILAN naval exercise. The 1st ever India Africa Defence Ministers’ Conclave held in Lucknow during DEFEXPO on 6 February 2020 and the recent participation of African dignitaries at the AERO INDIA 2021 exhibition in Bangalore have consolidated these links. \n Stronger India-Nigeria ties will promote multipolarity and give impetus to developmental partnerships at the global level. \n I am confident that today’s discussions will throw new light on many issues and outline a blueprint for more robust India-Nigeria cooperation in these difficult times. \n I would now request Lt. Gen. Aliyu Gusau Mohammed\, Founder\, Gusau Institute\, to deliver his opening remarks. \n Thank you. URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/opening-remarks-by-amb-sujan-r-chinoy-at-mp-idsa-gusau-institute-nigeria-webinar CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20210328T133000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20210328T223000 DTSTAMP:20261113T220654 CREATED:20210303T082150Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250222T082642Z UID:85158-1616938200-1616970600@idsa.in SUMMARY:Opening Remarks by Amb. Sujan R. Chinoy At MP-IDSA & Gusau Institute\, Nigeria Webinar DESCRIPTION:Opening Remarks by Amb. Sujan R. Chinoy\nDirector General\, MP-IDSA\nAt \nMP-IDSA & Gusau Institute\, Nigeria Webinar\n30 March 2021\nLt. Gen. Aliyu Gusau Mohammed\, Founder\, Gusau Institute\,\nAmb Abhay Thakur\, High Commissioner of India to Nigeria\,\nMr. Boss Mustapha\, Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF) & Chairman\, Presidential Task Force on COVID-19\,\nExperts from Gusau Institute\,\nDistinguished participants\,\nGood afternoon\, \nToday\, we have gathered for the first bilateral event\, albeit in virtual mode\, between the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses and the Gusau Institute of Nigeria. We hope we can schedule regular meetings in the future to deepen our friendship and mutual understanding. \nMy Institute has a long history of contributing to India-Africa ties. For many years now\, we have been hosting an annual roundtable dialogue to commemorate Africa Day.\nWhile it is true that the focus of today’s webinar is on India and Nigeria facing the Covid-19 pandemic together\, it is vital that we seize this opportunity to broaden our discussions with the aim of deepening our bilateral ties in diverse sectors.\nToday\, India-Africa relations stand completely transformed under the dynamic leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. India has designated Africa as a ‘top priority of its foreign and economic policy’. Our development partnership remains anchored in the principles of equality\, mutual respect and mutual benefit\, with demand being driven by African priorities. \nFriends\, India and Nigeria share a unique bond. We are both large and populous countries. Our ties predate our political independence. We have sympathised with\, and supported one another\, in the endeavour to realise our true destinies as free nations. \nNigeria is one of India’s key partners in Africa. Our partnership is multifaceted and multidimensional. We have deepened our cooperation in the energy sector and strengthened our people-to-people ties. Defence and strategic cooperation are also gathering momentum. The vast Indian diaspora in Nigeria acts as a bridge for robust bilateral engagement. \nFriends\, the COVID-19 pandemic has taken a toll everywhere\, in terms of human lives and economic setbacks. It has sharpened geostrategic competition. At the same time\, it has also invited the human race to look beyond immediate selfish gains to work together to defeat what is arguably the most difficult challenge in a century. \nEconomic recovery and building resilient supply chains to prevent future disruptions have emerged as major tasks. \nWith the arrival of vaccines\, the world is looking with hope beyond the pandemic. However\, the globalisation of the future should be redefined to ensure that there is inclusive growth. Vulnerable countries in Asia and Africa will have to guard against exploitation of their resources and markets through insidious “debt traps”. \nAs the world’s largest producer and exporter of vaccines\, India’s readiness to ship these to dozens of countries under its Vaccine Maitri (Friendship) initiative to fight COVID-19 is a “good Samaritan” act in consonance with the Indian ethos of Vasudheva Kutumbakam (which in Sanskrit means that ‘the world is one family’). \nHealthcare provides us an opportunity to work together. India and Nigeria should also take the lead in working together in information technology. The Ministry of External Affairs of India has already extended the e-ITEC course on “COVID-19 Pandemic: Prevention and Management Guidelines for Healthcare Professionals” to healthcare workers in Africa. The Aarogya Setu App and the E-Gram Swaraj App for rural areas for mapping COVID-19 are technological achievements that could be useful for Nigeria. \nThe COVID-19 pandemic has also brought to the fore the issue of mental health\, an area that deserves closer attention. \nSince the movement of African students to India\, including from Nigeria\, for higher-education has been disrupted\, India could consider expanding the e-VidyaBharti (tele education) project to establish special virtual programmes between Indian and Nigerian educational institutions. The Indian Institute of Technology in Chennai has devised courses for coastal management for Mauritius and Seychelles; something similar could be considered by Indian Institutes of Technology for Nigerian students. \nThe fury of nature often calls for a coordinated response\, whether in Asia or in Africa. I believe there is scope for Nigeria to work with India in the context of the ‘Coalition for Disaster Resilient Infrastructure’ (CDRI) initiative\, leading to closer bilateral cooperation in this field. \nCollaboration in renewable energy holds great promise with 33 countries from Africa\, including Nigeria\, having joined the International Solar Alliance. Nigeria’s rare earth minerals are a reservoir for the high-tech manufacturing industry\, including equipment required for harnessing renewable energy. \nFriends\, the new US administration has recommitted itself to multilateralism. This augurs well for the UN and other agencies such as the WHO. It also helps the return to the fore of the Paris Climate Change Agreement. We believe that India’s non-permanent membership of the UNSC in 2021-2022 will give it a fresh opportunity to engage others and help strengthen multilateralism. \nToday\, the concept of the Indo-Pacific is gaining wider currency. It is a contemporary and representative term that recognises that economic growth and prosperity is not the sole purvey of a few. Asia and Africa as a whole are showing the same promise that East Asia showed a few decades ago when the world spoke of the “Asia-Pacific”. \nFriends\, our shared maritime interests remain anchored in developing a Blue Economy\, particularly in the context of what Prime Minister Modi has termed SAGAR (Security And Growth For All In The Region). \nWe have shared stakes in ensuring unimpeded commerce and freedom of navigation and over-flight along key sea lanes of communication. \nAs piracy rears its ugly head in the Gulf of Guinea\, India could share with Nigeria its experience of fighting this menace in the Indian Ocean. Maritime Domain Awareness (MDA) has assumed great importance. In addition to its hosting the Information Fusion Centre for the Indian Ocean Region (IFC-IOR)\, India has recently become an observer to the Indian Ocean Commission (COI)\, and the Djibouti Code of Conduct (DCoC) and its 2017 Jeddah Amendment. India is also posting naval liaison officers to the Regional Maritime Information Fusion Centre (RMIFC) in Madagascar\, among other places. In all\, India has concluded white shipping agreements with 21 countries to facilitate the task of cooperating to keep the seas free\, open and safe. Perhaps the two governments could examine the scope for concluding a White Shipping agreement. \nThere is also great potential to engage in fruitful cooperation in cyber security\, counter-terrorism and military training. \nIt is a matter of privilege for India that the Nigerian President H.E. Muhammadu Buhari is an alumnus of the Defence Services Staff College in Wellington (Tamil Nadu) in India. Given India’s rich record of participation in peace-keeping operations in Africa and Nigeria’s own profile in this regard\, it would be to our mutual advantage to strengthen cooperation in peace-keeping. \nOverall\, I am glad to inform you all that India’s defence cooperation with Africa is growing\, as evident in the AFINDEX 2019 field exercise and the MILAN naval exercise. The 1st ever India Africa Defence Ministers’ Conclave held in Lucknow during DEFEXPO on 6 February 2020 and the recent participation of African dignitaries at the AERO INDIA 2021 exhibition in Bangalore have consolidated these links. \nStronger India-Nigeria ties will promote multipolarity and give impetus to developmental partnerships at the global level. \nI am confident that today’s discussions will throw new light on many issues and outline a blueprint for more robust India-Nigeria cooperation in these difficult times. \nI would now request Lt. Gen. Aliyu Gusau Mohammed\, Founder\, Gusau Institute\, to deliver his opening remarks. \nThank you. URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/opening-remarks-by-amb-sujan-r-chinoy-at-mp-idsa-gusau-institute-nigeria-webinar-2 CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES,CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20210225T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20210225T053000 DTSTAMP:20261113T220654 CREATED:20231223T123629Z LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T121439Z UID:62598-1614231000-1614231000@idsa.in SUMMARY:Welcome Remarks by Ambassador Sujan R Chinoy At The K. Subrahmanyam Memorial Lecture DESCRIPTION:Good afternoon. I wish to extend a warm welcome to all of you. I particularly wish to welcome to this event Dr. S. Jaishankar\, the Minister of External Affairs of India and Dr. C. Raja Mohan\, our keynote Speaker who will deliver the K. Subrahmanyam Memorial Lecture. \nToday\, we have gathered to mark the 10th anniversary of the passing away of Shri K. Subrahmanyam which\, to be precise\, fell on 2nd February of this year. \nShri K.Subrahmanyam was a remarkable person. He was a civil servant\, policy practitioner\, intelligence analyst\, strategic thinker\, prolific media commentator and political adviser to many. He stood for robust national security structures and postures. He was one of the first to back the notion of “guns and butter” as against “guns versus butter”. \nToday’s Lecture will be delivered by Dr. C. Raja Mohan\, who is well-known as one of India’s finest strategic thinkers. As one who cut his teeth as a young scholar at IDSA and as a protégé of Shri K. Subrahmanyam\, there is no better person than he to speak on the topic “When to Intervene: Using Force Beyond Borders”. This is not an easy question. The spectrum for intervention ranges from surgical strikes against terrorist infrastructure to involvement in ethnic conflicts or coming to the aid of friendly governments. Our action in J&K in 1947-48\, Hyderabad\, Diu\, Daman and Goa do not fall in that category\, each of these being a sovereign part of Indian territory. \nFriends\, as you all know\, Shri K Subrahmanyam was one of the moving spirits in the founding of the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses in 1965\, and became its second Director in 1968\, serving up to 1975. In the aftermath of our wars with China in 1962 and Pakistan in 1965\, Shri Subrahmanyam was an early advocate of defence reforms\, the nuclear option\, improved intelligence inputs\, and\, dexterous engagement of great powers. His advocacy of the nuclear deal with the US stands out. \nHis first term at IDSA coincided with a world as much in flux as the one we live in today. Sino-Soviet relations had deteriorated dramatically in the late 1960s. President Nixon\, upon assuming office\, was straightaway grappling with the question of an honourable retreat from Vietnam. US intervention in Vietnam is a big example of the use of force beyond borders\, like the Russian intervention in Afghanistan and US interventions post 9/11 in Afghanistan and Iraq which followed. \nMore relevant from our point of view\, Shri K. Subrahmanyam presided over IDSA as Director at a time when the sub-continent was going through the birth pangs of Bangladesh\, mid-wifed by India. I recall seeing an incisive policy paper prepared at the IDSA\, which he forwarded to the then Secretary to the Prime Minister\, Shri P. N. Haksar and many others\, on 4 April 1971. It was titled “Bangladesh: Policy Options for India”. Weighing the pros and cons in India’s national interests\, he had advocated early intervention in East Pakistan. The rest\, as we know\, is history. \nIt is rare\, but Shri K. Subrahmanyam was also the Director of IDSA for another seven years from 1980-1987. A key challenge in the subcontinent was the internal conflict in Sri Lanka which eventually led to the Colombo Accord of 1987 under which India deployed the IPKF from 1987-1990. \nAround this time\, India faced another tough choice in its neighbourhood in the Maldives where it conducted Operation Cactus. It involved the use of force beyond borders\, in support of the country’s legitimate government which had sought India’s assistance in dealing with a grave national security threat. Today\, India has consolidated its image as a key stakeholder in the evolving security architecture in the Indian Ocean Region. \nShri Subrahmanyam’s contributions to the draft nuclear security doctrine of India and his Chairmanship of the Kargil Review Committee are legendary\, and have continued to guide the national security discourse. \nIn his prescient pronouncements\, it is clear that Shri Subrahmanyam had long anticipated the disruption that would be caused by China’s rise as an economic and military power\, and perhaps its unilateralism as well. \nFor his take on all this and more\, we now turn to our distinguished speaker\, Dr. C. Raja Mohan. I request him to deliver his Lecture over the next 35 minutes or so\, after which we will have a Q&A session. At the end of it\, the Vote of Thanks will be delivered by none other than India’s External Affairs Minister Dr. S. Jaishankar\, himself a chip of the old block\, if I may be permitted to use the term. He\, with good reason\, reminds us most of Shri Subrahmanyam’s sharp intellectual reflexes in dealing with India’s current geo-strategic challenges. \nThank you. URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/welcome-remarks-by-ambassador-sujan-r-chinoy-at-the-k-subrahmanyam-memorial-lecture CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20210225T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20210225T053000 DTSTAMP:20261113T220654 CREATED:20231223T123629Z LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T121439Z UID:62599-1614231000-1614231000@idsa.in SUMMARY:The K. Subrahmanyam Memorial Lecture 2021: Using Force Beyond Borders: When to Intervene DESCRIPTION:Amb Sujan Chinoy\, Director General\, IDSA \nDr S Jaishankar\, External Affairs Minister\, \nDistinguished members of the audience\, \nFriends \n1. It is always a special occasion for me to be part of Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses events. As a doctoral student of Jawaharlal Nehru University\, I did most of my research\, over long years I must say\, at the small but fabulous library of the IDSA in the 1970s\, when it was located at the Sapru House. I then had the opportunity to work at IDSA for nearly a decade from the early 1980s to early 1990s\, and enjoyed association with its activity since then. But today is very special though. It is a great honour for me to deliver a lecture in memory of K. Subrahmanyam. I would like to thank Amb Chinoy for giving me this honour. \n2. KS was an inspiration and intellectual mentor to many students of strategy and international relations from my generation and those that followed. I had the privilege of working with him when he was the director of the IDSA in the 1980s. And benefited from his continuing engagement until his death in 2011. \n3. KS showered unstinting generosity on anyone\, whether Indian or foreigner\, old or young\, who was interested in issues of strategy and security\, Indian\, regional or international. When we invited him to come and speak at the famous post-dinner symposiums in the JNU hostels\, he was happy to drive on his own all the way from the India Gate to JNU\, engage in vigorous argument with those who challenged him. His commitment to educating the public on strategic issues\, widening the public square for the debate on foreign and security policies\, sharing knowledge with other students of strategy\, and mentoring the rise of new scholars were important features of his persona. \n4. KS’s contributions to shaping the Indian discourse are many—the debate on nuclear weapons; generating awareness of the strategic dimensions of the Indian Ocean in a sea-blind political elite\, modernising military education\, and promoting security sector reforms are some of them. In influencing the public discourse\, KS became the principal voice that explained the world to India and India to the world\, at a time when our nation had moved into relative isolation in the 1970s and 1980s. Unsurprisingly\, his presence at IDSA drew anyone interested in India and its role in the world on a daily basis to Sapru House. As the youngest employee at IDSA\, it was great to be part of the remarkable intellectual salon that our cramped quarters at Sapru House had become! \n5. One of KS’ main contributions was to rescue the Indian strategic debate from the ideological grip of the 1960s and 1970s. He injected a measure of hard realism and pragmatism into India’s discourse on international affairs. His willingness to question\, publicly\, the dominant narratives on the left and right made him at once controversial and the most stimulating thinker on Indian strategy. KS was also a champion of reform and innovation in India’s national security policies at a time\, when the Indian establishment was settling into a comfortable status quo. His willingness to challenge conventional wisdom occasionally got him into trouble with the bureaucracy; but it gave KS the power to shape policy more than any single civil servant or minister could claim over such an extended period. \n6. In his last two decades—the 1990s and 2000s\, KS was enthused by India’s prospects to emerge as a major power. He began to articulate the frameworks for Delhi in adapting to this change and prepare for a larger role in world affairs. He did not hesitate in demanding a comprehensive rethinking of the assumptions that guided India’s security thinking in the second half of the 20th century. As India now takes its place in the front ranks of nations\, it is our duty to carry forward that task amidst the nation’s altered international status as well as the changing nature of its interests. A rising India\, with expanding interests\, must inevitably confront questions about the use of force\, especially beyond our borders. We have also seen the current government trying to transcend some of the taboos that shaped Indian thinking on the use of force. That makes the analytical tasks of think tanks and academia even more important. \n7. When KS dominated the Indian discourse on international affairs\, the strategic community was rather small. KS was eager to expand that community\, bring scholars\, soldiers\, bureaucrats\, and businessmen to come together to debate the issues of foreign and national security policy. He might be thrilled at the dramatic expansion of think tanks and platforms in recent years. This proliferation reflects the growing popular interest in security issues and an ever-widening circle of stakeholders. But he might also want to know why the think tanks have become so conformist. Even a cursory survey of India’s recent foreign policy discourse reveals that it is governments that came up with new ideas\, rather than the think tanks. Worse still\, the think tanks have tended to caution against change rather than advocating policy innovation. If there was one theme that stands out in KS’ approach\, it was the need to continuously debate a wide set of options in dealing with national security. It is in that spirit that I touch on some of the issues that we need to confront when it comes to use of force and intervention. \n8. My lecture focuses on this important theme that intensely preoccupied KS five decades ago this year. It is about India’s role in the liberation of Bangladesh. That this year we are celebrating the 50th anniversary of that event provides an important moment to reflect on the use of force. The choice that India had to make in 1971 was not an easy one. It raised multiple questions —about legitimacy\, feasibility\, consequences and international costs. But KS’s forceful articulation of the case for intervention eventually carried the day. My objective today is not to get into the specifics of that very successful Indian intervention. Instead\, I would like to look at the enduring questions about the use of force. \n9. We all know use of force is central to statecraft; ensuring the monopoly over violence within one’s own territory is the very essence of sovereignty and the capacity to build a nation within that sovereign space. Use of force beyond one’s borders is frowned upon by all\, but remains a permanent feature of international relations. Its nature and modalities might have changed\, but the use of force and intervention will remain with us until there is a credible collective security system enforced by a world government. No policy maker is betting that such an order is in sight. To be sure\, in the immediate aftermath of the Cold War\, it seemed the conditions for a very different world order were at hand. That phase is now well behind us. The proposition that one ‘hyper power’ can produce order across the globe had its brief moment\, but is no longer credible. \n10. Renewed great power competition has begun to overshadow the preoccupation with war against terrorism and insurgency over the last two decades. The great power competition will inevitably envelop others in the international system. Both inter-state and interventionary wars are now back on the agenda. The rise of new great powers and the growing military capabilities of regional powers too have increased the prospects for use of force. \nTherefore\, Indian security policy makers will have to inevitably address questions of use force. Those questions are about the principles\, purposes and strategies that must guide India’s own approach. \n11. This is not an easy subject to engage with. But KS would certainly have approved my wading\, responsibly\, into this sensitive subject. Minister Jaishankar too has talked about the need for an honest introspection into our past and drawing appropriate lessons learnt from it. The government itself has begun to highlight elements of India’s military history that were deliberately neglected in the past by the political class. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has pulled India out of the collective amnesia of the Indian Army’s participation in the First and Second World Wars. The PM has also drawn frequent attention to the provisional governments of India set during the two wars. The first in Kabul in 1915 and the second in 1943 in Singapore. Both these provisional governments were about important sections of the nationalist movement focusing on violent means to oust the British imperial power from India. \n12. While strategic communities elsewhere have dug deep into British India’s Afghan wars after 9/11\, independent India’s security studies scholarship pretends they don’t exist. Similarly\, anyone interested in the conflicts in northern Burma today\, would want to study the Anglo-Burmese wars. Put simply\, a closer study of India’s military experience in the pre-independence era\, might offer us a deeper historical perspective and valuable insights on the use of force. \n13. Our scholarship has also been hesitant to explore the tension between ideas and practice in the conduct of independent India’s security policies. India’s emphasis on non-violence\, the peaceful resolution of disputes\, and the ambition to construct an area of peace in Asia. In the integration of princely states\, dealing with Pakistan’s invasion in 1947\, and the PLA’s entry into Tibet. Yet\, these consequential developments did not make a sufficient dent into the dominant narrative about India’s policy imperatives on peace and security. \n14. One important part of that narrative is the centrality of the principle of non-intervention. This formulation tends to mistake independent India’s determination to prevent other powers from intervening in its own internal affairs and the question of India’s own intervention in the affairs of others. We in India might not see or want to see this apparent antinomy\, but others do notice it. But there is little reason for Delhi to be defensive on this; for this dual approach to sovereignty and intervention is not unique to India. All large nations\, especially the major powers adopt the same approach. The stronger the power\, the greater the temptation to affirm not only non-intervention in its own domestic affairs\, but also prevent other powers from interfering on its periphery and challenge its regional primacy. The US Monroe Doctrine\, the Russian conception of near abroad\, and China’s current effort to nudge the US out of the First Island Chain in the Western Pacific are part of the same tradition. The strategic objective of regional dominance is often couched in grand slogans like pan-Americanism\, Eurasianism\, or Pan-Asianism. In our own region\, the slogan\, “Asia for Asians” has been used for political purposes by Imperial Japan and is now being resurrected by Xi’s China. \n15. Despite the rich nuances associated with non-intervention\, the Indian discourse often sought to frame it in idealist terms. Consider for example\, the sacralisation of Panchsheel or the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence that India signed with China. Contrary to the popular perception\, it was not Jawaharlal Nehru but the Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai who took the initiative on drafting the Panchsheel. During his visit to India in 1954\, Zhou Enlai insisted on putting the Panchsheel into the preamble of the 1954 agreement on trade and intercourse between the Tibet region of China and India. Nehru went along. Zhou Enlai had good reason to insist on non-intervention. For it was not about non-intervention in absolute terms\, but about China demanding an end to India’s special relationship with Tibet. Over the decades\, however\, the notion of Panchsheel was abstracted out of its specific historical context and given an ideological weight of its own. But those who see Panchsheel as part of the complex evolution of Sino-Indian relations have no reason to offer eulogies. \n16. Tragic as it has been\, the Panchsheel has been followed more in breach than in its observance. Delhi was deeply riled up by China’s support to various insurgencies in India during the 1960s and 1970s. While matters have improved considerably since then\, the mutual concerns about issues relating to territorial sovereignty have not gone away. They are just below the surface. Delhi has reasons to be anxious about Beijing’s position on India’s dispute with Pakistan over Jammu and Kashmir as we have seen recently in the wake of India’s 2019 decision to alter the constitutional status of its territories. Soaring rhetoric on big themes could not hide the deeply contested territoriality of the two nations across the Himalayas that continues to derail effort to build a sustainable relationship. \n17. The Indian discourse often frames use of force and intervention along the North-South or East-West axes. In the North-South narrative\, the former colonial powers of the North routinely resort to use of force and intervention and the developing countries of the South are merely victims of these interventions. The former is certainly true\, but the latter is accurate only in part. The fact is that the developing countries of the South are as much prone to intervention in the internal affairs of their neighbours. For contestation for power among the Southern states endured\, notwithstanding the rhetoric on the Global South. The struggles to build nation states\, the reality of artificial boundaries drawn by the departing imperial powers\, the problem of equitable access to economic resources\, uneven development\, ethnic and religious divides contribute to immense internal conflict and often draw the neighbours into it. It is no surprise that intervention by developing states in each other’s conflicts is far more pervasive today than before. A cursory look at contemporary Middle East reveals the extent of regional rivalries and military interventions. \n18. There was also a tendency during the Cold War\, for many countries in the South to treat the interventions by the West and East in different ways. During the Cold War\, India tended to criticise Western interventions around the world\, but was somewhat ambivalent about Soviet interventions. This ambivalence came into sharp focus in the manner in which India dealt with the Anglo-French intervention of the Suez and the Soviet interventions in Hungary (1956)\, Czechoslovakia (1968) and Afghanistan (1979). This was not surprising given the legacy of the nationalist movement’s struggle against Western powers and the growing perception in a section of the developing world\, that the East was a natural ally of the non-aligned world. \n19. The tendency to set different standards for one’s friends and adversaries is not unique to any one nation. After all\, there is no question of ignoring the national interest. While Delhi privately urged the Soviet Union to end its war in Afghanistan\, Delhi was unwilling to join the West and condemn the Soviet intervention. For Moscow was India’s main strategic partner throughout the Cold War. It was the major source of arms and blocked Anglo-American intervention on Kashmir in the UNSC. India’s position on Soviet occupation of Afghanistan\, of course\, had its political costs—in the West and the Islamic world. There have also been occasions when India gave strong support to interventions by its friends. Recall the Indian backing in the late 1970s for the Vietnamese intervention in Cambodia even at the risk of losing political ground in Southeast Asia and alienating the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). It is indeed true that supporting Vietnamese intervention in Cambodia to oust the genocidal regime of Pol Pot was for a good moralpolitik. But also involved some realpolitik – helping Vietnam stand up against China. \n20. It is not that the great powers take an objective view of interventions. Both the Eastern and Western powers denounced use of force by the other as evil or illegitimate and their own as principled. But the West was better at justifying its interventions in terms of International law and using international institutions\, including media\, to control the narrative. Ironically\, it was not always enough though to sustain domestic political support in the US to foreign interventions. Whether it was the US intervention in Vietnam in the 1960s and early 1970s or the more recent interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq\, prolonged use of force abroad generates serious costs and turns the domestic opinion against it. We have seen similar internal backlash in the case of the Indian intervention in Sri Lanka. \n21. In the 1990s\, in the immediate aftermath of the Cold War\, the Western tendency to intervene acquired a new intensity. That the Soviet Union had disappeared and China had not yet risen provided a free run for the US in the United Nations Security Council. As the West seemed to make light of the notion of territorial sovereignty and imagined the UNSC as a supra-national organisation that was free to make political judgements about the internal situations in other countries and endorse military interventions. There was strong resistance to these ideas in many countries\, including India that was fending off the new international attempts to meddle in Jammu and Kashmir\, actively supported by Pakistan. The Western academia and human rights organisations trashed territorial sovereignty as an outdated concept and justify the new interventionism in the name of universalism. There was widespread condescension at the Indian and Chinese attachment to sovereignty. Some even urged Delhi and Beijing to abandon the notion of sovereignty and accept interventions as a part of new international life. In an ironic twist\, many of the same advocates are now having trouble coping with a newly risen China that has begun to flex its muscles and actively intervene in the affairs of other nations. Beijing has developed sophisticated ways of intervention—through influence operations and the so-called sharp power—to turn the politics of other societies\, including the most advanced Western nations\, in its favour. And resistance to this is proving rather hard. China’s approach to interventions is not a simple one; it had supported revolutionary movements all across Asia in the 1960s and early 1970s in the name of communist ideology. It was also fierce in defending its own sovereignty against foreign intervention. In the era of reform and opening up\, it tempered its tendency to intervene. Its current interventionary strategy is more finely tuned and designed to buttress its new status as a great power\, with a globalised economy\, and wide-ranging interests far beyond its shores.\n22. India has its own complex tradition on interventions. Sending troops into East Pakistan to liberate Bangladesh in 1971 and keep peace in Sri Lanka during 1987-90 were among the most notable of India’s regional interventions. There were other cases too\, including the liberation of Goa from Portugal\, support for the Burmese government against rebels advancing on the national capital in 1949\, support for Colombo in defeating the JVP insurrection in 1971. We celebrate some of these and ignore those that are uncomfortable. But as students of national security and strategy\, we owe ourselves to dig deep into each of these instances of India’s use of force beyond borders. While armed forces do assessments of all their military operations\, the students of IR and strategic studies have their task cut out in assessing the political and security calculus that went into these interventions\, the debate between competing perspectives in the decision-making\, the international reaction\, the immediate outcomes\, and long-term consequences\, both intended and unintended. Learning from our own past is critical for insights into when\, where and how to intervene. For our assumption is that the imperatives for intervention will continue to grow with India’s rise in the international system. The imperative also arises from the globalisation of the Indian economy and growing impact of the external world on India’s prosperity and peace. If India does not actively shape its environment\, it will have to live with the rules set by others. \n23. The wider scope of a rising India’s national interests does not take away the continuing primacy of territorial defence. This is obvious given the continuing threats we face on both our Western and northern borders. But how we address some of these challenges might be beginning to change. In the past we were weighted down by the Panipat Syndrome that condemned India to passive and reactive defence on one’s own doorstep. We are now seeing the birth of an active strategy that wants to go beyond the borders to attack the source of the threat. National Security Adviser\, Ajit Doval\, has expanded on this approach of active defence last October in his remarks at Rishikesh. As we mark the second anniversary of the Balakot attack by the Indian Air Force this week\, it is important for security studies scholars to examine the intricacies of an approach that takes the battle to the enemy. That must include a focus on the kind of capabilities and strategies we need to make a success of an active defence strategy. \n24. Even as we rethink our approaches to territorial defence\, India’s regional security role has drawn widespread attention. If there is one phrase that captures it is the notion of a “net security provider”. The phrase might be new\, but India’s regional security role in the Subcontinent is not. India’s military interventions and regional security diplomacy are part of that tradition. An important question today\, is about the potential for an expansion of India’s security role beyond South Asia to encompass the Indian Ocean and more broadly the Indo-Pacific. Although India has long claimed the Indian Ocean as its security sphere\, it is only in the last few years that we have taken a more purposeful military diplomacy to buttress that claim. When Great Britain announced withdrawal of its forces East of Suez in 1968\, India rejected the notion of a power vacuum\, renounced any interest in playing a larger security role\, and turned to multilateral solutions. Today\, the new Indian determination to shape the geopolitics of the Indian Ocean is codified in the 2015 speech in Mauritius by PM Modi. It is probably the first speech by a Prime Minister on India’s strategic imperatives in the Indian Ocean. So much for Delhi’s suffocating continentalism. But India’s maritime strategy is clearly work in progress. It therefore needs much scholarship and analysis to look at the possibilities and limitations of a larger regional security role in the Indo-Pacific. \n25. Long before considering a wider regional role\, independent India found a way to contribute to international peace and security—though the UN mandated peacekeeping operations. Amidst the superpower standoff in the Cold War\, there were spaces where non-aligned and neutral powers like India could chip in; and India had vast military resources. Together the two factors made India the largest contributor to international peacekeeping operations over the last five decades. While we celebrate this record\, it is time for scholarship to ask some important questions. Should India continue to stay with the old framework\, even as the nature of peacekeeping has changed and India’s own position in the international system has evolved? Is the objective of peacekeeping only to buttress India’s campaign for a permanent seat at the UNSC? Or does it have a military and strategic purpose of its own? In this context it is worth taking a look at China’s growing role in peacekeeping operations. China broke from the tradition of P-5 members to stand apart from peace operations. As Beijing became an active participant in international peace operations in recent years\, I see one important strategic motivation. It is the need to overcome the PLA’s lack of operational experience beyond borders. China is also using PKOs to expand its military weight and influence in Africa. \n26. Legitimacy is an intangible yet important dimension of military interventions. For democracies\, domestic legitimacy is as important as external legitimacy. Even a just use of force could be seen as illegitimate if the narrative around the conflict is not clearly set and communicated to the audiences at home and abroad. The question of legitimacy has dogged many recent US interventions. In many cases\, the criterion for legitimacy is seen as the approval of the UNSC. But can the UNSC and more broadly the UN itself get it right all the time? India did not have much support in the UNSC or the UNGA for its use of force to liberate Bangladesh. Does that make it illegitimate? What matters in the end though is success of the military operation. If a military can quickly and decisively create new and sustainable facts on the ground\, much of the international system will be ready to deal with the new dynamic. But the question of international political support remains an important element in modern warfare. The key as always is in finding that judicious balance. \n27. In debating the important questions of success and effectiveness of an intervention\, our strategic community must study the Indian Army’s own use of force beyond borders in the pre- and post-independence eras. It could also turn to the US debates—after all the US has been the most vigorous intervener in the post-War world. After the failure in Vietnam\, the US armed forces came up with a doctrine—going by the name of Gen Colin Powell— on the preconditions for successful use of force. These include a clearly defined political objective\, avoiding mission creep\, use of overwhelming force to achieve decisive results\, and avoid costly and prolonged interventions. On the face of it\, these are quite sensible recommendations. They were followed strictly in the US operation to liberate Kuwait from Saddam Hussein in 1990. But the lessons were forgotten by the first term of George W. Bush and we saw the disasters in Afghanistan and Iraq unfold. Ironically\, Gen Powell was the Secretary of State in that Administration. It is one thing therefore to come up with doctrines on the use of force\, and it is entirely another to ensure the internalisation by the political class and the national security establishment. \n28. On territorial defence and interventions in the immediate neighbourhood\, India has chosen rightly to set its own terms of engagement. It would prefer to act alone. On the global peacekeeping issue\, India ceded the terms of engagement to the P-5 and the UN bureaucracy. Since the issues involved seemed distant\, abiding by the P-5 mandate did not raise serious political questions at home. As India confronts wider security responsibilities\, it is inevitable that the question of coalition operations presents itself. Coalition operations have become important because no great power is in a position to shape the larger outcomes on its own in a large theatre like the Indo-Pacific. That in turn begs the question of who in the coalition sets the terms of military engagement and the political objectives that must be pursued? Those issues might be relatively easy to address in non-strategic operations like humanitarian assistance and disaster relief. The more strategic the mission becomes\, the tougher the questions relating to joint operations become. But it is an issue that Delhi can no longer avoid. \n29. Even as we debate the traditional forms of use of force and intervention\, new challenges are arising. The emergence of cyberspace as a new domain for non-kinetic but consequential warfare\, amidst the rapid digitalisation of the modern economies\, is one we are barely coming to terms with. The contestation involves not only states and their instruments for use of force\, but non-state actors of all kinds. The capacity of non-state actors to leverage cyberspace to trigger serious trouble and their ability to act as proxies for rival states have created sweeping new threats. In coping credibly and sustainably with the weaponisation of social media and the non-state actors for strategic purposes\, democratic states need to upgrade their technical skills and enhance the strength of their political institutions. Attacking behind the lines and destabilising the home terrain of the adversary have always been an important part of warfare; it has now got a big boost with new digital tools. Today\, democracies need to be good at both defence and offence in dealing with the new forms of warfare. \n30. In the end\, the debate on when\, where and how to use force beyond borders is going to be with India for a long time to come. My objective today was to merely highlight some of the issues involved. It is really up to the current generation of scholars and strategic analysts to delve deeper into the emerging challenges and potential means to address them. Recalling the role and contributions of KS does not reveal what the answers to those difficult questions are. But it certainly tells us how we might go about finding the answers.\nThank you. \nProfessor C. Raja Mohan is Director\, Institute of South Asian Studies\, National University of Singapore. URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/the-k-subrahmanyam-memorial-lecture-2021-using-force-beyond-borders-when-to-intervene CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20210129T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20210129T053000 DTSTAMP:20261113T220654 CREATED:20231223T123629Z LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T121439Z UID:62600-1611898200-1611898200@idsa.in SUMMARY:Opening Remarks by Ambassador Sujan R Chinoy on “India’s Cyber Preparedness” | 29 January 2021 DESCRIPTION:Opening Remarks by Ambassador Sujan R Chinoy\, Director General\, MP-IDSAAt WebinarOn‘India’s Cyber Preparedness’29 January 2021\n Good afternoon. I wish to extend a warm welcome to all our distinguished guests and participants. \n At the very outset\, I would like to thank Shri Gulshan Rai for sparing his valuable time to address members of the strategic community at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA). Shri Rai will deliver a lecture on the vital subject of ‘India’s Cyber Preparedness’. Shri Rai was the Director General of CERT-IN and headed the E-Security and Cyber Law Division\, STQC and other Divisions in the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology. He was also India’s first National Cyber Security Coordinator at the National Security Council Secretariat (NSCS). With over 35 years of experience\, he has had a ringside view of India’s cyber preparedness. \n ‘India’s Cyber Preparedness’ is a very pertinent topic\, particularly against the backdrop of the COVID-19 induced shift to an even greater reliance on artificial intelligence (AI)\, surveillance technologies\, online platforms and big data. \n Today\, we are witnessing the creation of new inflection points for India’s as well as the global economy. E-commerce\, including online start-ups and delivery apps for groceries and merchandise\, has seen a spurt in business. Online entertainment platforms\, TV serials and home entertainment have seen a surge in scope and stock value. \n The shuttering of schools and universities has meant a huge boost for online education\, distance learning and self-employment opportunities. Home learning with one-on-one lessons have spawned a new industry for those with adequate access to computers\, broadband and Wi-Fi connectivity\, with the advantage going to nations that enjoy greater internet penetration. This has also meant huge stress on existing bandwidth capacities for network and telecom service providers. \n This sudden surge in users and data flow in the digital space is redefining the very notion of critical infrastructure in the cyber domain. It has created vast new attack surfaces in personal computers for hackers and cybercriminals\, both state and non-state actors alike. \n The use of the internet and network security cannot be disaggregated. While no network is a hundred per cent immune to attack\, a stable and efficient network security system is vital. \n Cyberspace is now seen as the 5th dimension of warfare by NATO\, after land\, sea\, air and space. A well-coordinated cyber war can cripple a nation and undermine its economic stability. It also has the potential to undermine a nation’s military preparedness to some extent. \n India is amongst the top three countries in the world facing cyber-attacks\, including ransomware attacks. At risk are state and business secrets\, personal identities\, client data\, vulnerable banking and financial transactions and much more. \n The three key objectives identified by India for a secure cyber space include preventing cyber-attacks\, reducing national vulnerability to cyber-attacks and minimising damage and recovery time from cyber-attacks. We have multiple agencies working together to secure our networks. This highlights the necessity of a harmonious interaction between them. There is also a need for capacity-building through greater skilling of cybersecurity professionals in the country. \n In a significant step\, the Union Cabinet Committee on Security recently approved a new National Security Directive on Telecommunications Sector which will mandate service providers to purchase equipment from trusted sources. The decision of the government to maintain the integrity of the supply chain in the telecom sector is a welcome step\, long in the making. Presumably\, this will eliminate dubious foreign suppliers whose products have been suspected of harbouring backdoors and vulnerabilities that could be misused during hostilities. \n In one stroke\, the directive has integrated the objective of achieving supply chain security in the telecom sector with the all-important Atmanirbhar Bharat mission. \n The new directive of Government of India dovetails seamlessly into global initiatives that aim to create resilience in telecom supply chains. It does so by boosting India’s domestic capacities as well and freeing Indian telecom service providers from an abject reliance on foreign equipment\, including from dubious sources. Given that threats to national security are ‘source agnostic’\, Indian pubic telecom networks could potentially face threats in equipment sourced from any foreign supplier\, regardless of the country of origin. This suggests that Indian regulators must develop the necessary test beds capable of running diagnostics on all equipment\, including that produced by Western companies. \n In the ultimate analysis\, India should rely more on indigenously manufactured equipment. The recent directive will help India better protect the confidentiality and integrity of its telecommunications networks while facilitating ‘data in motion’. \n With these words\, I now invite Shri Gulshan Rai to deliver his lecture on ‘India’s Cyber Preparedness’. His talk will be followed by a Q&A session. \nThank you. URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/opening-remarks-by-ambassador-sujan-r-chinoy-on-indias-cyber-preparedness-29-january-2021 CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20210122T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20210122T053000 DTSTAMP:20261113T220654 CREATED:20231223T123630Z LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T121439Z UID:62601-1611293400-1611293400@idsa.in SUMMARY:Opening Remarks by Ambassador Sujan R Chinoy on “Nuclear Disarmament in the Era of Weakening Arms Control” | 22 January 2021 DESCRIPTION:Opening Remarks by Ambassador Sujan R Chinoy\,\nDirector General\, MP-IDSA and Convener\, Indian Pugwash Society (IPS)\nat Indian Pugwash Society Webinar\nOn\n “Nuclear Disarmament in the Era of Weakening Arms Control”\nGood morning. I wish to extend a warm welcome to all our distinguished guests and participants. \nThe webinar is being organised by the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA) in collaboration with the Indian Pugwash Society (IPS)\, which is also based on our campus and of which I am the Convener. \nToday’s webinar is on the theme ‘Nuclear Disarmament in the Era of Weakening Arms Control’. This is a very pertinent topic. This webinar will inevitably draw in the politics of the COVID-19 pandemic which have proved divisive. Our speakers might even cover the end of the Trump era\, the onset of the Biden Presidency\, the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) and the fall-out\, if any\, on nuclear disarmament and arms control. It appears that the Chinese see scope to work together with the Biden administration on matters such as the pandemic\, climate change\, trade\, and nuclear issues concerning the Korean Peninsula and Iran. \nObviously\, the world is changing rapidly. The kaleidoscopic changes before us will impact on our ability to look ahead\, through the prevailing haze of uncertainty. Yet\, the older debates on nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament continue to provide a reference point and guide our future assessment of issues and challenges relevant to global peace\, security and stability in the 21st century. \nToday\, 75 years after the development of the first atomic bomb\, a nuclear weapons-free world remains a pipe-dream. While the global stockpile of nuclear weapons has indeed seen a substantial reduction\, this has been offset by the qualitative improvement of technology which has made these weapons more potent and lethal than ever before. Technology has also made these weapons more vulnerable to cyber-attacks\, thereby upping the nuclear ante. \nThe huge surge in Artificial Intelligence (AI) and Internet-of-Things (IoT) capabilities around the world\, not just among the major nuclear powers\, raises the disturbing spectre of intrusion by state and non-state actors into critical networks and the command and control systems of nuclear weapons and missiles. From a lay perspective\, one can only imagine the havoc that can be created if such systems were hacked surreptitiously to change configurations of targets\, flight paths etc. What kind of Armageddon would that lead to? \nSome strategists say that it is nuclear weapons that can be credited for keeping the peace between great powers and preventing another world war. Others aver that the threat of a nuclear confrontation can never be ruled out as long as nuclear weapons exist. We are today in the midst of a new nuclear arms race marked by the increasing modernisation of the nuclear arsenals of the US\, Russia and China. \nInternational arms control and disarmament mechanisms have seen some erosion. This includes the Open Skies Treaty (OST) and the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty\, considered a bedrock of global nuclear strategic stability. There has been little progress on other disarmament initiatives. \nChina’s role in nuclear arms control\, or the lack of it\, is another issue of concern. China has refused to join the negotiations between the US and Russia over extending the New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (New START)\, expiring in February 2021. Without China’s participation\, which is a key condition imposed by the US in extending the Treaty\, this long-standing agreement between two of the world’s pre-eminent nuclear powers could collapse. This could lead to an unmitigated nuclear arms race. \nChina has not been keen on tri-lateral arms control arrangements. Its reticence rests on its argument that the US and Russia still possess close to 90 per cent of the world’s nuclear arsenal\, and China\, with its limited numbers\, should not be bound by restrictions that could apply equally to the US and Russia. China also maintains that the US and Russia bear primary responsibility for nuclear disarmament. \nToday\, China’s rapid military modernisation\, including development of advanced early warning capabilities\, has led to speculation of a major change in its nuclear posture of No First Use (NFU). Speculation is rife that NFU could be replaced by ‘launch on warning’ posture in the future. \nChina is reported to be equipping its ICBMs with multiple independently targetable re-entry vehicle\, i.e.\, the MIRV-equipped DF-5. In effect\, China is seeking to follow the example of the US\, Russia\, Britain and France\, all of whom sought to overcome the limitations of numbers by opting for MIRV technology\, and also to make its nuclear delivery systems impervious\, to the extent possible\, to missile defence. \nOverall\, China’s lack of transparency regarding its military strategy also extends to the nuclear domain. \nMeanwhile\, Iran’s installation of new advanced centrifuges have complicated the future outlook of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). One can only hope that this watershed agreement will be resurrected in one form or another. Of course\, as a signatory\, Iran is bound by the NPT framework. \nIndia remains outside both the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) and the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (CTBT). The unequal nature of these treaties has led India to take a principled position\, and this has not changed. \nIndia has an unblemished record in non-proliferation\, apart from its strong advocacy of general and complete disarmament. India remains committed to the goal of a nuclear weapons free world\, through globally\, verifiable and non-discriminatory nuclear disarmament. \nApart from the nuclear deal with the US\, India has harmonised its export control lists and became a member of regimes such as the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR)\, the Australia Group and the Wassenaar Arrangement. The Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) still remains the Holy Grail\, within grasp\, but for China’s opposition. \nIn a world ravaged by the COVID-19 pandemic\, the need of the hour is to focus all our attention and resources on economic recovery. \nI am sure our distinguished panellists comprising Amb Sheel Kant Sharma\, Professor Ramesh Thakur\, Professor Swaran Singh and Dr. Rajiv Nayan have more to say on the subject. \nI would now request Amb Sheel Kant Sharma to give his presentation on “Relevance of Nuclear Disarmament: Moral Imperatives v/s Security Imperatives”. \nThank you. URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/opening-remarks-by-ambassador-sujan-r-chinoy-on-nuclear-disarmament-in-the-era-of-weakening-arms-control-22-january-2021 CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20201126T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20201126T053000 DTSTAMP:20261113T220654 CREATED:20231223T123630Z LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T121439Z UID:62602-1606368600-1606368600@idsa.in SUMMARY:Inaugural Address by Amb Sujan R. Chinoy on Deciphering China – The Maritime Context DESCRIPTION:Inaugural Address by Amb Sujan R. Chinoy\, DG\, MP-IDSA \n AtWebinar Jointly Organised by Institute of Contemporary Studies Bangalore (ICSB)\, Chennai Centre for China Studies (C3S) and Press Institute of India (PII)On“Deciphering China – The Maritime Context”26 November 2020; 0935-0955 hrs\nGood morning. \n Mr Sashi Nair\, Director\, Press Institute of India\, Chennai\, \n Admiral Sunil Lanba\, Chairman\, National Maritime Foundation (NMF)\, \n Commodore R.S. Vasan\, Director\, Chennai Centre for China Studies (C3S)\, \n Esteemed Participants\, \n Ladies and Gentlemen\, \nI am grateful to the Institute of Contemporary Studies Bangalore (ICSB)\, Chennai Centre for China Studies (C3S) and Press Institute of India (PII) for inviting me to deliver the inaugural address on the theme of “Deciphering China-The Maritime Context”. \n Today\, the world is undergoing a fundamental transformation. A fragile international compact has been further weakened by the COVID-19 pandemic. The priority in every country is to contain the pandemic and stimulate economic recovery. \n Yet\, amidst unprecedented change in a world in flux\, this fateful day of the 26th of November is accompanied by keen remembrance for all those who lost their lives in the gruesome terrorist attacks on Mumbai by sea-borne terrorists from Pakistan. This heart-wrenching anniversary reminds us that terrorism remains one of the greatest threats to peace and progress everywhere. It also reminds us that India’s vast coastline and the seas beyond are so important to our national security. \n Friends\, today\, under the overhang of great uncertainty\, international relations are increasingly characterised by a proclivity to ‘weaponise’ trade and technology. There is little doubt that the world is rapidly cleaving itself into mutually exclusive camps\, especially in 5G and AI. Overall\, power is fractured. Hedging and multi-aligning are part of every country’s strategic toolkit.       \n Even before the politics of the pandemic took center-stage\, the US-China trade war had been hugely disruptive. Efforts at de-coupling from excessive reliance on tenuous and exploitative trade ties will continue\, and building alternative and resilient supply chains are key objectives for many a nation\, but all this will take time. \n In our part of the world\, China’s rise has not been smooth. The West took 150 years to achieve an enduring balance of power through a long process of industrialization\, war\, and multiple treaties to forge peace. In China’s case\, change has been so rapid that it is not just the outside world that has found it difficult to adjust to China’s rise. China itself seems quite unprepared to accurately comprehend the implications of such fundamental changes in its power and influence. China expects the entire world to adjust to the accretion in its economic and military heft. However\, in its haste to scale to the top\, it is unwilling to acknowledge the achievements or accommodate the aspirations of other countries\, especially democracies that offer an alternative model to China’s centralised authoritarian systems of growth and governance. It is also perhaps over-reaching. \n China aims to become a moderately developed country by 2021\, the centenary of the Chinese Communist Party’s establishment. Furthermore\, it seeks to modernize its military forces by 2035 and to realize the “China dream”—the emergence of a strong\, modern\, and rejuvenated Chinese nation—by 2050. The party’s mantra of “community of a shared future for mankind” seems an ill-concealed effort to reinvent the Middle Kingdom\, with China at the centre of a new world order. Policies such as Made in China 2025 and the creation of vast physical and digital infrastructure networks linking China’s manufacturing nodes with global markets through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) are part of the stratagem. \n China’s rise reminds one\, at once\, of the experience of the colonial powers and later\, the reactions against Wilhelmine Germany and Imperial Japan. \n In the past\, colonial powers such as the Portuguese\, the Dutch\, and the British were motivated to acquire extraterritorial privileges and to consolidate their presence using mare liberum and mare clausum strategies in the Indian Ocean. These privileges enabled the colonial powers to secure trading rights and monopolies over raw materials for manufacturing centres back home\, and markets for finished products. Today\, China appears to be driven by similar neo-colonial considerations through the twin-prongs of the BRI\, that is\, the continental Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st-century Maritime Silk Road. \n Historically\, China was primarily a landward-oriented power\, except for the short interlude during the Ming Dynasty marked by the voyages of Admiral Zheng He in the opening decades of the 15th century. However\, within a hundred years of Zheng He\, the Ming emperors had abandoned their naval fleet and left it to rot\, apparently out of concern at the implications of global trade\, the change in China that it was bound to bring about\, and\, the rise of a merchant community in China. For the next two hundred years\, China retreated into a shell\, just as the European powers were hitting their stride and exploiting an industrial revolution backed by endless supply chains extending to their colonies. \n As successor to the Ming\, the Qing dynasty was obsessed with expansion of its continental power. It undertook territorial campaigns in Xinjiang\, Tibet and Mongolia. The Qing’s limited experience with naval power was not exactly an exhilarating one. It was marked by a major land-sea defeat at the hands of Japan in 1895 resulting in the Treaty of Shimonoseki and the loss of Taiwan\, Penghu and the Liaodong Peninsula. It also resulted in a loss of influence in the Korean peninsula. \n Some of the earliest military engagements that the People’s Republic of China entered into after its formation in 1949 were continental in nature. Many were aimed at gaining control over a periphery that China had long coveted. This included the Korean War between 1950-53\, China’s assistance to Vietcong during the Vietnam War in 1960s and early 1970s\, border conflict with India in 1962\, and invasion of Vietnam in 1979. \n This is not to say that the People’s Republic of China did not give thought to maritime issues. In fact\, it inherited all the maritime territorial claims of the Republic of China\, just as it did its specious continental claims. Traditionally\, the PRC and Taiwan both had identical revanchist claims over the Senkaku Islands in the East China Sea and over the disputed islands\, rocks and natural features in the South China Sea. But until recently\, the People’s Republic did not have the capacity to assert itself.  \n All this has now changed. \n After the September 2001 attacks\, the US’ priority shifted to the war on international terror. It left a vacuum in the Asia Pacific which was systematically exploited by China. \n Simultaneously\, China has used the last two decades to transform its brown water navy into a blue water one. China’s naval modernisation has enabled it to expand its focus and area of operations from its ‘near sea’ to the ‘far seas’. China believes that a strong\, powerful and modern blue water navy is a key instrument in the realization of the Chinese Dream of national rejuvenation. Accretion in naval power has allowed China to significantly ramp up its presence in the Indian Ocean\, where no less than 32 task forces have rotated over the last decade under one pretext or the other. China has also tried to promote the Artic Silk Road\, by declaring itself as a “near Artic State” in 2018.   \n Today\, China remains one of the fastest-growing navies in the world. In sheer numbers\, it is also the largest navy\, having overtaken the formidable US navy. Even with a surge in Chinese naval capabilities\, the American navy as well as the navies of several other countries\, including Japan\, remain well ahead in sophistication. US carrier battle groups are far more numerous; its aircraft carriers are at least twice the size of China’s nascent aircraft carrier fleet and far more advanced. \n China may not yet be a peer of the US in naval power\, but it has certainly sought to bridge the gap through asymmetrical means\, by developing anti-access area-denial strategies\, anti-ship and carrier-killer missiles and by developing capacities to target space-based ISR assets of the adversary. \n In recent years\, there has been a fresh spurt in US naval commitment to the region. It is reflected in the renaming of its Pacific Command from USPACOM to USINDOPACOM. The outgoing U.S. Navy Secretary Kenneth Braithwaite has announced that the navy should create a new fleet within the Indo-Pacific theatre to take some pressure off the 7th Fleet. Under a Biden administration\, the US should work to strengthen its alliance partnerships in the region. \n Today\, it is China’s own actions that are defining the evolving strategic geography of the Indo-Pacific. The Belt & Road Initiative\, “debt trap” diplomacy with island nations\, China’s fictitious territorial claims and island-grabbing spree in the South China Sea\, its quest for ports and basing rights along the Indian Ocean littoral\, and a divide-and-rule stratagem in South-east Asia and South Asia are actively shaping the contours of the Indo-Pacific vision of many countries. Effectively\, one can say that it is China’s actions that are giving a sense of purpose and direction to the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue. \n A fundamental fact of the last two decades is that an ambitious China has been virtually seeking the expulsion of the US\, and other major powers from its periphery. This has huge implications for the region’s peace\, security and prosperity. \n China has long regarded US presence in the Asia Pacific as an impediment to its domination of Asia. This is ironic\, because the US and others such as France and Britain have historically been part of the region\, and the US has been a key factor in the region’s economic prosperity and political stability after the end of the Second World War\, including China’s. Other European powers such as Germany which are showing interest in an open and transparent rules-based order in the Indo-Pacific\, also have deep stakes and are integral to the region’s future. We must welcome them. \n This naturally grates against China’s narrow definition of “Asia for Asians” which is a China-centric concept that excludes several genuine stakeholders with long-standing interests in the region. \n For India\, China’s growing forays and presence in the Indian Ocean region are a matter of growing concern. China’s disruptive forays in Sri Lanka and Maldives and the growing area of operations of Chinese submarines\, its deep sea mining in the central Indian Ocean\, its efforts to acquire OTR and berthing facilities\, from Hambantota to Gwadar to Djibouti\, are all matters of concern. Of course\, China has a right to engage in normal activity in the region\, like all others. However\, it is the lack of transparency and China’s opaque motives that lead to apprehensions. It is difficult for China to convince the world that its objectives are anodyne when it deploys submarines in the Indian Ocean on the pretext of conducting anti-piracy operations\, and attempts to take over ports through debt-trap diplomacy. \n In the South China Sea\, the sharpening regional geopolitical contestations are reflected in China’s preposterous claims and the building and militarisation of islands. China has consistently sought to fracture ASEAN consensus on its periphery and manipulate the outcomes in the Code of Conduct that is under negotiation. China is a member of UNCLOS yet engages in activities that violate the sanctity of UNCLOS. It has refused to accept UNCLOS rulings. \n Ironically\, alongside friction with China\, ASEAN’s dependence on China is growing at the same time\, for economic prosperity as well as security. The ten ASEAN states seem to speak out as a group but individually\, they all seem to want to avoid taking sides between China and the US.    \n It is interesting to note that China is the only major power directly involved in the Code of Conduct negotiations with ASEAN. Yet\, what happens in the South China Sea is of direct consequence to the whole world. One suspects that ASEAN centrality could be exploited by China to dilute narratives in the Indo-Pacific that could prove inimical to Chinese interests.  \n In the Pacific\, a new contestation pits US programmes such as the BUILD Act\, ARIA and Asia EDGE against the inducements offered by China to small island nations. Japan and Australia have also joined hands with the US in the Blue Dot network and the Indo Pacific Business Forum to promote infrastructure and connectivity. This region is somewhat distant to India’s individual interests\, but yet\, India has been enhancing its presence in the Pacific Ocean through friendly port calls\, participation in the RIMPAC exercises and building a stronger partnership with Australia and New Zealand\, the traditional powers in the South Pacific. \n My remarks would remain incomplete if I did not say something about the QUAD. China’s suspicions about both the Indo-Pacific and the QUAD run deep. It views the Indo-Pacific concept as a direct threat to the BRI. China believes that trilateral and other dialogue structures involving the US\, Japan and India and the US\, Japan and Australia\, are aimed at strengthening the QUAD which it considers as an Asian NATO. China can be expected to continue to use its old “wei qi” mind-set to view the QUAD as “encirclement” of China. This is ironic since China has actively sought to use a “wei qi” stratagem to buttonhole others in the region.  \n In recent years\, nuanced differences among the QUAD countries seem to have narrowed down. \n The very fact that China no longer describes it as “ocean foam” that would “soon dissipate” is testimony to the fact that the QUAD is gradually acquiring traction. \n China would not have failed to note that it was India’s decision that permitted the QUAD to meet at the ministerial level last year. Again it is movement in India’s position that has permitted Australia to participate in the 2020 Malabar exercise. For long\, China has taken it for granted that the Asia-Pacific is its oyster with China its pearl. It does not have the same confidence about the Indo-Pacific which is a broader\, more egalitarian and more representative geography which recognises the potential of India\, Indonesia\, and many others. \n In terms of next steps\, there is scope to convene a QUAD meeting in the 2+2 format\, with foreign and civilian defence officials participating alongside at the level of the Director Generals to begin with\, and gradually elevating the dialogue to Permanent Secretary/Vice Minister and then moving up to Ministerial-level. \n One should avoid calling the QUAD a coalition of democracies though\, even if the four countries at the “core” are democracies. This would ensure a more comfortable fit with other countries at the periphery\, such as Vietnam\, that may not be democracies. After all\, the Indo-Pacific region has all manner of political and economic systems. \n At the core\, the focus of the QUAD must be on the strategic character of the grouping. At the periphery\, the QUAD could build a network of cooperation that takes into account pressing economic and developmental aspects in the Indo-Pacific. In effect\, I advocate a harder core and a softer and inclusive periphery for the QUAD in the QUAD Plus format. \n It is clear that an ensuring security architecture for the 21st century will continue to be predicated on openness and transparency\, rule of law\, freedoms of navigation and overflight\, and\, unimpeded commerce on the high seas. And\, India’s contribution to this will be of great significance. \n Thank you. URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/inaugural-address-by-amb-sujan-r-chinoy-on-deciphering-china-the-maritime-context CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20201112T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20201112T053000 DTSTAMP:20261113T220654 CREATED:20231223T123644Z LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T121439Z UID:62603-1605159000-1605159000@idsa.in SUMMARY:Address by Ambassador Sujan R. Chinoy at Herat Security Dialogue 2020 DESCRIPTION:Address by Ambassador Sujan R. Chinoy \nDirector General\, MP-IDSA \nVirtual Herat Security Dialogue (HSD-IX) \nCo-hosted by AISS\, MP-IDSA and Hudson Institute \nNovember 12\, 2020 \nYour Excellency Mr. Amrullah Saleh\, Vice President of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan\, \nDr. Davood Moradian\, Director General of the Afghan Institute for Strategic Studies\, Kabul\, \nDr. Aparna Pande\, Director of Initiative on the Future of India and South Asia at the Hudson Institute\, Washington \nEsteemed Participants\, \n Ladies and Gentlemen\, \nI am grateful to the Afghan Institute for Strategic Studies (AISS) for inviting my institute – the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\, better known as IDSA\, to join the 9th edition of the Herat Security Dialogue as a co-host for this Special Session\, together with the Hudson Institute. \n The Herat Security Dialogue has devoted much effort to the task of addressing the long-standing conflict in Afghanistan and bringing peace\, security and stability for the people of Afghanistan. I congratulate the organisers for their untiring commitment to this noble cause. \n Today\, we have heard a thought-provoking Keynote Address delivered by His Excellency Mr. Amrullah Saleh\, the Vice President of Afghanistan. He has given us much to reflect on regarding the intra-Afghan peace process and the future of Afghanistan. \n India has long been committed to peace and progress in Afghanistan. India understands the stakes in the Afghan peace process and its implications for the region. The External Affairs Minister of India Dr. S. Jaishankar had addressed the Doha meeting. An Indian delegation had physically participated in the event. \n Afghanistan is in the throes of a difficult transition. The last two decades have yielded mixed results. Democratic institutions are still nascent and must be preserved. I recall Prime Minister Narendra Modi saying in his speech on 25 December 2015 in Kabul\, when addressing both houses of the Afghan Parliament\, that the Parliament Complex\, built by India\, was a small tribute to Afghanistan’s progress as a nation and a democracy. He had also described it as an enduring symbol of the ties of emotions and values\, of affection and aspirations that bind us in a special relationship. \n Over the past several years\, there has been considerable progress in protecting the rights of women and minorities. This achievement too must be preserved. It will permit the Afghan nation to draw more fully upon the rich talent and potential of all its citizens. \n Improved connectivity\, rising levels of education and greater accountability have created new stakes for the people of Afghanistan in the task of nation-building. They have learnt the hard way. They now cherish the advantages of a society founded on liberal values and respect for human rights. They yearn for the fullest preservation and celebration of their ancient civilisation and the cultural heritage of a pluralistic Afghan society. There is keen realisation today that in a fast-changing world\, the Afghan nation will have to be both independent and competitive\, and that this can be achieved only by attaching importance to education\, skill development\, healthcare and respect for peaceful political processes. \n Friends\, the lofty goal of building an enduring architecture for peace and progress is no doubt vital for the people of Afghanistan. It is equally vital for others. An Afghanistan that is secure and at peace with itself is a factor for stability throughout the region. The people of Afghanistan have long cherished the hope of achieving peace through mutual accommodation of goals and aspirations. It augurs well that the regional and international community is ready to lend a helping hand in accordance with the priorities of the Afghan people. \n At a time when the peace process is at a critical juncture\, we recognise the enormous contributions and sacrifices made by the Afghan people and the international community. The presence of US forces in Afghanistan over the last 18 years has been a factor for peace\, security and stability. The US must review its withdrawal and plan it in a phased manner. An abrupt absence of US forces could lead to a deterioration in the security situation and threaten the progress of the past two decades. \n Violence has destroyed Afghan society and institutions. Violence in Afghanistan or on its borders contradicts the impulse for dialogue. Indeed\, there has been a condemnable spike in violence since February. Whether it is Daesh or the Taliban that carry out heinous attacks\, they are equally condemnable. \n The Afghan National Defence and Security Forces (ANDSF) have displayed great resolve and commitment in dealing with security challenges. The international community lauds the sacrifices of the ANDSF. \n The Taliban should eschew violence for the sake of national reconstruction. It must sever its links with all terrorist outfits which threaten regional and global peace and security. A peaceful Afghanistan has a greater chance of attracting much-needed foreign investment for economic development. A cease-fire would be the first step in this direction. \n In order to make the hard-won gains of democracy and development irreversible\, the international community must continue to support the reconstruction process. Afghanistan needs US$ 5 billion in foreign aid annually to maintain stability. The upcoming donor conference to be co-hosted by Finland\, Afghanistan\, and the United Nations in Geneva on 23-24 November should be used as an opportunity to refocus attention on advancing realistic and sustainable reconstruction plans. \n India has reiterated its conviction at the maiden round of the intra-Afghan dialogue that the peace process must be Afghan-led\, Afghan-owned and Afghan-controlled. We have stated before our hope and expectation that it must ‘respect the national sovereignty and territorial integrity of Afghanistan and preserve the progress made’ during the last two decades towards building a democratic Islamic Republic in Afghanistan. Equally\, ‘the interests of minorities\, women and vulnerable sections of society must be preserved and the issue of violence across the country and its neighbourhood has to be effectively addressed’. \n India believes that Afghanistan has a right to forge its own destiny and realise its fullest potential. Above all\, the peace process brooks no external interference. India respects the will of the people of Afghanistan\, whatever they choose for themselves.   \n India and Afghanistan have age-old ties. Our close bonds have stood the test of time. India has played an important role as a major development partner of Afghanistan\, executing more than 400 projects across its 34 provinces. The Afghan-India Friendship Dam\, the Stor Palace restoration\, the Pul-e-Khumri power project and the Zaranj-Delaram road are enduring symbols of India’s strong commitment to Afghanistan’s reconstruction process. \n Under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi\, India has taken proactive steps to reinvigorate the regional and global response to the COVID-19 pandemic through its initiatives in SAARC and the G20. India is ready to extend whatever help it can to the friendly people of Afghanistan. It is committed to provide assistance to help rebuild Afghanistan’s infrastructure and institutions\, promote education and manufacturing\, and\, explore natural resources. India is also willing to provide duty-free access to the Indian market for Afghanistan’s exports. \n Friends\, terrorism continues to afflict our region. As Prime Minister Narendra Modi said in his recent address to the United Nations General Assembly\, terrorism is one of the biggest challenges\, not for any single country\, but the entire world and humanity. That is why\, as he put it\, it is absolutely imperative that the world unites against terrorism. On its part\, India has a policy of zero tolerance for terrorism.  \n We hope that Pakistan will one day realise the folly of using terrorism as an instrument of state policy. As Afghanistan enters a crucial phase in the intra-Afghan peace process\, the people of Afghanistan must guard against the country’s territory being misused again by external forces. A repeat of history would be a great tragedy.      \n The road to peace will be long and arduous. It will require infinite patience\, perseverance\, political will and wise leadership to ensure a successful outcome. It does not help that the United Nations has been less effective in recent years by geo-strategic contestation. It is our cherished hope that a sovereign and independent Afghanistan will one day regain its historical importance as a regional hub for trade\, energy and connectivity. It is our hope that Afghanistan’s economy will one day connect with markets and supply chains throughout the region\, especially with India\, without a veto by others in the region.     \n With these words\, I once again thank you for inviting me to address you. I wish this year’s Herat Security Dialogue great success in its deliberations. \n Thank you. URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/address-by-ambassador-sujan-r-chinoy-at-herat-security-dialogue-2020 CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20201008T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20201008T053000 DTSTAMP:20261113T220654 CREATED:20231223T123644Z LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T121439Z UID:62604-1602135000-1602135000@idsa.in SUMMARY:Welcome Address by Amb. Sujan R. Chinoy Director General\, MP-IDSA At Lecture by H.E. Dr. Abdullah Abdullah Chairman of the High Council for National Reconciliation of Afghanistan 8 October 2020 DESCRIPTION:Your Excellency Dr Abdullah Abdullah\, Chairman of the High Council for National Reconciliation of Afghanistan\, Esteemed Members of the Afghan Delegation\, Members of the Executive Council of MP-IDSA\, Friends from the Media\, Ladies and Gentlemen\, \nWe are fortunate today to have in our midst Dr. Abdullah Abdullah\, an eminent statesman from our close and friendly neighbour Afghanistan. Excellency\, we are truly looking forward to your talk on the future of Afghanistan at a time when the intra-Afghan peace process is entering a critical stage. \n Friends\, the lofty goal of building an enduring architecture for peace and progress is no doubt vital for the people of Afghanistan. It is equally vital for others. An Afghanistan that is secure and at peace with itself is a factor for stability throughout the region. The people of Afghanistan harbour the fervent hope of achieving peace through mutual accommodation of goals and aspirations. It augurs well that the regional and international community is ready to lend a helping hand in accordance with the priorities of the Afghan people. \n India has reiterated its conviction at the maiden round of the intra-Afghan dialogue that the peace process must be Afghan-led\, Afghan-owned and Afghan-controlled. We have stated before our hope and expectation that it must ‘respect the national sovereignty and territorial integrity of Afghanistan and preserve the progress made’ during the last two decades towards building a democratic Islamic Republic in Afghanistan. Equally\, ‘the interests of minorities\, women and vulnerable sections of society must be preserved and the issue of violence across the country and its neighbourhood has to be effectively addressed’. \n We believe that Afghanistan has a right to forge its own destiny and realise its fullest potential. Above all\, the peace process brooks no external interference. India respects the will of the people of Afghanistan\, whatever they chose for themselves.   \n Your Excellency\, your visit to India has come at an opportune moment. It further cements the close bonds between India and Afghanistan that have stood the test of time. India has played an important role as a major development partner of Afghanistan\, executing more than 400 projects across its 34 provinces. India remains strongly committed to Afghanistan’s reconstruction process. \n Recently\, the COVID pandemic has caused global disruptions in trade\, travel\, tourism and supply chains. In the prevailing geostrategic atmosphere\, both trade and technology are being weaponised. Multi-alignment is overtaking multilateralism. Yet\, one cannot over-emphasise the importance of coherent regional cooperation in overcoming the lacunae in global governance and national healthcare systems. Under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi\, India has taken proactive steps to reinvigorate the regional and global response through its initiatives within SAARC and in the G20. \n While the world is riveted on the pandemic\, it cannot be blind to terrorism\, that great scourge that continues to afflict our region. As Prime Minister Narendra Modi said in his recent address to the UN General Assembly\, terrorism is one of the biggest challenges\, not for any single country\, but for the entire world and humanity. That is why\, as he put it\, it is absolutely imperative that the world unites against terrorism\, and that the world stands as one against terrorism. \n Your Excellency\, the Indian people wish you well as you go about discharging your onerous duty as the Chairman of the High Council for National Reconstruction of Afghanistan. We understand that the arduous road to peace will require infinite patience\, perseverance\, political will and wise leadership to ensure a successful outcome. \n In you\, we see the reservoir of wisdom that is so necessary to reconcile contradictions in Afghan society and arrive at a durable consensus. You have amply proved your mettle in your various previous roles as the Minister of Foreign Affairs and as the CEO. Now\, as Chairman of the High Council for National Reconstruction\, the hopes and expectations of the people of Afghanistan as well as those of the regional and international community\, rest on your shoulders. As a physician\, you have a natural healing touch. We are confident that you will succeed in fulfilling your noble mission. \n It is our cherished hope that a sovereign and independent Afghanistan should one day regain its historical importance as a regional hub for trade and connectivity. It is our dream that its economy should one day have the fullest liberty\, without let or hindrance\, to connect with markets and supply chains in South Asia\, especially with India. \n With these words\, I once again warmly welcome His Excellency Dr. Abdullah Abdullah to our Institute. Though your visit\, we hope to deepen our engagement with the strategic community in Afghanistan. \n I now request Dr. Abdullah Abdullah to deliver his Special Address and share with us his vision of the future of Afghanistan. \n Thank you. URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/welcome-address-by-amb-sujan-r-chinoy-director-general-mp-idsa-at-lecture-by-h-e-dr-abdullah-abdullah-chairman-of-the-high-council-for-national-reconciliation-of-afghanistan-8-october-2020 CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20200910T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20200910T053000 DTSTAMP:20261113T220654 CREATED:20241020T234313Z LAST-MODIFIED:20241020T234313Z UID:83013-1599715800-1599715800@idsa.in SUMMARY:DG\, IDSA Remarks at M.L. Sondhi Webinar on Regional Dynamics: Will the QUAD lead to a Coalition of Democracies DESCRIPTION:DG\, IDSA Remarks at M.L. Sondhi Webinar (10 September 2020) \n‘Regional Dynamics: Will the QUAD lead to a Coalition of Democracies’ \nIt a pleasure to join Amb. Lalit Mansingh\, Ashley Tellis and Gen. Lamba at this webinar which is also a tribute to Prof. M.L. Sondhi\, a deep strategic thinker of his time.  \nInternational and Regional Situation \n China’s unilateralism and aggression\, from the East China Sea to the South China Sea and all the way to Ladakh\, have intensified contestations. China is upping the ante in South Asia by leveraging its economic power and military might. China’s presence in the Indian Ocean region is also a matter of concern\, considering that the last time they were exploring these waters was through the few episodic voyages that Zheng He mounted in the 16th century. \nA putative dyad of the US and China is dominating the global discourse. \nIndo-Pacific\nA fundamental fact of the last two decades is that an ambitious China has been virtually seeking the expulsion of the US\, and other major powers from its periphery. It regards the US presence in the Asia Pacific\, especially\, as an impediment to domination of Asia. This is ironic\, because the US and others such as France and Britain have historically been part of the region\, and the US has been a key factor in is economic prosperity and political stability after the end of the Second World War. Other European powers such as Germany who are showing interest in an open and transparent rules-based order in the Indo-Pacific\, also have deep stakes and are integral to the region’s future. \n One can say quite frankly that the so-called US Pivot to Asia was ineffective for years after it was announced. The 9/11 terror attacks had led the US to divert its attention to other geographies in Afghanistan\, Iraq and even homeland security\, leaving a vacuum in Asia-Pacific. Unsurprisingly\, China stepped in with its own pivot through occupation of islands and features in the South China Sea\, their militarisation and trans-regional trade\, infrastructure and connectivity networks through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)\, or even the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). \n I believe that the concept of Indo-Pacific is a belated recognition of the natural spread of economic growth and prosperity in recent years over a wider region\, beyond East Asia and beyond South-east Asia to include South Asia and the east coast of Africa. It is more inclusive and representative of the growing aspirations of a wider constituency. It is also a recognition of the two oceans being interconnected and interdependent. \nQUAD: Prospects\n It is in this context that one must examine the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD) and its prospects. As such\, its genesis lies in the coordinated response developed by like-minded countries in the aftermath of the great Tsunami of 2004. \n The strategic community in China\, nevertheless\, has branded it an emerging “Asian NATO to target and contain China’s rise.  \n The Quad dissipated when Australia\, under PM Kevin Rudd\, walked away on account of Chinese sensibilities. Some would say the US was also keen not to ruffle China’s feathers at that time\, seeking to work together on North Korea and Russia.    \n More recently\, the QUAD has picked up momentum since 2017\, with dialogue at the Ministerial level and the scope of the discourse deepening with each meeting. \n However\, the QUAD has a few limitations that I should point out. Firstly\, it is as yet not a military alliance. It still does not conduct a quadrilateral exercise. \n There is talk of Australia being invited to the next round of the Malabar exercise\, but this may have to wait till the picture is clearer with regard to the shape of US policy towards the region after the November election\, the succession to PM Abe in Japan\, and\, the current dust-up between India and China in the high Himalayas. \n The tensions between India and China on the land border have also thrown into sharper relief some basic facts—the first of which is that when push comes to shove on the boundary dispute\, India essentially has to deal with China’s aggression on its own. There may be some moral support from other members of the QUAD\, and even substantive intelligence sharing on the part of the US\, but not much else can be expected. Both Japan and Australia have their limitations\, and despite their recent awakening to the perils of over-dependence on China for their economic prosperity\, they cannot really play much of a role in the land boundary threats faced by India. \n The focus of the QUAD then\, is primarily maritime in nature. Three of the four nations involved have an exclusive maritime focus whereas India is the only one to have a dual set of threats\, both continental and oceanic. \n Decoupling from China is being attempted both in trade and technology\, with far more success in the latter domain. This is true even of the US\, Japan and Australia\, the active members of the QUAD.  \n The other issue is about the nature of hyper-powers. Hyper-powers tend to believe in exceptionalism. It is a matter for experts to study if the US’s hyper power status still often fails to distinguish between friend and foe. The US conducts FONOPs against friend and foe alike\, and this list includes India\, Indonesia\, the Philippines and other friendly nations. FONOPS are an optical symbol of US naval potency. They deny China the satisfaction of a complete takeover of the oceanic space through fictitious claims\, artificial islands\, spurious baselines and unilateral ADIZ declarations. However\, they have done nothing to reverse the established fact of occupation and militarisation of features in the South China Sea by China. That the US position on the South China Sea issue is now in full alignment with the tribunal award of 2016 appears to be a welcome shift towards a more enduring partnership with the Philippines.    \n As a great power\, the US is capable of duality in engagement\, with trade friction\, human rights preaching and deeper military engagement proceeding side by side. China too increasingly seeks exceptionalism\, by rewriting the rules of existing and prospective global mechanisms to accommodate its economic and military power. But it focuses more on strategies to woo constituencies and to shape outcomes. Its actions are bereft of moral underpinning. It should be little wonder then that even as the QUAD seeks to engage a broader constituency through the QUAD Plus format\, there are a large number of countries across the Indo-Pacific\, including smaller nations in South Asia\, which find themselves drawn to China’s BRI and developmental finance\, despite the obvious risks in the longer term\, as compared to alternatives such as the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCI)’s initiatives.   \n ASEAN centrality is key to the idea of the Indo-Pacific. It also means accepting the inherent limitation imposed by ASEAN’s lack of consensus on China and the fact that the Code of Conduct still remains a Holy Grail. China has generally succeeded in its ‘divide and rule’ policy towards ASEAN. None of the QUAD countries are involved in the Code of Conduct negotiations\, which provide China with an opportunity to create China-friendly outcomes. The fact is that ASEAN’s dependence on China has grown significantly in recent years\, both for prosperity and security. \nI believe that the Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) vision still remains ideational\, although it increasingly figures in the White Papers and strategic discourse of several stake-holders. The QUAD\, a forum of like-minded countries for building consensus and coordination on specific issues\, is not just an “attention-grabbing idea” that would soon “dissipate like ocean foam”\, as Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi once put it. It is gradually acquiring form and substance. \nAs to what direction it will take will depend on the geostrategic contestations that dot the region. Ironically\, China\, through its behaviour\, will perhaps play the biggest role in shaping the QUAD’s future. To call it a coalition of democracies at the moment is a mere statement of fact. But it is a self-limiting proposition if the QUAD intends to grow into something bigger and to build an exoskeleton that includes many more participants in the future. After all\, nations in the Indo-Pacific follow eclectic systems of governance. Not all fit the standard dictionary definition of a democracy. \nIn referring to the creation of a free\, open and inclusive regional architecture\, rules of the road\, freedom of navigation and over-flight\, and\, ASEAN centrality\, it appears that the term ‘democratic’ has quietly been dropped in some of the press releases by QUAD members\, to facilitate a broader dialogue in the QUAD Plus format. In the wake of the pandemic\, the QUAD countries have held regular consultations with others in the region. The QUAD Plus framework makes the structure more inclusive and acceptable. Strait-jacketing the QUAD as a coalition of democracies could be a self-limiting proposition. \nFinally\, as I said before\, the QUAD is not a factor in the current tensions on the India-China border. In a land dispute\, we cannot expect others to pick our chestnuts out of the fire. Also\, there does not exist a fixed model of aligning with the US or other powers. Alliances can be restrictive. The US itself has an array of different types of treaties and alliances. The fullest potential of the India-US relationship should be anchored in the flexibility of options available to both sides. Without a formal alliance agreement\, the sum of what India and the US can do in tandem will be greater than what they could possibly do through a formal alliance. \nBoth Japan and Australia’s independent response over the years to China’s provocations and aggression has never been what it ought to have been\, partly because of inbuilt complacency provided by formal alliance structures\, partly due to the subordination of sovereign redlines to the thresholds of an alliance partner\, and partly because of profound interdependence with China. \nThe US has been supportive of India’s position in the ongoing border tensions with China in Ladakh. Japan and Australia\, continue to depict Aksai Chin as an integral part of China without indicating its disputed status\, unlike the US depiction of Aksai Chin as disputed territory. Projections by strategic partners of India’s boundaries and territorial claim lines assume a deeper salience especially in light of a convergence of interests in the unfolding geostrategic landscape of the Indo-Pacific. Considering that the US\, Japan and Australia have a growing convergence with India on the geo-strategic changes underway in the Indo-Pacific\, it is an appropriate moment for them to address legacy cartographic anomalies in their maps. This will go as much in strengthening the QUAD as the logistics sharing pacts would. URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/dg-idsa-remarks-at-m-l-sondhi-webinar-on-regional-dynamics-will-the-quad-lead-to-a-coalition-of-democracies CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20200904T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20200904T053000 DTSTAMP:20261113T220654 CREATED:20231223T123645Z LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T121439Z UID:62605-1599197400-1599197400@idsa.in SUMMARY:Opening Remarks by Amb. Sujan R. Chinoy (Retd) on UN@75: India and the Future of Multilateralism DESCRIPTION:Good Morning Ladies and Gentlemen. \nIt gives me great pleasure to welcome you all to today’s webinar on the theme “UN@75: India and the Future of Multilateralism”. As the theme suggests\, this year marks the 75th anniversary of the United Nations. \nThe UN was established on 24 October 1945\, soon after the end of the Second World War. Its genesis lay in the international community’s determination to collectively strive for peace. Since then\, the organization has sought to bring nations and peoples together to preserve peace and security and to make the world a better place to live in. \nToday\, we live in a completely different world from the one that emerged from the ashes of the Second World War. It also highlights the stark fact that the UN is an archaic structure. It has not outlived its utility\, but it has certainly failed to keep up and adapt its structures to the vast changes over the past 75 years. If it were a corporate entity\, it would have gone under many years ago. \nThe UN Security Council set up in 1945 represents an exclusive club of victors of the Great War who decided to make a Euro-American structure a little more representative by giving a free pass to a single populous Asian country—China—without it remotely qualifying as a great power then. \nPossession of nuclear weapons was not a required qualification then\, because in 1945\, only the United States possessed nuclear weapons capability. Ironically\, over time\, the UNSC bestowed upon its members an entitlement to selectively acquire and legitimise nuclear weapons. \nWhen we look back at the past 75 years\, the UN system appears crowed today as compared to its origins. Membership has gone up from 51 countries in 1945 to 193 countries today. But we cannot aver that it is any more participatory or representative. The blatant possession of Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMDs) by the P5 and their arbitrary veto power ensures that. The expansion of the non-permanent category of UNSC in 1965 has provided no relief from the monopoly of real power by the P5. \nAs Milton would have said in his Ode to His Blindness\, “They also serve who only stand and wait”. \nHistory reveals that nations do not voluntarily give up power and privileges. Only fundamental upheavals can reorder the existing UN power structures\, especially the Security Council. Any expansion of the non-permanent category will remain a patchwork exercise. \nThe world has moved from bipolarity during the Cold War\, through a brief decade of unipolarity to a putative dyad today of the US and China\, both of which have struck a blow at the existing UN structure in their own ways. An inward-looking US has taken renounced the UN system\, or taken “sanyas” as Indians would say\, in favour of an America First policy with the objective of regaining through MAGA a pre-eminence that existed in 1945. China\, on its part\, is desperately trying to fill the void created by the US’ absence\, and also to remodel the existing global order in support of its narratives.\nDe-coupling on trade in an age of super globalisation of supply chains is virtually impossible. However\, a new Cold War is clearly evident in the technology space. \nThe world is undergoing a fundamental transformation. A fragile international compact has been rendered a mortal blow by COVID-19\, exposing flaws in multi-lateral structures and national capacities. Multilateralism is on the retreat. \nThe UN Security Council must be faulted for its egregious lack of action in March this year when China held its Presidency. Obfuscation of facts about the origins and nature of the pandemic undermined the global community’s response. When it comes to Pakistan’s culpability\, China’s duplicitous position on terrorism has been well-documented in the UN Security Council’s 1267 Committee. \nChina’s egregious policies\, its unilateralism and aggression manifests today from the South China Sea to Ladakh. Its attempts to raise the Jammu & Kashmir issue in the UN Security Council have been thwarted. Lamentably\, China’s actions are shrinking the canvas for multilateral cooperation between India and China. \nThe pandemic has created a fresh opportunity for dialogue. There is hope\, and scope\, for creating a new global compact provided there is a willingness to share ideas\, best practices and available resources to develop systems for early warning and cooperation among nation states. This will also be a pre-requisite for achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). \nHistorically\, India is an active founding member of the UN\, with contributions on a broad range of issues\, including peace-keeping. Over the last few years\, India has shown extraordinary dynamism in engaging the world. India seeks to play a leading role on security developmental issues. It has taken a lead in promoting holistic health through yoga\, tackling climate change through the International Solar Alliance and reforming multilateral institutions on the principles of fairness and equitableness. \nThis dynamism is also reflected in PM Modi’s initiatives to develop joint responses to COVID-19 in SAARC and G20. India has provided medical assistance to more than 150 countries to tackle the pandemic. \nAs a non-permanent member of the UNSC starting 1 January 2021\, India has outlined its approach in the form of “New Orientation for a Reformed Multilateral System” (NORMS). This could provide an opportunity for India to strengthen ties with traditional partners such as the US\, France and Russia and also develop closer links with Vietnam\, Mexico and Brazil. A renewed focus on building new synergies with the large African constituency is in India’s interest. \nMany questions arise. (1) Is the UN still relevant? (2) Can it adapt to the evolving geo-political realities and power shifts? (3) What are the steps necessary to re-energise multilateralism? And\, finally\, (4) what role can India play in shaping multilateralism? \nTo discuss these issues\, we have with us a distinguished set of panellists comprising Amb. Asoke Mukerji\, former Permanent Representative of India to the UN\, Prof. Ramesh Thakur of the Australian National University\, Prof. Amrita Narlikar of the German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) which\, incidentally\, is one of our partner institutes\, and\, Prof. W.P.S. Sidhu of the New York University. \nI now request Amb. Asoke Mukerji to deliver his remarks. \nThank you. URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/opening-remarks-by-amb-sujan-r-chinoy-retd-on-un75-india-and-the-future-of-multilateralism CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20200129T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20200129T053000 DTSTAMP:20261113T220654 CREATED:20231223T123645Z LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T121439Z UID:62606-1580275800-1580275800@idsa.in SUMMARY:Keynote Address by Shri V. Muraleedharan\, Hon’ble Minister of State for External Affairs\, Government of India at the 12th South Asia Conference DESCRIPTION:Director General IDSA\, Ambassador Sujan R. Chinoy\,\n Distinguished Guest from South Asian countries\, members of the strategic community\, friends from the media\, ladies and gentlemen\, \nIt gives me immense pleasure to be at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses today to deliver the Keynote Address. This is all the more so\, given the theme of my talk\, which centres around India’s Neighbourhood First policy. \nIDSA has successfully organised the South Asia Conference for many years. IDSA is India’s largest and most influential official think-tank. Established in 1965\, it has an enviable record of working at the crossroads of defence\, national security and foreign policy issues. It has contributed to furthering our common objective of promoting peace and prosperity in our region. The presence of scholars\, academicians and officials from the region at this conference is testimony to IDSA’s outreach. Together\, you will dwell on the theme of the Conference over these two days and come up with new ideas and perspectives that will benefit all of us. \nFriends\, \nAs a civilisation that has flowered over millennia through a syncretic process of give and take through the exchange of ideas\, trade and cultural contacts\, India has long advocated the importance of good neighbourly relations. The tradition of Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam is deeply enshrined in Indian thought\, philosophy and action. This ancient tradition that continues to guide India’s foreign policy in general and its approach to its neighbourhood in particular. \n Our region’s prosperity hinges on how well we work together to build the foundation for our future\, and how well we respect the principles of coexistence and dialogue. Prime Minister Modi has outlined the principles of engagement in the region\, in the form of Samman (respect)\, Samvad (dialogue)\, Sahayog (cooperation)\, Shanti (peace) and Samriddhi (prosperity). \nI wish to share with you the underlying fundamentals which guide the framework and implementation of India’s Neighbourhood First policy. \nYou are all aware that 2014 marked a watershed moment in India’s foreign policy and especially in relation to the approach towards its neighbourhood. What commenced with an invitation to all elected heads of state of South Asia and Myanmar\, has continued with similar earnest and warmth over the next six years. Over time\, the key components of India’s policy to enhance and improve its relations with all its neighbours became significantly perceptible. PM Modi had said that it is our neighbourhood which is the most critical for our future and our place in the world. \nPM Modi’s description of the Neighbourhood First policy is based on the principle of Sabka Saath\, Sabka Vikas\, Sabka Viswas which is the fundamental framework for all countries in South Asia marching forward together to achieve common prosperity. The applicability and suitability of this term can best be judged by its constituents and over time its effectiveness of implementation. \nIndia relations with its neighbours are collectively the most important component of India’s foreign policy. The priority that we have given to our neighbourhood\, is evident in a number of spheres. Commencing with this government’s first term and continuing into the second\, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has visited capitals in the region with unparalleled frequency. This has been accompanied by members of the government at all levels as also with people to people contacts\, which are so very essential to reinvigorate centuries of linkages that we have maintained and cherished through trade\, familial and cultural bonds. At the heart of my Government’s policy towards its neighbours in South Asia is the sentiment that India\, as the largest country with the largest economy and population can and would share its capacities with its partners in the region on a non-reciprocal basis. The implementation of this policy over the past nearly six years has strengthened the spirit of mutual respect and closer cooperation between us in all spheres of social and economic development. In recent years\, we have forged deeper mutual trust and successfully enhanced security ties to fight common threats and challenges including terrorism. \nThe Neighbourhood First policy includes within its ambit five Cs that have become integral to its implementation. \nThe first element of India’s neighbourhood first policy is the principle of collective cooperation. While India may be the largest\, most populous and the biggest economy in the region\, we are conscious of the fact that this advantage must be utilised more for the collective upliftment of the region\, than for the people of one country. There is acknowledgement and realisation in India and within like-minded countries in the neighbourhood that economic and social progress can be multiplied through the cohesive effort and genius of people of the entire region. In a world interlinked through both physical and virtual connectivity\, the idea of erecting psychological barriers to human progress can only be to our collective detriment. There is an understanding within India that learning is mutual\, sharing is mutual\, progression is mutual and respect is also mutual. \nThis cooperation becomes most useful\, effective and critical particularly when the challenges faced are regional and at times global. It is at such critical times that vested interests attempt to ensure that the manifestation of the response remains weak and local. Such threats tend to exploit cleavages and cracks across boundaries and within societies\, often at the cost of human life and property. This threat is most visible in the form of terrorism\, both extra-regional and intra-regional. I don’t think there is any country in the region\, which has not faced the challenge of terrorism\, leading to the loss of innumerable lives. However\, even as all of us have faced terrorism\, there is only one country in our region that has willingly embraced terrorism as a defining feature of its regional engagement. It has become its epicentre\, architect and exporter. Radicalisation\, an integral ingredient of terrorism\, knows no boundaries and nor does it recognise nationalities. In that sense\, radicalisation\, one of the major causes of terrorism\, is growing in our region and we must all join hands to ensure that it is contained. \nIndia’s unequivocal rejection of terrorism has led us to fine-tune our policy towards countries that employ terrorism as a tool of their foreign policy. We have made it abundantly clear that New India will no longer remain a silent witness to repeated attacks of terrorism on its soil. We have also demonstrated that while we are the land of ahimsa\, patience and reverence\, we will take resolute measures to protect our people and defeat the menace of terrorism. \nThe second element of our policy is capacity building. The support that India extends is non-reciprocal and it is not tied to strategic gains or interests that we wish to pursue. There are no strings attached to the capacity building support that India offers to its friends and neighbours. It would also be evident to our neighbours that India’s efforts at capacity building aim at positively impacting the lives of the largest cross-section of people. \nAll countries of South Asia face a common challenge in delivering their citizens from the clutches of poverty and disease. Bringing economic development\, enhancing prosperity\, employment\, education and healthcare remain foremost objectives that we all share. \nThe third element of our policy is connectivity. As you are aware\, it was India’s endeavour to bring all countries of South Asia into the connectivity grid within the region. And there was complete support of the idea as well. However\, given the roadblocks imposed by one country\, the path towards economic and cultural linkages was blocked. This has not deterred us and our like-minded friends. Bilateral and multilateral ways have been found to explore and implement connectivity projects\, which will change the lives of people within the region and beyond. From roads to rail and from airports to power grids\, collective cooperation is becoming the basis for infrastructure projects. \nThe fourth element of our policy is cultural crosscurrents. The South Asian region and the extended neighbourhood has a long history of cultural congruity. The entire region is a melting pot of cross-cultural influences\, which cuts across geographic and national boundaries. This is a region where religion was a unifier in the manner in which it spread on the wings of belief and peaceful co-existence. Languages\, instead of becoming barriers\, are the source of linkage. Dress and cuisine find close association even in the most remote areas of this part of the world. \nThe last but perhaps the most important element of our policy is enhancing community connect. India is a country which is itself one of the most diverse in every sense of the word in the world. From linguistic\, religious\, ethnic and cultural perspectives\, India represents every possible human identity within its kaleidoscopic manifestation. And we are proud of this diversity\, which has time and again proved to be our strength and a true reflection of our identity. \nWe realise that India’s success in its endeavours is a reflection of the connect that all communities have forged through trust\, mutual respect and mutual accommodation over the years. It is this very connect that we endeavour to strengthen within the region and beyond. There is little doubt that foreign policy formulation and its implementation are important elements of state policy. However\, it is even more important to forge people to people contacts. There is no bond stronger than the human bond. \nThe initiatives taken in the past by all countries to support education of students\, provision of scholarships\, exchange of students\, provision of medical support\, sports and cultural activities and easing travel and tourism can all go a long way in strengthening the understanding and linkages that already exist within the region. \nThe National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government led by Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) seeks to bring about transformative changes in the core of India’s foreign policy principles. Panchsheel (five principles) that formed the essence of Indian approach for a long time has been supplemented by a new principle\, Panchamrit (five nectars)—dignity\, dialogue\, security\, shared prosperity and culture. And we feel that these can best be achieved through the five Cs that I mentioned earlier. \nIndia has never attempted to impose any political ideology on any of its neighbours. It has avoided any attempt to transfer its version of secularism or democracy on to any other country. We realise that each country has its own realities and circumstances that must guide its destiny. \nI take this opportunity to congratulate IDSA for hosting the South Asia Conference. IDSA has\, over the years\, forged close links with partner institutions and scholars in South Asian and other neighbouring countries. This is an integral and important part of the community connect initiative I spoke about. At the same time\, it is also provides a platform for exchange of ideas and perspectives\, which will help us better understand each other’s concerns and interests. \nThank you. URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/keynote-address-by-shri-v-muraleedharan-honble-minister-of-state-for-external-affairs-government-of-india-at-the-12th-south-asia-conference CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20200128T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20200128T053000 DTSTAMP:20261113T220654 CREATED:20231223T123645Z LAST-MODIFIED:20240306T001056Z UID:62607-1580189400-1580189400@idsa.in SUMMARY:Inaugural Address by Shri Rajnath Singh\, Hon’ble Raksha Mantri & President\, IDSA on India’s ‘Neighbourhood First’ Policy: Regional Perceptions at 12th South Asia Conference DESCRIPTION:Director General\, IDSA\, Shri Sujan R Chinoy\,\nExcellencies\,\nDistinguished guests\,\nDistinguished Scholars\,\nLadies and gentlemen\, \n\nAs President of IDSA\, I am privileged to extend a hearty welcome to all the delegates and participants from South Asia and Myanmar for the 12th South Asian Conference.\nIndia has always attached great importance to its neighbourhood. The theme of this year’s conference\, “India’s ‘Neighbourhood First’ Policy: Regional Perceptions” is quite timely\, India has at all times harboured the rich cultural ethos of brotherhood and वसुधैव कुटुम्ब्कम. Our traditional knowledge through Vedas (वेद)\, Upanishadhas (उपनिषेद) and Puranas (पुराण) has taught us the significance of ‘संघे शक्ति:’ meaning that unity is where strength lies and propelled us to follow the path of ‘संगच्छध्वम् संवदध्वम्\, सं वो मनांसि जानताम्’ meaning we all may walk together\, speak in unison\, think in common direction and our hearts may be one.\nI feel immensely happy that our government under the visionary leadership of Shri Narendra Modi is moving ahead with the values of ‘सबका साथ\, सबका विकास\, सबका विश्‍वास’. It is my firm belief that this principle of unity and brotherhood would bring win-win situation for all. \n\nFriends\, in our second term\, under Prime Minister Narendra Modi\, the neighbourhood has been recognised as the most important foreign policy priority of his government. The Prime Minister chose to invite leaders of the SAARC countries in May 2014 and again leaders of the BIMSTEC countries in May 2019 to his swearing-in ceremonies\, indicating his personal commitment to neighbourhood.\nAs the largest country in the region\, mindful of its asymmetric preponderance and the developmental aspirations of its neighbours\, India has always made efforts to share its prosperity with its neighbours. India regards peace and prosperity in the neighbourhood as critical to its own growth and in its enlightened self-interest. Under the Neighbourhood First Policy\, intensifying bilateral developmental partnership with countries in the region may create the necessary impulse for regional cooperation in South Asia in the long run.\n Friends\, I have noticed that through the Concept Note of the conference all of you have been approached to evaluate and assess India’s approach. It would be very helpful to understand your perceptions and this would enable us to make our engagement a positive proposition for all countries in the region.\nFriends\, as you are well aware\, today\, in a rapidly changing world\, our destinies are linked by both shared challenges and shared opportunities. Traditional security challenges today are accompanied by non-traditional threats. Our region faces the threats of military conflict\, terrorism\, piracy\, climate change\, natural disasters and food and energy security. Our intra-regional trade flows are among the lowest in the world. All this can change if we build cooperative structures that deepen mutual trust and enhance our traditional friendship.\nFriends\, allow me to briefly dwell on the essential contours of our Neighbourhood First Policy (NFP). It is mutually beneficial\, consultative\, broad-based\, inclusive and sensitive to the priorities of our neighbours. It has both developmental and security components. Regional initiatives taken by India such as our Act East Policy\, SAGAR\, SECURE\, and Project Mausam\, form the bed-rock of our cooperation and outreach in the extended neighbourhood.\nOn the developmental front\, there is an emphasis on greater connectivity\, including energy\, road and rail\, port and waterways\, space and digital connectivity\, and making resources available to the neighbours to build necessary infrastructure in this regard. Linages established through such initiatives with each of the neighbours in the region are not exclusive. They add to the network of communication\, enabling connectivity and easy flow of region-wide movement of goods\, services\, people and ideas\, India is willing to play a lead and critical role in this regard.\nApart from connectivity\, India has also invested much in various neighbouring countries\, through credit-lines\, assistance programmes and waiver of loans\, in areas related to agriculture\, education\, culture\, health\, human resource development\, drinking water and sanitation\, disaster relief and rehabilitation\, capacity building\, trade and investments as well as defence and security. In the development sphere\, India has committed about 13.14 billion US dollars in credit-lines and about 4 billion US dollars in assistance in the neighbourhood over the last decade.\nI wish to convey to you all that we have accorded special attention to address the issue of delivery deficit. Our projects in the region are being completed in much shorter timeframes earning the goodwill of people in different countries.\nOn the security front\, India is engaged in conversations with its neighbours\, with one exception\, in order to develop joint approaches for regional peace and security. The true pathway to regional peace\, security and prosperity lies in understanding each other’s sensitivities and in following basic policies of non-interference in each other’s internal affairs. It is important that we unite in our efforts to defeat terrorism. It is essential that terrorists and their ideological and financial networks are cut off and that they do not receive state support. With the exception of Pakistan\, our region has adhered to these principles.\nWe all much be mindful that it is only through cooperation that great heights can be achieved. The full potential of SAARC has not been realized due to the behaviour and policies of a single country. All of you are aware how it stalled the SAARC motor vehicles agreement at the last Kathmandu session in 2015. It has preferred to use terrorism as a state policy towards India\, rather than peaceful settlement of disputes through dialogue. Use of terror as an instrument of its foreign and security policy has promoted radicalism and terrorism in the region and posed critical challenges to security of all states. The Easter Bomb attacks in April 2019 in Sri Lanka were the latest instance of how dangerous such a policy has been for the region and beyond. The terror attacks in Mumbai\, Pathankot\, Uri and Pulwama in India are grim reminders of state-sponsored terrorism by a neighbouring country. From Afghanistan to Bangladesh\, and India to Sri Lanka\, innocent lives have been lost to terrorism.\nOn our part\, we have made it clear that talks and terror cannot go together and that Pakistan must take demonstrable steps against terror groups responsible for launching various attacks on India from its soil. We are fully capable of giving a firm response to cross-border terrorism\, as we demonstrated in our strikes against terrorist targets in 2016 and 2019. \n\nFriends\, South Asia is at a critical juncture of history. A world of opportunity is beckoning to us. We should not hold regional prosperity hostage to the interests of select states who are obstructing all efforts aimed at regional cooperation. Our intra-regional trade has so far been abysmally low. We have to transcend these limitations. In regions like our which is emotionally connected by historical memories and inerasable cultural linkages\, but separated by zero-sum politics and misgivings\, it requires careful articulation of ideas. As I mentioned earlier\, even the steps to enhance connectivity within the region\, which would have boosted people-to-people contact\, and trade and commerce\, were misconstrued as undesirable ploys to pose security threats to some countries. We need to identify areas where our initiatives have a greater chance of succeeding.\nRegional civil society needs to be activated through efforts like this to help create a culture of cooperation in the region. Civil societies can influence governments through their proactive efforts. Regional civil society of South Asia has a duty to encourage efforts like this and factor in the inputs offered by such platforms.\nLet us think like South Asians over the next two days and not as citizens of any particular country for this conference.\nI am eagerly looking forward to the suggestions\, recommendations and actionable outcome reports that you are going to produce by weaving together perspectives from all corners of South Asia.\n\nI wish you all success in your deliberations. \nThank you. URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/inaugural-address-by-shri-rajnath-singh-honble-raksha-mantri-president-idsa-on-indias-neighbourhood-first-policy-regional-perceptions-at-12th-south-asia-co CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20190529T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20190529T053000 DTSTAMP:20261113T220654 CREATED:20231223T123744Z LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T121439Z UID:62608-1559107800-1559107800@idsa.in SUMMARY:Remarks by Shri T.S. Tirumurti\, Secretary (ER) at Africa Day round-table discussion in IDSA on : “India-Africa Partnership in a changing world” DESCRIPTION:Director General of IDSA Shri Sujan Chinoy\nH.E. Dean of the Africa Group\nExcellencies\nEsteemed Guests\, Ladies & Gentlemen \n I am privileged to be a part of the Africa Day round-table discussions on ‘India-Africa Partnership in a changing world’. It is an honor to be able to address such a distinguished gathering. I thank the Director General and IDSA for taking this initiative. I also welcome all Heads of Mission and representatives from African countries. \n2. The bonds between India and the African Continent have been forged over several centuries. It is on the strong foundation of these age-old spiritual\, cultural and civilizational ties that we are striving to build a contemporary relationship\, one that is based on our shared commitment to the ideals of peace\, security and freedom. \n3. I think there can be no doubt about the potential of Africa. \n4. I am happy to say that the day when we will see Africa fully come into its own is not very far. That’s because Africa has already taken charge of its own destiny. Vision 2063 is an important guiding light to the path Africa has already started to tread. \n5. I will particularly highlight three important areas where change is already coming in. \n6. First\, Africa is taking firm steps to fight terrorism and ensure that terrorism does not disrupt their social fabric and their development. \n7. Second\, the Continental Free Trade Agreement will be a game-changer for intra-Africa trade and removal of barriers to trade\, investment and growth. \n8. Third\, political transitions are becoming more responsive to people’s aspirations and\, consequently\, smooth and peaceful. Respect for democracy has increased. \n9. There are certainly many other changes too happening in Africa and Africa is well poised to address the challenges of the changing world. \n10. Africa is a continent of growth and opportunities. With the young and fastest growing youth population in the world and considerable natural resources and human capital at its disposal\, Africa is poised to be a significant growth factor in the global economy. \n11. India’s partnership with Africa is based on a model of cooperation which is responsive to the needs of African countries. It is demand-driven and free of conditionalities. It is based on our history of friendship\, historical ties\, and a sense of deep solidarity. As Prime Minister has underlined\, African priorities are our priorities. \n12. Over the years\, our relations have acquired greater depth and breadth across a range of areas. \n13. There has been unprecedented intensification of our political engagement with Africa with 29 visits to African countries at the level of President\, Vice President and Prime Minister apart from several Ministerial visits. The visits have been in both directions. Subsequent to the visit of 41 Heads of State/Heads of Government who attended IAFS-III\, we have hosted over 35 leaders from Africa for various events in the last nearly five years. India has already opened 6 of the 18 additional Missions in Africa. \n14. Our engagement is not limited only to the bilateral political level. Today\, India and Africa have comprehensive diplomatic mechanisms at all three levels – continental\, regional and bilateral and through multilateral fora. In addition to Summits (IAFS I\, II\, III)\, we have had three meetings with the Regional Economic Communities (RECs) of Africa. We are looking at ways to enhance cooperation in IORA\, Indo-Pacific and other groupings. \n15. India was one of the first few countries\, after the Hong Kong World Trade Organization Ministerial in 2005 that announced duty free\, quota free access to low income countries in 2008. Even during recession from 2009- 2012\, trade between India and Africa grew by nearly 32% annually. In addition\, India has also signed bilateral trade agreements with more than 20 African countries. \n16. India-Africa trade has multiplied and diversified in the last 15 years. Our bilateral trade stood at US $ 62.16 billion for 2017-18 which reflects an increase of 21.56 % over the previous year. \n17. India is ranked as the third largest export destination in Africa. India sources nearly 18% of its crude oil and also its LNG requirement\, mostly from the West African region. \n18. With the African continent\, our investments are steadily growing in a range of sectors and India has become the fifth largest investor in Africa with cumulative investments at over USD 54 billion. Sizeable investments have been made in Oil and Gas\, mining\, banking\, pharma\, textiles and other sectors in African countries. Several Indian companies have entered into Joint ventures in Africa. They have the experience\, technology and capital to unlock these African resources and create value for host governments. Many important firms from Africa also have established their presence in India. \n19. The Duty Free Tariff Preference Scheme announced by India for Least Developed Countries (LDCs) benefitted African nations and has contributed towards steady increase in our trade figures by extending duty-free access to 98.2 % of India’s total tariff lines. 38 African countries enjoy the benefits of our DFTP Scheme. \n20. As I mentioned earlier\, the African Continental Free Trade Area Agreement (AfCFTA)\, which is expected to boost intra-African trade by elimination of import duties and non-tariff barriers providing opportunities for expansion of trade ties\, will make Africa the largest free trade area in the world. India views this development as yet another opportunity to boost trade and economic ties with Africa. \n21. Africa is a continent which receives nearly 20% of our pharmaceuticals. We hosted the first India-Africa Health Sciences Meet in 2015. Many of our Pharma companies have established units in various parts of Africa\, including Ethiopia\, Uganda\, DRC\, Zambia and Ghana. Our medicines and medical equipment such as Bhabhatrons and phototherapy machines are saving lives in Africa. Many of our hospitals have entered into joint ventures for establishing health care facilities. \n22. Interestingly\, in pursuance of trilateral cooperation with Africa\, India is collaborating with Japan and Kenya to build a cancer hospital\, and is collaborating with UAE and is in discussion with Ethiopia to set up a Centre for IT Excellence. Trilateral partnership has considerable potential. This is also in line with the nascent Asia-Africa Growth Corridor and we hope to further this area of cooperation. \n23. Capacity building and human resource development are at the core of India’s engagement. India is proud of its educational and technical ties with Africa. We want to build genuine partnerships that create jobs and opportunities. It is with this in mind that we decided to offer 50\,000 scholarships to Africans under ITEC scholarships\, ICCR scholarships and other training programmes under IAFS-III. African countries have been the largest recipients under the ITEC Programme. More than 2300 ITEC slots has allotted to the African Countries for the year 2018-19. \n24. We initiated new Public-Private-Partnership training programs for medical professionals of Africa with some of the prestigious hospitals in India. \n25. India is also helping the African countries to bridge the digital divide. We have launched 2nd phase of the Pan Africa e-Network project – e-VidhyaBharati and e-ArogyaBharati Network Project (E-VBAB)\, which aims to provide 5 years free tele-education to 4000 students\, free medical education to 1000 doctors/nurses/paramedics and free medical consultancy. \n26. Every year\, thousands of bright minds from African Continent come on self-financing basis to our Universities and colleges. These young people show the world that Africa has the drive to forge a new future. \n27. 13 current or former Presidents\, Prime Ministers and Vice Presidents in Africa have attended educational or training institutions in India. The list includes current President of Nigeria\, President of Mozambique and Vice President of Tanzania. Six current or former chiefs of armed forces in Africa trained in India’s military institutions. \n28. Our development cooperation is a key feature of our engagement with the continent. After South Asia\, the African continent is the largest recipient of Indian overseas assistance. 181 Lines of Credit have been extended to 41 countries for a total amount of USD 11 billion\, which is 42% of the total amount under LoCs. We are working together with EXIM Bank to streamline our development assistance delivery to our African partners\, especially after the adoption of 2015 IDEAS guidelines. \n29. Our projects have made a great difference to the quality of life in these countries\, ranging from drinking water schemes to irrigation\, solar electrification\, power plants\, transmission lines\, cement plants\, technology parks\, railway infrastructure and many others. Our development cooperation ranges from power projects and dams in Sudan and Rwanda to water treatment in Tanzania\, sugar factories in Ethiopia and IT Parks in Mozambique and Swaziland. We have also built Presidential Palace in Ghana and National Assembly building in the Gambia. \n30. Our training centres are spread out across the continent. During the last 4 years\, 6 IT Centres were established in South Africa\, Egypt\, Morocco\, Lesotho\, Ghana\, Namibia and Tanzania; a CGARD Technology Centre in Madagascar; 7 Vocational Training Centres in Ethiopia\, Rwanda\, Burundi\, Burkina Faso\, The Gambia\, Zimbabwe\, and Egypt. A Technology Centre was also established in Zimbabwe. Entrepreneurship Centres are being set up in some countries. Several similar projects are at various stages of execution. \n31. During the Third India-Africa Forum Summit\, India offered USD 10 billion for development projects over the next five years. We also offered grant assistance of USD 600 million. You will be happy to know that we are well on course to achieve those targets. I hope to have a mid-term review with my African Union counterparts next month. \n32. Under our grant in aid programs\, we provided food grains\, vehicles\, IT equipments\, books and miscellaneous items to several countries in Africa. \n33. Perhaps the most prominent sustainable development partnership between the two regions is reflected through the International Solar Alliance (ISA). Africa has taken a leadership role in solar expansion with half of ISA member states coming from the continent. India has pledged more than USD 1 billion Lines of Credit for solar projects in Africa. \n34. India and Africa share the same development challenges and are both driven by similar imperatives. This allows for knowledge\, capital and skills to flow from both regions\, and provides the impetus for meaningful research collaborations. \n35. To facilitate easier movement of people\, e-visa facility has been expanded from the Indian side to cover 33 countries from Africa. From the African countries\, many countries have announced simplification of visa rules for Indians. Ethiopia\, Ghana and Zimbabwe provide visa on arrival to Indians. \n36. Air connectivity has improved with commencement of direct flights from Rwanda Air from April 2017\, increase in frequency of Ethiopian Airlines\, and Kenya Airways flight to Mumbai. Air Tanzania has announced direct flights from Dar-e-Salaam to Mumbai in December 2018. \n37. Under our expanded cultural outreach programme\, 15 Festivals of India were held in Africa in the last 4 years\, in 12 for the first time such as Kenya\, Ghana\, Tanzania and Senegal. The number of African countries participating in International Surajkund Crafts Mela has been increasing. \n38. Our cooperation in the areas of defence and security has only strengthened over the years to reflect new threats and transnational crimes. Maritime security links have been strengthened. We have just recently given two Naval vessels to Mozambique. Terrorism now comes in various shapes and we are determined to fight it together. We are one of the largest contributors to UN Peace Keeping Missions in Africa which have played an important role in bringing peace and stability to the African continent. \n39. Our engagement with African countries is not only at a bilateral level but also at multilateral forums. We support each other at the various elections at international level and we are grateful to Africa for their continued support to India’s candidature. \n40. Apart from scope for enhancing cooperation in the area of mutual interests like tourism\, medicines\, governance\, science and technology\, space\, IT\, education\, health\, mining etc\, India and Africa have common interests on many international issues like UN reforms\, counter-terrorism\, peacekeeping\, cyber security\, energy security etc. \n41. Africa and India have come a long way\, and have a long path into the future in which we are emerging and rising players. Our efforts are to stress on continuing to move the partnership beyond government-to-government contacts to a larger interaction between businesses\, media and civil society. \n42. Increasingly\, there is an alignment of India’s growth agenda and Africa’s Vision 2063\, which is set to unleash new possibilities of partnering in key areas which are central to unfolding African resurgence. \n43. While relationship with Africa is on an upswing\, the challenge is to maintain the momentum\, ensure follow up on our successes as well as find new areas of cooperation. \n44. I am confident that the 10 guiding principles enunciated by Prime Minister Modi for enhancing cooperation with Africa will take our relations to greater heights and unlock the immense potential that our partnership still holds. \n45. India-Africa partnership is going to be an important and\, in some ways\, a defining partnership to address the challenges of the changing world. \n46. I thank IDSA once again for giving me an opportunity to share my thoughts on this important topic. \nI wish this event all success. \nThank you URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/remarks-by-shri-t-s-tirumurti-secretary-er-at-africa-day-round-table-discussion-in-idsa-on-india-africa-partnership-in-a-changing-world CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20181205T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20181205T053000 DTSTAMP:20261113T220654 CREATED:20231223T123744Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250327T232727Z UID:62609-1543987800-1543987800@idsa.in SUMMARY:Inaugural Address by Sh. Rajinder Khanna\, Deputy National Security Advisor\, Government of India. DESCRIPTION:The Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) is the international organisation of seven nations of South Asia and South East Asia\, which is working towards a safe and secure regional security environment. BIMSTEC Community is charting a new path forward in new areas such as cyber security by coming together to address emerging security challenges emanating from cyberspace\, underpinned by technological innovations and blurring of national boundaries in the cyber domain. \nWe are at the cusp of a very exciting time\, with tremendous opportunities. The internet is now the backbone of our banks\, power grids\, business and governments. The inter-connectedness of internet\, underpinned by ICT technologies and the ability to move data across borders\, provides new avenues for economic development and growth. \nDigital data is being called the new “oil” as it is an increasingly revenue source for many technology companies. Innovation is increasingly based on digital technologies and business models that effectively utilise opportunities offered by cyber domain. Technological advances on the horizon\, such as artificial intelligence\, IoT and robotics\, are expected to change the way we live and work. Countries that are prepared and digitally engaged will be better placed to ride this revolution. \nYet while this digital revolution has spurred new opportunities\, it has also spawned new threats. These cyber threats continue to grow in scale\, sophistication and severity from hostile states\, groups and individuals who use cyber medium and tools to commit cybercrimes and cyber terrorism\, to project power\, to intimidate their adversaries\, and to influence and manipulate societies and citizens. \nWe have moved into an era of increasingly complex cyber threats. Our growing digital dependence means that vulnerabilities can have widespread\, unpredictable\, and cascading consequences. For instance\, in 2017\, more than 300\,000 computers in 150 countries were hit by the Wannacry ransomware attack\, with cases reported in BIMSTEC countries including India\, among others. And then of course\, there’s the broader cyber threat to national\, regional and international security. Hostile state activity in cyberspace is the most alarming expression of that threat. Many states are building cyber capability. This has led to “trust -deficit” among states and thus has potential to disrupt regional and international security environment. \nCyber security also raises important issues for personal privacy and the data protection. Advancement in technology such as Data Mining\, Big Data Analytics\, Cloud computing etc. brings unforeseen challenges and one of the major challenges is threat to “privacy” and Data Protection. The Facebook–Cambridge Analytica data scandal (2018) revealed that Cambridge Analytica had harvested the personal data of millions of people’s Facebook profiles without their consent and used it for political purposes. All these have led to demand for data protection regime and data localisation. EU has implemented adopted General Data Protection Regulations (GDPR) from 25 May 2018. Similarly\, many countries are working towards adopting data protection laws and data localisation. Cyber security is a common concern among states including BIMSTEC countries. BIMSTEC needs to address cybersecurity challenges to reap the full dividends of future digital economy. \nGiven the tremendous potential for digitalisation in BIMSTEC\, there is great opportunity for BIMSTEC countries to play a leading role in area of cyber security to ensure region’s future growth and development. As such\, it is important that BIMSTEC countries work together collectively as a community to ensure a secure and resilient cyberspace in the region. The e-commerce space and the digital economy space are the new areas where cooperation within BIMSTEC can lead to prosperity and growth in the region. \nIndia has embarked on the digital India programme to bridge the digital divide in the country and access to internet. Today\, India has the world’s second largest numbers of internet users after China. Aadhar is world’s largest biometric database of more than a billion Indians. India’s digital economy is growing with emphasis on digital payments/ online financial transaction. The Government has taken a number of steps to ensure a safe and secure Indian cyberspace and strengthen the cyber resilience of the critical information infrastructures (CIIs). Major cyber security initiatives includes the 2013 National Cyber Security Policy\, Information Technology Act 2000\, setting up of CERT-In and NCIIPC as nodal cyber agencies under IT Act\, Draft Personal Data Protection Bill 2018\, measures to strengthen privacy and data protection\, promotion of cyber security R&D\, capacity building and skill development\, promotion of public-private partnership in cyber security. But for all that we’ve done\, and for all that we’re doing\, there’s still much more work ahead. And what bring us all here today is the recognition that we cannot do it alone. We should continue stepping up similar efforts within each of our countries\, so that we can collectively create a safer and trusted cyberspace\, and combat cyber threats with better capabilities. \nWe need to work together within and beyond BIMSTEC to minimize cyber risks by raising the level of regional capacity and cooperation in the area of cybersecurity. This workshop is aimed at initiating regional capability building in all aspects of cyber security and to heighten the awareness of ongoing global cyber norms discussions at international platforms such as the United Nations Group of Governmental Experts (UNGGE). \nIndia is committed to foster close relationships with our BIMSTEC counterparts to build up regional cyber capacity\, and will be deepening our support to this end. Besides scaling up cyber capabilities\, we can collectively develop and agree upon basic voluntary cyber norms in BIMSTEC region. This will be useful to amplify BIMSTEC’s voice on international cyber discussions at international forums such as the United Nations\, UNGGE. \nIndia is supportive of having basic rules for responsible state behaviour in cyberspace and believes that BIMSTEC can work together to reach consensus on basic voluntary cyber norms for the region. I would like to put forth a call for greater coordination among BIMSTEC on cyber policy and capacity building so that we can project a unified BIMSTEC voice internationally to protect and advance our regional perspectives. \nWe should work towards further strengthening partnerships with similar regional and international organizations such as the United Nations\, BRICS\, SCO\, EU\, OSCE\, ARF\, to identify and respond to trans-boundary threats in a timely\, coordinated and coherent manner. A coherent\, coordinated global effort is key to a trusted and resilient cyber environment. There is a need for sharing of information among states and working together to effectively respond to trans-boundary cyber threats. \nCyber technologies are evolving continuously\, from the Internet of Things (IoT) to 5G to artificial intelligence to quantum computing\, and each advance is accompanied not only by new opportunities\, but new challenges. Cyber security is a shared responsibility. We need to work together to strengthen cyber security to take full advantage of this technological domain. Present Cyber Workshop provides us opportunity to deliberate on common cyber security concerns\, share experiences and create a roadmap to move forward as a united and cyber-resilient region. I look forward to the meaningful discussions in the workshop\, and wish all of you a fruitful time in New Delhi. URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/inaugural-address-by-sh-rajinder-khanna-deputy-national-security-advisor-government-of-india CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20181128T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20181128T053000 DTSTAMP:20261113T220654 CREATED:20231223T123745Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250327T234831Z UID:62610-1543383000-1543383000@idsa.in SUMMARY:9th Y B Chavan Memorial Lecture on Addressing the Challenges of Hybrid Conflict in the 21st Century DESCRIPTION:Introduction\n\n\n\nGood Morning. It gives me great pleasure to be here today. I consider this a privilege and I thank IDSA for inviting me to deliver a talk on the topic\, “Addressing the Challenges of Hybrid Conflict in the 21st Century”. Given India’s context\, this topic is very apt and contemporary.\nHybrid Warfare is a form of war fighting which is all encompassing. Rather than focussing on destroying an enemy’s military capability\, it focuses on population and infra as the centre of gravity. It covers the full spectrum of warfare by combining the vigour/lethality of conventional warfare with fanatical fervour of irregular warfare and untapped spectrum of technology for cyber and info warfare. It also entails creating acts of criminal disorder\, law & order issues and public disorder in the target country during peace. It embodies the age old saying ‘All is fair in war’!\n\n\n\nOrigin of the Term\n\n\n\nThe use of the term ‘Hybrid warfare’ in the military lexicon is relatively new. Some academics opine that it was coined after the 2006 Israel Hezbollah conflict\, (US Maritime Strategy mentioned it in 2007); some opine that the beginning was made in Afghanistan when the Taliban and the Mujahideen were employed\, with state patronage\, against the erstwhile Soviet Union; some others associate the term in connection with action by Hezbollah and Al Qaeda where non state actors were pitted against far superior conventional forces. However\, while the means by which state and non-state actors conduct hybrid war today have changed\, the fundamental principle of utilizing a combination of conventional and irregular methods to achieve a political objective is consistent with older forms of conflict. Chanakya’s articulation in ‘Arthashastra’ highlights the various variants of warfare. Mantrayudha is the use of diplomacy to wage and win wars followed by Prakasayudha or conventional warfare under the laid down norms of warfare. Kutyudha refers to concealed warfare which is an amalgam of treachery\, deceit and other irregular means and finally Tusnimyudha; silent warfare where in war is waged without declaring it and fought by proxies and collusion. In the modern context\, the various components of hybrid warfare were articulated by Chanakya and Sun Tzu several thousand years ago. Closer to our age\, around two centuries ago\, Prussian military philosopher Carl von Clausewitz had noted that\, “War is more than a true chameleon that slightly adapts its characteristics to the given case”. Similar statements have been made by many great thinkers. Indian Army operations in 1971 combined with indigenous ‘Mukti Bahini’ in erstwhile East Pakistan were also Clauswitzian in nature of fighting a people’s war. Thus\, I opine that Hybrid warfare has existed since the history of mankind.\nOver centuries\, ‘Hybrid Warfare’ or more broadly conflicts which could not be easily justified or classified have been known as ‘New Wars’\, ‘Fourth-generation Warfare’ ‘Unrestricted Warfare’ or the recent Russian articulation of Garisimov doctrine in 2012 which alluded to ‘ambiguous warfare’. Ancient Indian history is replete with examples of seeds of dissent being sown amongst populations by warring Kings\, as are tales of treachery\, bribery\, connivance and subversion. In contemporary context\, India has been a victim of this form of warfare since independence about which I shall speak later. In the 21st century\, what has changed is the phenomenal technological leapfrog which has added greater asymmetry to Hybrid Warfare. Today’s irregulars\, surprise conventional forces by use of hi-tech gadgets and weapons such as rockets\, surface to air missiles\, very sophisticated communication and the near instant reach back to their state sponsors. Small but tech savvy teams with intricate local knowledge and some support can thus cause big disruptions. This asymmetry has always existed in Hybrid wars.\n\n\n\nHybrid Warfare Vs Asymmetric Warfare\n\n\n\nSometimes\, the term Hybrid warfare is confused with Asymmetric Warfare. However\, the two terms are not really the same. While asymmetry can manifest from asymmetry of force\, technology\, methods\, battle space\, goals\, organisation\, morality & threshold; Hybrid implies employing regular and irregular means in tandem to include terrorists\, criminals\, counterfeit currency\, economic means\, assertive diplomacy\, private hackers & other non state actors. The connection between the two terms lies in the fact that asymmetric techniques can be employed within Hybrid Warfare. As an example\, the dropping of an atomic bomb is asymmetric but not hybrid.\nLike I said\, the manifestation of Hybrid warfare can be in multiple forms; terror attacks\, diplomatic intervention\, political pressure\, economic sanctions\, economic disruptions\, intelligence ops\, propaganda and cyber attacks all intertwined with the employment of conventional forces in the background. This includes disruptive techniques like stone throwing\, mob protests and school burning. As is well known\, Hybrid operations tend to last a long time and their prime intent is to maintain deniability. This is what we are experiencing in Kashmir.\nSince the ‘minds’ of the leader and the population are the Centres of Gravity\, belligerents seek to use ‘mental munitions’ along with hardware munitions. They would continue to aim to create frenzy by terror accompanied by psychological warfare of propaganda just remaining below the conventional threshold. Thus\, technological superiority\, precision weapons and a networked approach of a conventional force are often inadequate tools to deal with it. It may be recounted that these modern tools did not allow the US coalition operations to achieve swift overall and ultimate victory in the 2003 Iraq War or in Afghanistan\, as it had done in the 1991 Gulf campaign. The physical manifestation of this conceptual dilemma is that we are always or almost always incorrectly prepared for a conflict\, to colloquially state it\, is to arrive for a cricket match with a hockey stick in hand.\n\n\n\nThe Tools\n\n\n\nHaving seen the issue\, and before addressing the ways to address this challenge of Hybrid Warfare in the 21st century\, I would like to delve a little deeper into what it takes for this form of warfare to succeed. That is so to say; think from the enemy’s point of view. As is reasonably evident\, the synergistic application of force across multiple domains needs a very good organisation and network to thrive. Never can the various manifestations of ‘Hybrid threats’ succeed in isolation from each other. As an example\, the whole world is aware that the terrorist training camps in Pakistan Occupied Kashmir are being run by their government agencies that also plan disruptions in India in other forms. Undeniably\, almost all trouble in Jammu and Kashmir is state sponsored. This synergy between centrally controlled agencies is important to understand because only then can we “address the challenges of Hybrid conflict in the 21st century”.\nConduct of ‘hybrid warfare’ also faces some vulnerabilities\, which can be exploited. First\, decentralization of command structures makes it hard to achieve and exploit its successes. The instigators constantly risk losing control of the choreographed plan. Second\, and more importantly\, hybrid warfare as a concept runs into serious trouble while defining as to when would the aims of hybrid warfare be achieved? What does winning mean\, and what would be the desired end state? In other words\, owing to its internal inconsistency\, the concept of hybrid warfare seems difficult to operationalise into a coherent line of effort for purposeful gains. The effectiveness of a ‘strategy’ that leaves no room for defining its own parameters of success in time\, space and end state is thus doubtful. States practicing this often fall victims to these tactics internally. Also\, each of these Hybrid Wars are contextually different.\nIt is important to set the context because a counter strategy is always context-dependent. The presumption that any set mode of warfare or doctrinal approach will lead to military victory irrespective of the circumstances neglects the fact that the success of a strategy is always and always context-dependent. Our tools may not fit another threat and vice-versa.\nThere is no denying the fact that any hybrid threat needs some support by local\, social and ethnic contexts. However\, there is no doubt that in Indian context\, it can only thrive by the designs of our Western neighbour who perpetrates terror in India and has a rich experience in the use of irregulars. A little while ago\, I said that India has been subjected to this challenge since our independence. Pakistan has used irregulars repeatedly since 1948 when irregulars reinforced by the Army captured some border areas of Jammu and Kashmir. Irregulars were also launched in 1965 by Pakistan before the main offensive and in more recent memory\, their Kargil misadventure was also an example of Hybrid warfare. Fine calibration of terror activities adapted to the local context and supported by regular forces which can remain non attributable has been Pakistan’s modus operandi against India for very long. Through the combination of modes of action\, our adversaries aim to attenuate our capabilities during troubled peace while lowering their accountability.\n\n\n\nHybrid Warfare is Here to Stay\n\n\n\nIn our context\, the militaries of our neighbours enjoy primacy in their internal affairs. This makes them use all governmental agencies in coordination against us when they feel like. Therefore\, this form of warfare is likely to endure. Remaining just below the conventional threshold\, our neighbours may try to innovate their designs in the future to foment trouble in India and disrupt our path of peaceful progress. This type of coercion is here to stay.\nThe question which arises is what should be our ideal response to an adversary which is erratic\, aggressive and possesses a terror mentality throughout the state machinery?\n\n\n\nOvercoming the Challenge\n\n\n\nBefore I put forth my views on how to overcome this challenge in contemporary terms\, I wish to compliment the heartening resolve being displayed by our officers and men in combating the proxy war being orchestrated by our adversary in Jammu & Kashmir. The professionalism in our pursuits is reflective of the collective efforts of all government agencies operating in the Kashmir Valley.  The synergy between all elements of national power is essential to defeat the Hybrid War.\nThis form of warfare is difficult to deter with conventional means alone. Therefore\, force profiling for future must have the requisite balance and dynamism to transition from one mode of conflict to another. Though clichéd\, this one size has to fit all. In case it is decided to focus on one factor more than the others\, the adversary would be quick to learn the kink and change the playing field again to capitalize on asymmetry. Supremacy in one front/ mode of warfare cannot be at the cost of the other\, it is not an either/or situation but sadly an ‘and’ situation wherein preparation to manage the spectrum of conflict has to be complete.\nLike I said\, our enemies are employing hybrid techniques against us to their advantage. These nations continue to exploit and incite the people by spreading propaganda & violence\, coupled with mainstream military backing. Cross border firings are also very common.\nWe have two options with us. One is to engage in offensive Hybrid Warfare as a nation and the second is to defend against this threat proactively. In weighing these options\, our standing in the global strategic framework\, our reputation\, our nation’s sensibilities and training and organisation of our agencies need to be looked at comprehensively.\nOffensive Option. In as far as the offensive option is concerned\, some of us may opine that activation of offensive Hybrid Warfare\, will force our enemies to look inwards. In the long term\, offensive Hybrid Warfare will create standoffs in the sub conventional spectrum itself by attacking their internal dynamics\, conflicts and fault lines without us having to jump to the conventional spectrum and this would not invoke the pressures of large-scale wars. However\, as a nation we have never been expansionist. We also believe in fairness. India strongly believes in living in peace and harmony with its neighbours. The well being and development of its people\, through sustained economic growth remains our continued focus and our core national interest. Thus\, creating unrest in our neighbour’s territory should not be the first choice. Moreover\, as evidenced in Pakistan\, there are no good or bad terrorists. Sooner or later\, such use of irregulars as a strategy destabilises the country internally. Also\, it takes the focus away from development. Thus\, in my opinion\, in our case\, we should prefer the proactive defence option against Hybrid war\, through ltd Hybrid in sp of proactive defence is advisable. This will involve the whole of government approach.\nProactive Defence – The Preferred Option.Currently\, agitational dynamics in Jammu and Kashmir\, triggered by nefarious elements in the form of violent protests interfere significantly in the operations of security forces. Radicalisation efforts and proliferation of social media\, targeted killings of civilians\, political leaders and security forces personnel by terrorists are challenges which need to be addressed earliest. This mandates a new integrated response strategy which is focussed on governmental outreach\, political dialogue\, good governance\, situational awareness\, domination and intelligence based operations.\nMilitarily\, this starts with the broad domain called ‘intelligence’ that encompasses Space\, Cyber\, Electronic and Human vectors. In order for it to be effective\, it must be multi-modal and therefore requires adequate resourcing. The Indian Army endeavours to separate the few anti-national elements from the local populace and target terrorists\, while keeping local public sentiments and perception in mind.  I am sure that our extensive experience in counter terrorism will stand us in good stead in this endeavour.\n\n\n\nPerception in J&K\n\n\n\nSo\, the question is how do we address the perception mosaic? In recent times\, the tolerance levels of the public in Kashmir have reduced and perceived alienation is indicative of a definite aspirational deficit amongst the local youth. The Kashmiri youth is being indoctrinated to act irrationally. Proliferation of social media has further compounded the challenge and contributes towards the spread of an anti-establishment narrative.\nPerceptions in J&K vary\, based on whose ‘story’ you are listening\, thus making each narrative different. These narratives are built around the constructs of radicalisation\, alienation\, agitation\, religious fundamentalism and anti nationalism on one hand and the perception of a Kashmiri common man on the other. Like I have said\, this merits a co-ordinated approach and response.\nI advocate three Lines of Action: Firstly\, ‘Work Together’. This applies to inter agency cooperation within India and working with our international friends to blunt the hybrid advantages of terror states. Secondly\, we must effectively ‘Communicate The Right Narrative’ to our people and thirdly we must be able to ‘Harness Technology’ and make use of it optimally. This would require both offensive and defensive technology options especially in the cyber domain.\nWorking Together. Coming to first part i.e. Working Together. All government agencies are working in synergy. Diplomatically\, given India’s soft power\, we can utilise a strategy for ‘non-violent compellence’ to isolate Pakistan internationally. Already\, the world is seeing the truth behind the veiled state which encourages terrorists on its soil. Economically\, we should not shy away from projects which are beneficial to our economic progress. One example which comes to mind is to use our own share of Indus water as legally available to us under the treaty. Political dialogue and governance also need a push. Water as tool of war.\nAs far as Indian Army goes\, we continue to share our core expertise\, experience and training facilities to augment the capabilities of Central Armed Police Forces. We are training Central Armed Police personnel in Counter Terrorism operations. Selected CAPF and State Police Battalions undergo pre induction training prior to deployment in disturbed areas. It also entails Counter Improvised Explosive Device training and attachment of CAPF personnel with infantry battalions. So far we have trained 28\,141 personnel in Counter Terrorism operations. 83 CAPF/ Police Battalions have undergone pre induction training. 6724 personnel have been imparted counter IED training. In addition\, 1350 CAPF officers have undergone attachment with infantry battalions. We will continue working with all agencies which work for peace in our country.\nCommunicate the Right Narrative – Psy Operations.     Infiltrating the minds of youth and the civil society (whatever little exists in Pakistan) with what India represents vis-à-vis Pakistan\, would go a long way in securing the desired geo-political objectives. Psychological munitions are difficult to counter instantaneously and thus require advance preparation and constant updation. Our narrative is superior. What can be better than a vibrant democracy for a human mind and human aspirations to thrive. This narrative needs to be propagated better.\nHarness Technology.     In the future scenario\, cyber domain will emerge as the real battleground. Some of the tech savvy and more sophisticated belligerents are using this already with great élan. Belligerents could jam important industrial infrastructure of opponents temporarily. As this audience may be well aware\, this has been done in the past. India has advanced capabilities in the field of space technology and GPS systems in South Asia\, which can be used to liquidate our recalcitrant adversary in the cyber domain. We are close to establishing the Defence Space Agency and the Defence Cyber Agency. This would deepen our integration and synergy between the government agencies.\n\n\n\nWay Ahead\n\nBefore closing\, I would like to share some thoughts on the way ahead. Modern hybrid war that simultaneously combines conventional\, irregular\, and terrorist components is a complex challenge that requires an adaptable and versatile military to overcome. Thus\, our response and strategy needs to be congruent to the complex and changing dynamics. There is a need for highlighting the correct narrative and strongly negating the false propaganda being propagated by the separatists/ terrorists. Army has always been acting professionally in providing a sense of security to the population while operating within the laid down rules of engagement. However adequate measures need to be enforced to control the agitators. The Army is for the Kashmiri people.  We are separating the few select anti-national elements from the Kashmiri people and dealing with them as per laid down procedures. At the same time\, the Army is alive to its responsibilities and continues to keep in mind local sentiments during the conduct of operations.\nAspirations of the youth in Kashmir have changed and the same need to be considered in our response strategies. There is obviously a need for greater positive engagement with the youth to motivate them to remain off the streets. Our strategy needs to address issues at systemic level and behavioural level – both individual and collective\, and take into account aspiration of the youth in psychological\, social and economic domains.\nThere is a need to positively engage educated and tech savvy youth and channelize them away from the fascination of stone pelting & gun. We need to harness the youth through economic development and increasing employment opportunities. To be able to effectively counter the perceived alienation of the populace\, there is a need to create a stronger counter narrative as part of the comprehensive long term strategic vision. All efforts should thereafter be focussed towards achieving this vision. Army has been carrying out perception management operations as part of Operation Sadbhavna in J&K for the last two and half decades\, but the actions of all the agencies operating in J&K need to be integrated towards achieving our Strategic Vision. A sustained\, concerted & coordinated effort with all stakeholders synergised towards the greater good of the nation is required. The battle is for the minds of the people of Kashmir. This important endeavour needs to be proactive\, steady and consistent in order to achieve the desired outcomes.\nLastly\, I must emphasize\, that a concerted effort towards a synergized response is essential. Each act of cowardice by our enemies will be rebuked and rebutted with more vigour than imaginable. No soldier’s sacrifice will go in vain. Each and every uniformed person\, is committed to this integrated response and that is the way ahead for addressing Hybrid Wars.\n\nEvent Details [+] URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/9th-y-b-chavan-memorial-lecture-on-addressing-the-challenges-of-hybrid-conflict-in-the-21st-century CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20180327T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20180327T053000 DTSTAMP:20261113T220654 CREATED:20231223T123745Z LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T121439Z UID:62611-1522128600-1522128600@idsa.in SUMMARY:Keynote Address by Secretary (ER) Shri T S Tirumurti at the 4th India-Africa Strategic Dialogue  on the theme "India and Africa: Deepening the Security Engagement" DESCRIPTION:Ambassador Jayant Prasad\, Director General\, IDSA\,\nAmbassador Alem Tsesaye Woldemariam of Eritrea\, Dean of African Diplomatic Corps in India\,\nDistinguished guests\nLadies and Gentlemen\, \n1. It gives me great pleasure to participate in the 4th India-Africa Strategic Dialogue organized by the Institute for Defence Studies and Analysis and share my thoughts on the theme India and Africa: Deepening the Security Engagement. I thank Amb Jayant Prasad and IDSA for this opportunity. \n2. There can be little doubt that in the recent past\, particularly in the last 3 or 4 years\, our political and economic and indeed strategic engagement with Africa have been taken to a much higher trajectory. In fact\, a clear reflection of the priority we give to Africa can be seen from the announcement a few days ago that India has decided to open Missions in 18 African countries. India is\, therefore\, keen to sustain the momentum of its increasing engagement with Africa. \n3. Our economic engagement also received a huge boost at the Third India Africa Summit 2015. India is now a major development partner in Africa. Currently more than 40% of our Lines of Credit has gone to Africa and this is only poised to increase substantially. In the International Solar Alliance Founding Conference\, Prime Minister announced more than US $ 1 billion for solar projects in Africa.  Indian companies have substantially increased their presence in Africa. \n4.  In this scenario\, where our political and economic engagements have received a huge fillip\, it is only natural that our security engagement is not far behind. \n5. Political stability is fast returning to countries in Africa\, particularly with smooth and peaceful transitions taking place in the recent past. These welcome developments have indeed brought to the fore the growing respect for people’s will as well as the need to pursue the twin goals of security and development\, to be able to reap the benefits of peace and democracy. \n6. However\, terrorism has\, time and again\, threatened the wheels of progress. Terrorist groups have spread across many African countries\, including in the Lake Chad region and Sahel countries\, and other conflicts continue to persist as well. Terrorist groups such as Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM)\, Al-Shabaab\, Boko Haram\, Islamic Movement Aezwad (IMI) and other off-shoots threaten the regional and international order. Terrorist and extremist  forces disturb peace and stability and render several institutions in Africa weak and vulnerable. Piracy and maritime threats\, as well as cross-border threats and transnational crimes\, including Narcotics\,  trafficking\, cyber crime etc. add new dimensions to the problem and has only served to increase instability. On top of this\, economic disparities only serve to exacerbate the divisions within societies\, not just in Africa but all over the developing world. These make societies more fragile and governance that much more difficult.  \n7. Consequently\, in such a scenario\, the question is not only deepening security engagement but also broadening and widening security engagement to make this engagement as effective as possible against multidimensional and multidirectional threats. One has had to work on multiple fronts. We are\, therefore\, working on multiple fronts with Africa. \n8. Friends\, an important factor which should not be forgotten is that Africa itself has taken progressive strides in securing peace and security in the continent. Many of these initiatives taken by the African countries themselves\, individually or severally\, like G5 Sahel and the Multinational Joint Task Force\, are meeting with success and have demonstrated the resolve of African countries to bring peace and security to their homes. India’s role has been to strongly support the ongoing process of “African solutions for African problems” in the most important area of security engagement and see how best to qualitatively enhance the capacity of these countries in this quest. India has traditionally adopted a non-prescriptive approach on security matters and supports the national Governments as well as the African Union. Indian supports the AU Peace and Security Initiative within African Peace and Security Architecture. So\, even as African initiatives have emerged to address the peace-keeping challenges in Africa\, India has been supportive of such initiatives\, including through financial contributions\, for example\, to the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM). And this of course should come as no surprise. \n9. India’s contribution to promoting security in Africa over the years is well-known\, particularly manifested in India’s extensive participation in the UN Peacekeeping efforts in Africa over the last 6 decades. The role of Indian contingents with the UN Emergency Forces in Sinai in 1956 and the vital contribution of Indian troops and Air Force in the operations in Congo from 1960 to 1964 set a high bar which generations of Indian peace-keepers have since strived to live upto. The first all-female Police Unit of the UN consisted of Indian women deployed in Liberia thereby inspiring many women security personnel to volunteer for their respective security forces. Indians have also been in positions of leadership in several UN Missions. Today more than 6000 Indian peace-keepers are deployed in 5 peace-keeping operations in Africa including in South Sudan and the Democratic People’s Republic of Congo. India has participated in all UN peacekeeping operations in the African continent till now testifying to the high degree of confidence in our abilities and our understanding of the ethos and culture of Africa. \n10. The additional threat dimension added to these layers is in the domain of maritime security. This is vital not just for Africa but for India and other countries as well. Piracy\, armed robbery at sea and maritime terrorism pose serious threats to the security and economy of the region. Incidents of hijacking of ships and oil tankers with Indian crew on board have taken place. As our trade increases and greater prosperity sets in\, there will be increasing need for India and Africa to work together to neutralise these new threats. India and Africa have also made common cause at international forums in building norms against piracy and terrorism. \n11. It may be recalled that recently\, when an oil tanker with 22 Indian crew was hijacked from anchor by pirates off the coast of Benin\, it was the prompt and proactive action taken by the navies of Nigeria\, Ghana and Benin which created the pressure on pirates to flee the vessel in a week’s time\, leaving crew and ship unharmed. The need for India and Africa to partner in the maritime domain is self evident. And we are indeed doing so\, in a robust and dedicated manner.  \n12. Given an increasingly complex scenario\, India has had to step up its bilateral security engagement with African countries in the last few years. We have always had close bilateral security relations with African countries in the past\, but we have now built on this foundation. For example\, one of the first training institutes established in Africa by India was the Haile Selassie Harar military academy in Ethiopia in 1958. Many of you would also recall our old links with the armed forces of Zambia. There were years when around 40% of Zambia’s armed forces underwent training in various Indian defence institutions\, which subsequently produced several of Zambia’s Defence Chiefs as well. \n13. India has now defence and security cooperation interalia with all the littoral states in the Indian Ocean region\, including South Africa\, Mozambique\, Tanzania\, Kenya\, Seychelles\, Mauritius and Madagascar\, the latest being signed during the visit of our President to Madagascar on 14th March\, 2018\, as well as with countries such as\, Nigeria\, Uganda\, Tanzania\, Botswana\, Lesotho\, Egypt and others. The range of bilateral security issues now includes training\, infrastructural development assistance\, peacekeeping\, defence agreements\, naval visits and assistance\, joint exercises\, defence equipment transfers\, hydrographic services etc.  \n14. Fitting into our joint vision for collective action to tackle maritime security challenges in the region is Prime Minister Modi’s SAGAR doctrine – “Security And Growth for All in the Region” . For example\, in the context of our joint security architecture in the Indian ocean region\, I would like to point out that \, in pursuance of this approach we have\, over the years\, built defence and security cooperation with both Mauritius and the Seychelles. As  maritime  neighbours\, we have a stake in each other’s security and safety. With both these countries\, we share unique historical and cultural linkages as well. Mauritius with its Exclusive Economic Zone spread over 2.3 million square kilometers and the Seychelles over 1.3 million square kilometers are  particularly vulnerable from both traditional and non-traditional threats.  Recognising  this\,  we  have drawn up a cooperation agenda with Mauritius and Seychelles that covers within its purview joint efforts in anti-piracy operations\, enhanced EEZ surveillance and monitoring to prevent intrusions by potential economic offenders indulging in illegal fishing\, poaching\, drug and human trafficking. This  cooperation is further enhanced by the  Coastal Surveillance Radar Systems in both countries\, and our commitment to augment  their  defence  capability. From gifting the Indian naval ship INS Barracuda to Mauritius during PM’s visit in March 2015 to the announcement of a USD 100 million defence LOC during the President’s visit earlier this month\, the engagement has deepened considerably in recent years. In recognition of our security convergence in the Indian Ocean region\, agreements have been signed to build logistical facilities in Mauritius and in Seychelles. \n15. Another example is the defence cooperation we have had with Nigeria. India has helped set up various military institutions including the Nigerian Defence Academy (NDA) at Kaduna\, the Naval College at Port Harcourt besides other elite military training establishments in Nigeria. A number of Nigerian officers have also been trained over the years in Indian military institutions. These include former Nigerian Presidents\, President Olusegun Obasanjo\, President Ibrahim Babangida and several other top military officers. The current President His Excellency Muhammadu Buhari has also attended the prestigious Defence Services Staff Course at Wellington. \n16. India has been working closely with other countries as well such as Guinea\, Mali\, Namibia etc and several others are coming forward to tap into our experience and expertise on the security fronts. One would recall the attack in February\, 2016 by militants on the Guinean contingent of the UN Peace-Keeping Mission (MINUSMA) deployed in Mali that led to the death of 7 soldiers and serious injuries to many. In response to Guinea’s request to strengthen its forces’ capacities\, India is supplying items such as communication equipment\, headgear\, sleeping bags etc. to its armed forces. \n17. It is important to highlight the fact that in training and capacity building\, India is second to none. We are recognised as the power house of training and this is reflected in the several defence related courses we run in our institutions. As I mentioned earlier\, some of the leaders in African States have emerged from our defence institutions. Our training and teaching have brought greater professionalism and enhanced the quality of the security forces in African countries as indeed in all other countries in the world which have trained in our institutions. This is a dimension of our security engagement which is a vital link to deepening security engagement with Africa. Given India’s own history of fighting terrorism\, particularly cross-border terrorism\, we are in a unique position of being able to share our expertise as well as experience on security issues. Now many third countries have expressed their interest in partnering India to enhance security capacity building and meet training requirements of African countries. \n18. While there are indeed several more dimensions to security per se\, including food security\, energy security\, water security\, etc\, and while India is indeed engaging with Africa in these areas as well\, I wish to stick to a more traditional concept of security engagement and reiterate that our security engagement with Africa is an important element of our foreign policy. We are engaging with the African continent in tackling a complex set of security challenges. Our engagement with Africa has clearly deepened in the last few years\, thanks no doubt to our political engagement which has been at an unprecedented level. As mentioned by Deputy DG earlier\, in the last three years we have had 20 visits at the level of President\, Vice President and Prime Minister to Africa. External Affairs Minister and our two Ministers of External Affairs have covered most of the other countries in Africa. Thanks to our commitment and credentials\, India has been a trusted partner of the African countries and if I may say\, a preferred partner. \n19. Thank you once again for giving me an opportunity to share my thoughts. I wish your deliberations all success. \nEvent details URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/keynote-address-by-secretary-er-shri-t-s-tirumurti-at-the-4th-india-africa-strategic-dialogue-on-the-theme-india-and-africa-deepening-the-security-engagement CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20180322T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20180322T053000 DTSTAMP:20261113T220654 CREATED:20231223T123745Z LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T121440Z UID:62612-1521696600-1521696600@idsa.in SUMMARY:Keynote Address by M J Akbar\, Minister of State for External Affairs at the IISS-IDSA Workshop on Strategic Stability in the Indo-Pacific DESCRIPTION:Event details URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/keynote-address-by-m-j-akbar-minister-of-state-for-external-affairs-at-the-iiss-idsa-workshop-on-strategic-stability-in-the-indo-pacific CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20171107T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20171107T053000 DTSTAMP:20261113T220654 CREATED:20231223T123844Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250310T235932Z UID:62613-1510032600-1510032600@idsa.in SUMMARY:Keynote Address by Foreign Secretary\, Dr S. Jaishankar\, at the Second IORA Meeting of Experts for Maritime Safety and Security DESCRIPTION:It gives me great pleasure to address you this morning. I extend a warm welcome to all IORA delegates to New Delhi. After an initial search for identity\, IORA has today grown in substance and stature and carved a definitive place for itself. The recognition of IORA at the UN Ocean Conference last June is testimony to its growing salience in international fora. As Indian Ocean takes centre-stage in the 21st century\, the onus is on us as equal stakeholders to collectively secure and nurture our oceanic space.\nMaritime security and collaboration is central to our strategic thinking and policy. We consider IORA as an important instrument for promoting cooperation and ensuring stability in the region. Security challenges do not respect borders and need to be tackled through effective partnerships at the regional level. Those who live in this region have the principal responsibility for its peace\, stability and prosperity. Today\, the occasion calls for all of us to deliberate on the cooperative possibilities of this region rather than its competitive challenges that are admittedly there.\nThroughout history\, the Indian Ocean has been characterized by commercial flows\, alongside migration of people\, ideas and cultures. The Indian Ocean of today is\, in that sense\, not very different. It is one of the important trade and energy waterways in the world\, and as Gen Deb noted\, one carrying half the world’s container shipments\, one-third of the bulk cargo traffic and two-thirds of the oil shipments. It is the medium that connects the producers of Gulf and Western Indian Ocean to the consumers of South and East Asia. Its demography – housing nearly 40% of the world’s population spread over 35 littoral states – speaks for itself. Notwithstanding the diversity\, the challenges faced by the Indian Ocean rim countries are actually quite similar.\nThe IORA mechanism has a vital role to play in realizing our common vision for the region. It is a collective platform to highlight regional causes and concerns and the path for joint action to tackle challenges that we confront. Economic\, trade and development issues are dominant in this agenda. Therefore\, we have been supportive of the intensification and invigoration of IORA activities\, from renewable energy and the blue economy to maritime safety and security.\nRecognizing emerging geo-strategic challenges\, IORA identified in 2011 “Maritime Safety and Security” as one of its six priority areas. This Indian initiative gained further traction with Australia and Indonesia assuming leadership roles subsequently as succeeding Chairs of IORA. Now under South Africa’s stewardship\, we look forward to not only sustaining this momentum but also further deepening our engagement within IORA under a collective framework.\nThe focus on maritime safety and security as a priority area within the IORA framework has helped to promote a shared understanding of maritime issues\, enhance regional maritime security\, strengthen capabilities\, establish cooperative mechanisms\, develop inter-operability and provide speedy HADR responses.\nMaritime safety and security is a multifaceted issue\, especially with the growth of non-traditional threats. The scenario we confront is of maritime terrorism\, smuggling\, transnational crimes\, drug-trafficking\, illegal immigration\, IUU fishing\, gun-running\, piracy\, unregulated private maritime security companies and proliferation of sensitive items. It is further compounded by natural disasters\, oil spills and effects of climate change\, to which our region is highly prone. These threats and challenges impinge on the national interests of the IORA littorals. More importantly\, these conspicuously highlight the acute and imperative need for protection of Sea Lines of Communication. Only through collective action can we successfully meet these challenges.\nWith sustained economic growth in the countries on the littoral of the Indian Ocean\, this region has assumed greater importance in all realms. The growing need for raw materials\, minerals and other natural resources including the energy to fuel development in the countries in the region\, has enhanced the strategic significance of trade that traverses the Indian Ocean. The economic dimension and the security challenges in the IOR have together defined the naval and national strategies of nations within the region and beyond. Regional cooperation within the IOR will become increasingly important in order to ensure the safety and security of these vital trade routes\, particularly the choke points\, over the coming decades.\nMaritime trade has become increasingly important for interconnected economies; India itself conducts nearly 40% of its trade with littoral nations along the Indian Ocean Rim. India has been working with like-minded countries to preserve the integrity\, inviolability and security of maritime domain\, much of which is a global commons. Recognising this growing importance of maritime trade in an increasingly globalised world\, India supports freedom of navigation and over-flight\, and unimpeded commerce\, based on the principles of international law\, particularly UNCLOS that serves as a constitution for the oceans. We also encourage resolution of territorial and maritime disputes through peaceful means in accordance with these universally recognized principles. We have always stood for exercising self-restraint in the conduct of activities that could complicate or escalate disputes affecting peace and stability. India’s own record in this regard is well known.\nMaritime security is an important dimension of India’s bilateral relations with all Indian Ocean littoral states as well with almost all regional bodies that are either based in or border the Indian Ocean region- ranging from IORA\, ARF\, ADMM Plus to Expanded ASEAN Maritime Forum and ReCAAP. Maintaining a favourable maritime environment in the Indian Ocean is a broad objective that requires coordination between India’s military\, diplomatic and economic institutions. I am glad to note that this is increasingly the case. We have consequently made more progress in our maritime engagement in the region and its immediate areas beyond.\nThere has been growing interest in the conduct of joint exercises and patrols with the aim of enhancing interoperability within the region. The importance of coastal surveillance systems has also been recognized. India has initiated efforts to help our maritime neighbours set up their network and contribute to the shared development of Maritime Domain Awareness. Maritime connectivity is also today one of the key pillars of our development cooperation in Asia and Africa.\nWe have signed White Shipping Agreements with a number of countries\, provided capacity building assistance and ensured capability enhancement by imparting training. In addition\, our ships have undertaken coordinated patrolling with other countries and EEZ Surveillance on the request of our partners. India’s sense of responsibility will grow with its capabilities and the IOR should be assured that it can count on us.\nThe large number of piracy attempts off the East coast of Africa led to the emergence of the Contact Group on Piracy off the Coast of Somalia (CGPCS) mechanism of which India was a founder member. The Indian Navy has been undertaking anti-piracy patrols in the Gulf of Aden and the sea routes of the Indian Ocean since 2008.\nOur persevering efforts to secure shipping traffic in the area from pirate attacks has contributed to the greater maritime safety in the region and enabled the reduction of the High Risk Area in December 2015. This in turn has reduced shipping insurance costs\, thereby promoting mercantile traffic in Eastern and Central IOR.\nIndia’s HADR and Search & Rescue efforts in the Indian Ocean have been increasingly in evidence. Building on its 2004 tsunami relief experience\, India has since undertaken a wide range of HADR operations. Deployment of Indian Naval ships for major non-combatant evacuation operations in Libya\, Iraq\, Syria and Yemen have benefitted not just Indian citizens but nationals of several countries in the region and beyond. From bringing drinking water to the Maldives in the wake of a major water crisis\, to providing relief supplies by air to Fiji and Sri Lanka\, we have been the first to respond in times of distress in our immediate as well as extended neighbourhood.\nWe have been laying additional emphasis on developing greater synergies with the Navies in the region by investing sufficient expertise in consultation forums like the Indian Ocean Naval Symposium (IONS). India is a founding member of IONS\, which currently has 35 countries.\nAnother effort to ensure the safety of navigation in the IOR has been the hydrographic support provided to chart the waters of the region. We have augmented this with a large training effort. Over the past three decades\, more than 11\,000 foreign personnel from over 40 countries have undergone training in India\, many of whom are from the Indian Ocean littorals.\nOur Prime Minister’s strategic vision articulated during a visit to Mauritius in March 2015 has spurred a qualitative transformation in India’s engagement with IORA in recent years. In his words\, and I quote\, India seeks a future for Indian Ocean that is outlined by the acronym ‘SAGAR’ – Security And Growth for All in the Region”. SAGAR in Hindi means the Ocean. This succinctly outlines our vision for the region – of advancing cooperation and using our capabilities for larger benefit. Prime Minister Modi’s vision has four key elements:\n\nTo safeguard our mainland and islands\, defend our interests\, ensure a safe secure and stable Indian Ocean\, and make available our capabilities to others;\nDeepen economic and security cooperation with our maritime neighbours and strengthen their capacities;\nEnvisage collective action and cooperation to advance peace and security and respond to emergencies; and\nSeek a more integrated and cooperative future for the region that enhances sustainable development.\n\n\nThe growing appreciation and acceptance of the concept of Indo-Pacific further underlines the importance of IOR in global affairs. It should also serve as an encouragement to Indians themselves to think more strategically of IOR. The Pacific and the Atlantic both have an identity and a community. IORA should and is moving in that direction.\nRelations with countries in the IOR and nurturing a climate of peace and stability are important cornerstones of India’s foreign policy. More so\, given the growing economic relevance of countries in this region and the changing geo-political scenario. This places a great responsibility on all of us in IOR – to collaborate\, to co-operate and to work together to tackle the maritime security challenges in the region\, ranging from terrorism and WMD proliferation to territorial and maritime disputes. I am confident that this sense of responsibility will guide your deliberations. URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/keynote-address-by-foreign-secretary-dr-s-jaishankar-at-the-second-iora-meeting-of-experts-for-maritime-safety-and-security CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20171005T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20171005T053000 DTSTAMP:20261113T220654 CREATED:20231223T123845Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250317T015448Z UID:62614-1507181400-1507181400@idsa.in SUMMARY:Keynote Address by Dr. Arvind Gupta\, Director VIF At Seminar “Exploring The Roots On India’s Strategic Culture” DESCRIPTION:Prof Charan Wadava\, Col Gautam\, Friends\, I would like to thank the IDSA for inviting me to this seminar. It is nice to be back at the IDSA after some time. It is particularly satisfying that I was involved with the launching of IDSA’s projects five years ago. Since then a number of high quality publications have been brought out by the IDSA on Arthasastra. This has helped raise awareness about this great thinker. \nTanham was right in one respect – Indian thought is not properly documented. The result? Even Indians do not know about their history properly. If one talks about past greatness about India it is either greeted with pride verging on hyperbole or by scepticism. A recent article by a Canada born Chinese ethnic scholar doing the rounds on the internet – hope it is not fake – marvels at the great achievements of India in ancient times. He lists achievements in mathematics\, astronomy\, medicine\, surgery\, metallurgy\, architecture\, building and construction\, town planning etc. This he says are not known to a common person in the west whereas Chinese achievements are well known. He observes that Indians are too enamoured of the Western ideas and thoughts and under-rate their own achievements. Even if the article is fake\, the point made is quite right. \nIn 1931\, philosopher KC Bhattacharya\, delivered the Sir Ashutosh Mukherjee Memorial Lecture lamented that Indians were enslaved because their minds were enslaved. What is needed is a “Swaraj in Ideas”. KC Bhattacharya is known for having developed methodology for interpreting Indian ancient scriptures for modern times. Rabindra Nath Tagore also spoke on the need to challenge the prevalent negative tendencies in writing India’s history. In his address to the students and teachers of the Shantiniketan in 1903 titled “The History of Bharatvarasha”\, he said \, “ By not viewing Bharatvarsha from Bharatvarsha own perspective…we get demeaned ourselves…… what our ancestors did\, this we do not know ; therefore we do not know what we ought to aim for”. Similar point has been made by many philosophers\, scholars and observers cross ages and more recently. \nVivekananda captured the imagination of the world and his compatriots in 1893 at the World Parliament of Religions. He boldly put forward the strengths of Indian civilisation\, of spiritual essentials of Hinduism\, in particular. Not only did the world take note\, it also filled the fellow Indians with a sense of pride. He firmly believed in the mission of India. Aurobindo carried on the task spreading the nationalist message based on the essential spirituality of India. This was at a time India was still not free and there was a lot of misery in India. \nVivekananda was convinced that in essentials all religions have the same universal message for their followers. It is the politics that brings discord. Thus\, speaking about one religion is not narrow-mindedness. Far from it. Not tolerating others is. \nWhy I mention Vivekananda is because he talks of national rejuvenation based on India’s civilisational strengths and wisdom. If India has to advance to the ranks of major powers in the world\, it should not only have the material strength of military and economy\, technology but also be able to contribute in the realm of ideas which would be useful in resolving today’s problems. India will need to look into the vast store house of civilisational wisdom. Relevant ideas will have to be taken up\, studied\, modified if necessary and adapted to today’s circumstances. That is why it is necessary to study Indian civilisation\, culture\, and history deeply. \nIndians are still discovering their history. Many points of Indian history\, particularly the ancient history\, are not settled. Since India is complex and diverse\, there is diversity in Indian thought as well. Indians take complexity\, diversity and contradiction in their stride. These very attributes confuse the western mind. Indians have started discovering their history in the last 150 years. The process of rediscovery will go in for a long time as new evidence is discovered by historians\, archaeologists\, and others. \nIt is clear that from even a cursory study of Indian texts that our forefathers had a sophisticated and nuanced view of the material reality as well as spirituality. They were equally interested in both. These views continue to inform Indian mind even today. The west has also revised its condescending view of India as a backward country wrapped in superstitions. Research is being done in the west to see parallels with the Indian thought. There is interest in Vedanta knowledge. An interesting video I recently saw was how some thinkers in Christianity are studying the philosophy of Vedanta to gain insight into their own religion. In Turkey a PhD thesis was written drawing comparison between Rumi’s thoughts and Vedanta philosophy. Yoga is spreading across the world including in China. \nIn India we have been afraid to ask how ancient texts relate to our thinking. We are taken up by western notions of the material world and feel defensive about discovering our roots in our own texts. It is nobody’s case that Indian texts have answers to every question or as some people believe that everything that had to be discovered had already been discovered in the Vedas and Upanishads. Yet\, it is also true that we have not critically examined the ancient store house of knowledge. Most of these texts have been raised to the level of worship or adulation while little attention is paid to understand their relevance to contemporary times. A critical examination is necessary. One handicap we face is that of the language. Ancient languages like Sanskrit are no longer spoken. Similarly other dialects and languages in which ancient texts were written are not widely spoken or understood. Therefore\, there is a serious handicap in critically examining these texts and conveying them to ordinary persons. \nIndian history should be studied not just for spiritualism. In Indian history there have been hundreds of big and small wars and military campaigns. But they have not been studied systematically. The Mahabharata and Ramayana are epics\, dealing\, inter alia\, with wars. The Mahabharata is a source of insights into human behaviour\, good or bad. Military conflicts tell us about peace\, about power struggles\, leadership\, strategy\, terrain\, logistics\, weapons\, technology\, inter-state relations and societal values. Wars have a tendency to shape the future. A study of historic military campaigns will help us rediscover us. A study of India’s participation in the First and Second world wars is an inquiry into our own self. In the West military history is a highly developed discipline. Some of the Western thinkers were students of war and conflicts. We should develop similar expertise in military history in India. \nSimilarly\, we need to study the economic history of the country. It is the Westerners who are now telling us that India and china dominated the world in GDP terms for 1800 years. We are still content to quote Madison in support of this thesis. Clearly there is need to delve deeper into this area. \nThe interest in Indian history is growing by the day. New finding of the last few decades are challenging the earlier assumption about our history. In particular\, new light has been shad on the scope of Harrappan civilization. It is now increasingly recognized that the philosophical foundations of Indian Civilization may have been made during this period. \nEqually important is the need to study regional histories. Different regions of India have rich history need to be synthesized to construct a bigger picture. The history of deacon needs to be studied in greater depth in the light of new discoveries. Hopefully\, this will bring about a better understanding of the Indian strategic thinking and culture. \nScholarly work should also be converted into textbooks for teaching courses in universities. The work should be credible based on evidence. International cooperation would also help. Kautilya must be raised to the level of Sunzu as a thinker. \nIndia has rich regional traditions of statecraft. KP Jaiswal in his path breaking work of the 1930s dwelt upon the ancient systems of republics in India. The Maurayas\, the Guptas\, the Sultanates of Delhi and Deccan\, the Mughals\, Marathas\, Rajputs\, Sikhs\, the mighty West India\, South India\, Bengal\, Orissa\, Assam\, Manipur etc have rich histories of state craft\, external relations policy\, governance stretching over millennia. It is necessary to study their methods of governance objectively. Only then will have a true insight into India. Indian culture\, trade and influence spread to both east west north and south. \nMany scholars have observed that Indians have a defensive mind-set. This is not entirely untrue. Partly this is because in recent history we were colonised. Partly because we do not know about our own rich past. This has made us defensive. An objective study of ancient India will help use rediscover ourselves and overcome the defensive mind-set which has done us so much harm. This does not mean we become jingoist. It only means we become self-aware which is critical for humans as well states. \nIn recent years Kautilya and his treatise Arthashastra has drawn the attention of scholars and policy makers. Kissinger in his latest book World Order describes Bhagvad Gita as the “central work of Hindu thought”. Dwelling at length on Kautilya’s work he observes “Millennia before European thinkers translated their facts on the ground into a theory of balance of power\, the Arthashastra set out an analogous if more elaborate system termed the Circle of States”. This is some praise from the arch American realist for Kautilya’s Rajamandala theory of alliances. The problem is that this richness of thought lies largely unexplored. For example\, we have no systematic study and understanding of the most dominant mahajanapadas of the time before the consolidation by the Magadha began. Kautilya has continued to influence the Indian strategic \nChina is on way to becoming a superpower. One thing the Chinese did was to study the rise and fall of previous civilisation with the objective of understanding the pitfalls a rising nation can face. They are also studying their own history. Confucius\, Taoism and Buddhism along with Sunzu and many others are being studied. Confucius study centres have been opened all over the world. Some of the formulations of ancient masters are being incorporated in the foreign policy vocabulary of China. Their effort is always to look at things from a Chinese perspective and develop strategy with Chinese characteristics. This is strategic thinking. We should also look at our past to develop an Indian strategic thought. \nIf India remains defensive about itself\, it will never succeed in evolving its own brand of strategic thinking. We will always be reactive. While growth in developed countries has plateaued\, India has yet to realise its full potential. The West has begun to realise this. That is why they are so interested in India. We have still to realise our potential like Hanuman in Ramayana. But\, we need to come up with proper strategies to realise our potential. If understand our past\, we will be better equipped to develop and grow. We also have certain faultlines. Studying the past would help in dealing with these. \nThe idea that India has no culture of strategic thinking\, propounded by the west\, is flawed. When needed\, India used force to achieve its strategic objectives. It has also experimented with various economic models to achieve economic growth and distributive justice. It has played a role in global affairs punching above its weight. Gandhi also brought in many diverse strategies including Satyagraha\, self-rule\, ahimsa\, economic resistance to British\, highlighting the significance of village economy\, self-reliance\, etc. Many leaders from across the political spectrum put forward uniquely Indian ideas. The problem has been that it has been difficult to build consensus on these ideas. Implementation has been a problem. \nRecent statements by Indian leaders have brought in the concept of Vasudhaiva Kutumbukam\, Sarve Bhavntu Sukhinah. Indian ancient texts have deep understanding of nature and its relationship with humans. The idea of shanti or peace is all pervasive in Indian philosophical texts. Clearly many of these ideas are relevant today. Indian scholars need to provide the needed rigour to develop these ideas further and apply them to contemporary circumstances. \nMost importantly\, India must realise that while incorporating positive influences from the world\, no single model can be transplanted from outside into the Indian scenario. We need to find our own strategy for growth. The government is conscious of the Indian approach to development the Cabinet resolution of 2015 by which NITI Ayog was set up talks about the need to find own strategy of growth. It says “The new institution has to zero in on what will work in and for India.   It will be a “Bharatiya approach to development.” The resolution quotes Mahatma Gandhi\, Tiruvalluvar\, Deen Dayal Updhyaya\, Sankara Dev and Ambedkar in the text. \nIn the last few years\, there has been a tremendous interest the world over in rising India. People are curious whether India’s rise will be peaceful. They also want to understand whether India will be able to deal with its internal contradictions. More important\, people want to understand what ideas India brings to the high table. It is therefore essential that Indian scholars explain India to the world. In this context\, understanding the strategic culture of India becomes important. I would like to quote from the foreword written by Sh Ajit Doval to the VIF publication History of Ancient India Vol- V\, “One can never understand a society\, civilization or a nation unless its past is understood and interpreted correctly. Both by design and default\, India’s past has been mutated\, events arbitrarily selected disproportionate to their real historic import and interpreted to substantiate a preconceived hypotheses. When myth masquerades as reality\, then reality becomes the casualty. \nThe IDSA’s project on Indian Strategic thoughts\, launched five years ago has been successful. It was a good beginning. It helped awareness about Kautilya and his thoughts on statecraft. I am happy to learn that phase II of the project is now being launched. That project should now be expanded to include other streams of thought too. Focus on regional literature and languages should be developed. The universities and regional centres of learning should contribute towards this. \nI congratulate the IDSA for their initiative and wish them the very best. I hope that Indian think tanks will take the lead and start developing ideas that have Indian flavour and we usher in the Swaraj in ideas. \nThank You. URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/keynote-address-by-dr-arvind-gupta-director-vif-at-seminar-exploring-the-roots-on-indias-strategic-culture CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT END:VCALENDAR