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DTSTART:20140101T000000
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BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20150508T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20150508T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T192752
CREATED:20231223T133107Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250317T000341Z
UID:63076-1431063000-1431063000@idsa.in
SUMMARY:An Assessment of Organisational Change in the Indian Army
DESCRIPTION:Chairperson: Lt. Gen. Satish Nambiar (Retd.)\nExternal Discussants: Brig. Gurmeet Kanwal (Retd.)\, Brig. Rahul Bhonsle (Retd.)\nInternal Discussants: Gp. Capt. Ajey Lele (Retd.)\, Col. Vijai Singh Rana \nThe paper analysed military change in the context of the Indian Army\, with specific focus on organisational innovation and change. It specifically looked at two case studies – the restructuring of the army after the Sino-Indian war of 1962 and the drive towards mechanisation based on the 1975 expert committee recommendations. The paper then assessed the drivers for organisational change in the Indian Army\, with the further aim of deriving policy recommendations which could be apt in light of the ongoing transformation of the Indian Army. \nThe paper identified operational environment and technology as the principle drivers for change. It stated that successful change required supportive political leadership\, professional and visionary military leadership\, long-term strategic assessment\, strong institutional structures and follow up action. The author used the two case studies in relation to conventional threats. The first related to changes post 1962\, which led to an increase in the size of the army by almost 33 per cent. It also saw the raising of divisions which were tailored to the needs of mountain warfare. \nThe second case study assesses the 1975 committee recommendations which were successful in aiding the army’s drive towards mechanisation. Not only was the organisational structure transformed\, the resultant innovations had a lasting impact on the strategic thought of the army\, which continued to guide subsequent adaptations thereafter. The author also pointed to pertinent aspects related to organisational change after the 1999 Kargil conflict and Operation Parakram in 2001\, besides noting changes related to the ongoing transformation. \nMajor Points of Discussion and Suggestions to the Author\n\nIt was pointed out that political support for carrying out military change was very crucial. Top level political intervention was important to achieve unity of thought and unity of purpose. This was particularly relevant in the Indian context where turf war was a glaring feature of the armed forces and the absence of the Chief of Defence Staff affected unity of thought and action. It was noted that political leadership in India has been more than encouraging in this regard. Though lacking an institutional mechanism of interface between top political leadership and the armed forces\, many chiefs have successfully won over political support for bringing about organisational change.\nThe aim of military change should be to have a capability-based force and threat-based force existing simultaneously to deal with the challenges being posed in an era of strategic uncertainty.\nApart from operational environment and technology being drivers of change\, it was noted that post-1962\, changes were largely driven by doctrinal shift in thinking.\nA crucial area of military change related to professional military education and training. The aim of military education and training should be to train for certainty and educate for uncertainty to deal with broad military challenges and threats.\nThe absence of a national security strategy has led to the rise of service-specific doctrines\, which are linear in approach and lack a broad national outlook.\nThe sense of the house was that the Indian army fought bravely in the 1962 war. If not for some strategic miscalculations and a degree of misfortune\, Indian army would have turned the tables on the Chinese despite facing all odds. Moreover\, the engagement of Air Force would have significantly altered the course of the war. Most importantly\, the war did not shatter the morale of the Indian Army\, contrary to the common perception because our soldiers fought fearlessly and ferociously. It was largely the failure of top level military/political leadership. The Indian army would do well to look inward for its failures as this will pave the way for course correction.\nIt was suggested that the paper should look into the aspect of organisational change pertaining to staff. The teeth-to-tail ratio\, recruitment policy and restructuring of the organisation merited the attention of the author.\nThe nature of change should be analysed in order to understand whether change is reactive in nature or whether it was shaping the battlefield favourably.\nThe Kargil review committee was the first attempt at evolving a comprehensive national security system engaging all three services. The Krishna Rao report primarily dealt with the army. In an era of jointness\, efforts to bring about change in the army must find a resonance among the other services. A tri-service approach looking at change would bring far greater dividends than a service-specific approach. In this context\, post-Kargil reform process needed to be better analysed.\nThe Indian army aimed to achieve the capacity of network-enabled to network-centric warfare capability but has not been able to do so. It should be explored as to what are the reasons behind our inability to achieve this capability. Similarly\, the aspect of cyber warfare should be included in the paper to understand the phenomenon of change in its entirety.\n\nReport prepared by Amit Kumar\, Research Assistant\, IDSA.
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/an-assessment-of-organisational-change-in-the-indian-army
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR,EVENT REPORT
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BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20150515T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20150515T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T192752
CREATED:20231223T133106Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T130237Z
UID:63075-1431667800-1431667800@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Iran Sanctions and India
DESCRIPTION:Chair: Prof. Girijesh PantExternal Discussants: Prof. Gulshan Dietl\, Nidhi VermaInternal Discussants: Dr. G. Balachandran\, Shebonti Ray Dadwal \nThe paper examined the sanctions imposed by the UN Security Council (UNSC)\, the United States (US) and the European Union (EU) against Iran in the aftermath of the Iranian nuclear issue being referred to the UNSC in February 2006 and the responses and implications for India as a result of these measures. UNSC sanctions primarily involved asset freezes of and travel bans on entities and individuals connected with Iran’s nuclear and missile programmes. India took executive actions to conform to UNSC sanctions measures and prevent possible misuse. These were however in continuation of measures it had been taking prior to 2006 as well (like the June 2005 WMD Act)\, which strengthened its regulatory and legislative mechanisms for preventing the sale of WMD-related materials and technology to wrong hands. The paper dwelt on some pertinent issues relating to the Iran-O-Hind shipping Company (IHSC)\, which was specifically targeted by UNSCR 1929 of June 2010.       \nUS and EU sanctions targeting Iran’s crude oil exports have had a significant impact on major importers like India. These measures were based on the contention that Iran was using oil revenues to fund WMD-related programmes\, a concern that was first raised in the preamble to UNSCR 1929. The foundational US sanctions legislation targeting Iran’s petroleum sector was the Iran and Libya Sanctions Act (ILSA) of 1996\, which became the Iran Sanctions Act (ISA) in 2006. The paper gave a brief account of the legislation\, as well as changes carried out in ISA as part of the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions and Divestment Act (CISADA) of 2010. CISADA further imposed restrictions on the sale of refined petroleum products to Iran\, affecting Indian companies like Reliance. Section 1245 of National Defence Authorisation Act (NDAA) 2012 targeted the Central Bank of Iran (CBI) for the first time and called for ‘significant reductions’ of imports of Iranian crude and prescribed exemptions from sanctions if a country did so. Section 504 of the Iran Threat Reduction and Syria Human Rights Act (ITRSHRA) severely curtailed Iran’s foreign exchange earnings by mandating that funds owed to Iran as a result of bilateral trade in goods and services be “credited to an account located in the country with primary jurisdiction over the foreign financial institutions.” \nThe EU Decision of July 2010 and the subsequent EU Regulation of October 2010 (specifically Article 10) impacted payment mechanisms like the Asian Clearing Union (ACU) which India was using to pay for Iranian oil. Further\, prohibition on the provision of insurance services (Article 12) by European-based insurance providers for ships transporting Iranian crude had a negative impact on Indian refineries. The paper briefly described the impact and responses of Indian oil companies like the Chennai Petroleum Corporation Limited (CPCL) and Mangalore Refinery and Petrochemicals Limited (MRPL) to these measures\, as indicated in their annual reports. \nThe US and EU sanctions measures led to a significant reduction in India’s import of Iranian crude\, which came down to less than five per cent of the total imports in 2014-15\, from 13 per cent in 2009-10. Indian policy makers have also often cited the prevailing sanctions regime as negatively affecting India’s investments in Iran’s energy sector. The paper gave a brief account of the status of the agreements signed between Indian and Iranian companies including the December 2009 agreement for the South Pars Phase-II and Farzad-B gas field\, IOCL ‘s investments in the Farsi Block\, among others. The paper closed by noting some of the pertinent developments in the post-Joint Plan of Action (JPOA) period\, including the significant role played by Indian oil companies in JPOA sanctions relief. It ended by noting that the sequencing of sanctions relief as part of a comprehensive nuclear deal would have a bearing on the nature of Iran’s oil trade with key energy partners like India. \nDiscussion and Suggestions to the Author   \n\nIndia is not the only state affected by sanctions. It will be interesting to know how other countries have coped with these measures.\nChina for instance seems to be more adept at engaging economically with Iran\, though it is also circumscribed by the same sanctions and it is also part of the P5+1. China has also apparently built a business centre and is in the process of building a petrochemical complex in Chabahar. \nAspects regarding India’s recent decision to go ahead with investing in Chabahar could be explored. What material changes if any has resulted in this decision?\nAn exploration of the context surrounding these various sanctions measures would be useful. What were the reasons underpinning the increase in the nature of sanctions targeting Iran’s petro-chemical sector from 2010 onwards? An examination of US as well as Iran’s domestic political and energy context would throw more light on the issue. \nThe author was urged to conduct interviews with retired or serving policy makers to the extent possible to get inputs on some of the aspects covered in the paper. \nSome forward-looking aspects in terms of policy recommendations could be incorporated into the paper\, including on such issues like the possible impact of an impending deal on Indian businesses and oil companies as well as on India’s balance of trade with Iran. It was pointed out that India would be dealing with a ‘different Iran’ in the aftermath of a nuclear deal.\nThe paper could explore US-EU interaction on the issue of sanctions vis-à-vis Iran and see if there were any divergences or convergences over the issue\, especially since EU countries were significant importers of Iranian oil prior to 2012.\nRegional dynamics specifically the role of Saudi Arabia and the nature of increase in its oil exports in the aftermath of sanctions targeting Iran could be highlighted.\nUS pressure on India vis-à-vis its energy trade with Iran as well as investments in Iran’s energy infrastructure and view towards projects like IPI can be included.\n\nReport prepared by Sourabhi Mukherjee\, Research Intern\, Nuclear and Arms Control Centre\, IDSA.
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/iran-sanctions-and-india
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR,EVENT REPORT
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END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20150522T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20150522T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T192752
CREATED:20231223T133106Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250228T001818Z
UID:63074-1432272600-1432272600@idsa.in
SUMMARY:India in Global Governance: Engaging the Counter-Terrorism Regime
DESCRIPTION:Chair: Mr. G. K. PillaiExternal Discussants: Dr. Suresh K. Goel and Dr. Rana BanerjiInternal Discussants: Dr. Vinod Kumar and Dr. Saurabh Mishra \nPresentation\nThe paper focuses on the counter-terrorism regime and highlights that there is a gap in the literature in demonstrating India’s evolving role in the norm building process of this regime. In the paper the author focuses on the post-Cold War period and uses the counter-terrorism regime as a case-study to assess whether India’s engagement has been substantial to the global governance of counter-terrorism. There have been studies of India’s role in the counter-terrorism regime but they all focus on the years after the 9/11 incident. However\, Dr. Anant argues that India has been very active and constructive with its engagement with counter-terrorism regime since much earlier. Some examples of India’s constructive contribution in the counter-terrorism regime were: \n\nIndia had played an important role in the drafting of the General Assembly Resolution 40/6 in 1987. India firmly believed that the underlying causes have to be mitigated in order to end the menace of terrorism. India also recognized the difference between terrorism and movements of self-determination and at the same time was wary of terrorism perpetrated by mercenaries with a view to undermining territorial integrity.\nIn 1991\, speaking on the subject of violence related to movements of national liberation\, India held on to its pre-Cold War position that it recognized the right of self defence of legitimate national liberation movements.\nWith regard to terrorism and human rights\, after the Declaration of Human Rights in 1993\, India in this context\, while referring to Pakistan’s involvement in the 1993 Mumbai attacks\, in a country report on human rights in the Third Committee of General Assembly in 1993\, said that terrorism was the greatest impediment to the realization of human rights. \nAt the plenary of the General Assembly in 1995\, India was critical of United Nations doing nothing to defend democracies from extremists and other violent threats.\nAfter the adoption of the International Convention for the Suppression of Terrorist Bombings in 1997\, India pushed the General Assembly to fulfill the commitment made in Resolution 51/210 and set up an Ad Hoc Committee to first adopt an international convention for the suppression of acts of nuclear terrorism and\, then a comprehensive convention on international terrorism.\n\nThe paper highlights that India played a crucial role in sponsoring and supporting many resolutions on counter-terrorism in the post-Cold War period. For example: \n\nIn 1996\, India tabled the Draft International Convention on Suppression of Terrorism in the General Assembly\, which aimed to deal with state support to terrorism. India was much ahead of developed states in pointing out the menace of state sponsored terrorism.\nIn 1997\, India co-sponsored a draft resolution on Human Rights and Terrorism\, which was adopted in 1999.\nIndia was the lone country that voted against paragraphs 10 and 11 in the debate of Draft resolution A/C.3/58/L.71: Protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms while countering terrorism in 2003\, which made no reference to violation of human rights by terrorists.\nIn 2000\, the General Assembly took up for discussion India’s Draft Comprehensive Convention of International Terrorism.\nIn 2002\, India co-sponsored the Draft Resolution on Hostage Taking and introduced the resolution on Measures to prevent terrorists from acquiring weapons of mass destruction in the General Assembly.\nAnd in 2006\, India supported and joined the Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy Adopted by the General Assembly.\n\nAlso\, India has been regular in its commitment to the counter-terrorism regime by submitting reports to the concerned UN committees regarding the action it has taken at the national and international levels to curb the menace of terrorism. India has also been vocal in pointing out the problems of non-compliance with anti-terrorism conventions and has urged that a way be found to punish states that abet terrorism. India has made suggestions to make the Counter-Terrorism Committee more effective and accountable through getting more feedback from countries\, increase in interaction between countries and seeking reports to identify violations. Based on all this\, Dr. Anant concludes that India has gone much beyond using existing systems to highlight its concerns regarding international terrorism and the evidence adduced above reiterates the fact that India has been a constructive player in the multilateral counter-terrorism regime. \nDiscussion\n\nIt is important to mention how the Indian government’s position and thinking has changed over the years on the issue of terrorism and how this has been shown through our engagement at the international level.\nHighlighting the difference in the understanding of terrorism and which definition does India support is important.\nDomestic imperative for international suggestions by India has to be mentioned. \nReceptivity to India’s responses with regards to international financing mechanisms of terrorism should be considered.\nInternational monitoring and how India is coping with it internally is of significance.\nPolitics of regime building\, partnership and structural review of the regime should be mentioned as part of the argument.\nContextualization of global and internal terrorism and a link between the two have to be established.\nA watershed event has to be mentioned to show the changes in India’s approach to terrorism at the international level.\nReasons for the failure to build coalitions on terrorism for furthering India’s national interest should be considered.\nPolicy recommendations on how India should form coalitions so it can put its view across at the international level should be analyzed.\nPolitics of compliance and the role of powerful nations should be considered and how has India contributed tobettering compliance among nations should also be included.\nIndia’s role as norm taker or norm maker should be clearly identified.\nSupport by other countries for India at the counter-terrorism regime should be mentioned and also it is important to indicate as to which group India belongs to at the international level.\n\n(This report has been prepared by Ms. Kuhoo Saxena\, Research Intern\, IDSA)
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/india-in-global-governance-engaging-the-counter-terrorism-regime
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR,EVENT REPORT
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BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20150529T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20150529T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T192752
CREATED:20231223T133106Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250228T001713Z
UID:63072-1432877400-1432877400@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Strengthening Nuclear Security: Compliance to the Principal Legal Instruments of Nuclear Security
DESCRIPTION:Chair: Dr  Arvind KumarExternal  Discussants: Dr Sitakanta Mishra and Dr Manish DhabadeInternal  Discussants: Mr S Samuel C Rajiv and Ms Sourabhi  Mukherji  \nPresentation\n  Nuclear security concerns  during the Cold War era revolved around the concepts of nuclear deterrence and  nuclear proliferation. However\, in the 21st century\, due to  increased globalization\, political instability and terrorist activities around  the world\, there is a greater threat of theft\, sabotage\, unauthorized access\,  illegal transfer or other malicious acts involving nuclear or other radioactive  substance. In this context the author in this paper points to the urgency of  having an international consensus on building a more robust nuclear system with  legal instruments which would be put in place to prevent the misuse of  sensitive nuclear and radiological material by terrorists. Dr Kazi in her paper  highlights the gaps in the nuclear security system where there are no  substantial legal instruments that have been developed to control the transfer  of these sensitive materials to miscreants. A stronger nuclear security system  is also needed due the existence of nuclear weapons in domestically unstable  and politically volatile regions. In such places\, the nuclear facilities are  susceptible to vulnerabilities like accidents\, miscalculations\, sabotage and  pilferage. Therefore\, a nuclear security system with legal instruments would  allow more effective regulation and make individual states more accountable for  the safety of their nuclear capabilities. Hence\, the need for international  cooperation to control nuclear/radioactive sources around the world is of  paramount importance for the prevention of nuclear terrorism and ensuring  global security.\n Dr Kazi looks at three  existing critical instruments for strengthening nuclear security:  \n\nConvention  on the Physical Protection of Nuclear Material (CPPNM) of 1980\n\nIt is the only legally binding  international instrument in the area of physical protection of nuclear material\nIts primary objective is to facilitate the  safe transfer of nuclear materials.\n\nAmendment  to the CPPNM OF 2005\n\nSenior Expert Group for the Review of the  IAEA’s  Programme of Activities  recommended that a possible revision on the CPPNM should be done to address the  issues of prevention of unauthorized possession of nuclear material and access  to nuclear facilities\n2005 CPPNM amendment emphasised the  importance of sharing best practices that would be critical to developing a  stringent physical protection system. \n\nInternational  Convention for the Suppression of Acts of Nuclear Terrorism (ICSANT) of  2005  \n\nPrevention of the misuse of  nuclear/radiological materials.\nRequires State-parties to make every  effort to adopt appropriate measures to ensure the protection of radioactive  material\, taking into account relevant recommendations and functions of the  agency. \n\n\nThese three legal  instruments urge cooperation for the prevention\, repression and elimination of  terrorism in all forms and calls upon states to criminalize offences related to  the misuse of nuclear/radioactive materials. However\, Dr Kazi argues that  despite all these efforts\, the legal instruments mentioned above remain  ineffective and lack universality. One of the reasons for their ineffectiveness  is complacency. Since in reality no incident of this sort has taken place\,  there is no urgency in complying with a nuclear security system to protect  nuclear/radioactive material. Second\, is the lack of universality\, as countries  that do not have stockpiles of nuclear/radioactive material do not feel the  need to implement effective controls on nuclear material. Nevertheless\, the  author argues that State-parties and non-state parties have the prime  responsibility of generating the requisite political will for an effective  implementation of these legal instruments. If need be\, incremental transparency  in nuclear matters can be effected to generate confidence about its security concerns  which could in the future help to produce a necessary political will for making  these legal instruments universal. \n    Discussion  and Suggestions\n\nThe history and evolution of terrorism and  the way it has been tackled by states have to be mentioned in the context of  nuclear/radioactive materials falling into the wrong hands. \nHistorical debates surrounding the legal  instruments for nuclear security system should be elaborated.\nThe difference between nuclear security  and nuclear safety has to be mentioned and also how the former is evolving in  comparison to the latter. \nEvolution and reforms made in the various  Nuclear Security Summits have to be included to have a more comprehensive  understanding of the evolution of nuclear security. \nThe politics behind non-compliance should  be an integral part of the argument to highlight the lack of universality for  the nuclear security system at the international level.\nThe nature of the balancing act has to be  taken into consideration in the management of nuclear terrorism and nuclear  proliferation.\nThe human element or negligence of  security of nuclear facilities domestically has to be taken into consideration.\n\n(Report  prepared by Ms. Kuhoo Saxena\, Research Intern\, IDSA)
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/strengthening-nuclear-security-compliance-to-the-principal-legal-instruments-of-nuclear-security
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR,EVENT REPORT
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BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20150529T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20150529T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T192752
CREATED:20231223T133106Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250228T001607Z
UID:63073-1432877400-1432877400@idsa.in
SUMMARY:India’s Decision Making on Cross Border Natural Gas Pipelines (1989-2012)
DESCRIPTION:Chair: Dr. Gulshan Dietl\nExternal Discussants: Ms. Lidya Powell and Mr. Ragunatha Mishra\nInternal Discussants: Dr. Smriti Pattnaik and Dr. Uttam Kumar Sinha \nIn the 21st century a nation’s economy thrives on its efficient and boundless use of energy. In this context\, India holds one of the largest markets of energy consumption in the world. Therefore\, energy security has become the paramount focus of Indian Foreign policy. To achieve this goal\, India is pursuing a broad range of options to diversify its energy sources. It ranges from LNG deals\, buying oil and gas spot markets\, acquisition of oil and gas fields abroad\, etc. One of the options is sourcing of energy supplies from neighbours (immediate and distant) through pipelines because of India’s comparative advantages in transportation costs as compared to other modes such as LNG. In this frame of reference\, Government of India identified three natural gas pipeline options: IPI (Iran-Pakistan-India)\, TAPI (Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India) and MBI (Myanmar-Bangladesh-India). Kulkarni’s paper focuses on the decision making process involved on these natural gas pipeline projects from 1989 to 2012 and the factors that have influenced India’s decision making on cross border natural gas pipelines. \nThe paper examines the decision making process in this regard by using “Rational Actor Model Theory”\, which is based on cost benefit analysis and Masuda’s condition for Cross Border Pipelines. Kulkarni investigates the rationale behind India’s joining these projects which are costly and geopolitically controversial. The paper also attempts to understand India’s reasons for pursuing TAPI over IPI and MBI. \nKulkarni acknowledges that there is a clash between India’s need for energy security and its strategic interest. Hence\, taking this into account\, he recommends evolving a balance between the two. \nKey Points from discussion:\n\nThe paper discuss appropriate financial regime and commercial viability through cost benefit analysis. At the centre of any such decision making exercise should be the evolution of a balance between the management of geopolitical risk and commercial viability.\nThe energy demand in India is huge. However\, the demand is unmet because it cannot be transformed into purchasing power. Absence of stakeholders for using LNG to generate power is one example.\nWhy is the government reluctant to pursue gas projects as it has simultaneously pursued projects for LNG ports?\nAny analysis of decision making must include the agencies\, organisational structure and authorities involved in decision making. A critical examination of the decision making process is required.\nWhether any inter-ministerial conflict existed in the government during the course of decision making and implementation of the projects has to be taken into consideration.\nThe decision on applying the Rational Actor Theory and ‘Masuda’s’ model in the context of South Asia must be taken into consideration. A special focus is needed to understand the TAPI gas pipeline given the internal dynamics of India and Pakistan. One of the decision making models that is well suited for the conditions prevailing in South Asia is Richard Snyder’s.\nThe reasons for the government to opt for IPI\, TAPI and MBI rather that Oman–India pipeline or SAGE Pipeline should be carefully analysed. The analysis should also include the costs involved.\nAny decision making process on energy projects must include the following:\n\nProvision of providing excess to energy to every one\nSecuring energy supply\nTrying to limit carbon emissions\nImplementation of choices and alternatives of decision-making process must be in compliance with India’s fiscal and environment policies.\nGas pipeline construction must be looked at from the perspective of strategic investment. The presence of Iran and Unites States in this region should be taken into consideration.\n\n\n\n(Report prepared by Satyam Malaviya\, Research Intern\, IDSA)
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/indias-decision-making-on-cross-border-natural-gas-pipelines-1989-2012
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR,EVENT REPORT
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BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20151211T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20151211T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T192752
CREATED:20231224T102131Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250228T001132Z
UID:64039-1449811800-1449811800@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Culture\, Context and Capability: American and Indian Counterinsurgencies
DESCRIPTION:Participation in the Fellow Seminars is by invitation only.\nMedia person accredited with foreign media and foreign diplomats may seek prior permission from DDG\, IDSA @ telephone no. 26146832.\n\n\n\n\n1030 to 1300 hrs
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/culture-context-and-capability-american-and-indian-counterinsurgencies
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR
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END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20151211T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20151211T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T192752
CREATED:20231224T102131Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250228T001241Z
UID:64040-1449811800-1449811800@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Re-Modeling Indian Defence Industry Apparatus For Accelerating Indigenisation\, Self-Sufficiency And Strategic Capability
DESCRIPTION:Participation in the Fellow Seminars is by invitation only.\nMedia person accredited with foreign media and foreign diplomats may seek prior permission from DDG\, IDSA @ telephone no. 26146832.\n\n\n\n\n1030 to 1300 hrs
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/re-modeling-indian-defence-industry-apparatus-for-accelerating-indigenisation-self-sufficiency-and-strategic-capability
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR
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END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20160311T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20160311T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T192752
CREATED:20231223T133006Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T130237Z
UID:63070-1457674200-1457674200@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Why China Trumps India in the Oil Industry in Angola and Nigeria?
DESCRIPTION:Chairperson: Ambassador Mahesh Sachdev (Retd.)External Discussants: Prof. Alka Acharya and Prof. Girijesh PantInternal Discussant: Ms. Ruchita Beri \nThe competition between China and India in Africa has been an important and recurrent theme of discussion within the academic community. The paper presented by Raj Verma contributes to the ongoing discussion by making a comparative study of the Chinese and Indian interests and stakes in the oil sectors of the two West African countries: Angola and Nigeria. In recent years\, West Africa has emerged as a major energy producing region with Nigeria and Angola as major players. If Nigeria is the largest oil producer in Africa and has the second largest oil reserves\, Angola is the second largest oil producer and has the third largest oil reserves. Proven oil reserves in Nigeria have increased from 23 billion barrels in 2001 to 37 billion barrels in 2015. In Angola\, proven oil reserves have almost doubled from 5.4 billion barrels in 2001 to nine billion barrels in 2015. Oil production has also increased significantly in Angola. \nThe paper seeks to explain why China’s national oil companies (NOCs) have been able to outperform Indian oil companies (both NOCs and private sector oil companies) in Angola and Nigeria. The paper identifies four reasons in this regard: first\, the Chinese NOCs have more oil blocks in Angola and Nigeria compared to the Indian companies; second\, NOCs from China are able to outbid Indian oil companies when they directly compete for the same oil block; third\, Chinese NOCs are favoured as partners both by the African NOCs as well as the international oil companies (IOCs); and fourth\, Chinese NOCs have access to better quality oil blocks compared to the Indian companies. These four reasons can be attributed to macro level and micro level factors.  \nAt macro level\, the difference in the economic\, political and diplomatic support received by the Chinese and Indian oil companies from their respective governments plays a huge role in China outperforming India in Angola and Nigeria. It is important to note that China has foreign exchange reserves of more than US$ 3.33 trillion compared to India’s modest US$ 348.93 billion.\nAt micro level\, access to capital\, rate of return on investment\, pricing of oil\, risk aversion and ability to acquire technology are factors that place Chinese NOCs at an advantageous position. The Chinese NOCs have greater access to cheap capital than the Indian oil companies as they are able to borrow at 0-1 per cent interest rate domestically\, whereas the cost of capital in the domestic market for Indian state owned enterprises including NOCs and private sector enterprises is 10-11 per cent. Moreover\, the Chinese NOCs operate at lower rates of return on investment compared to the Indian oil companies. Similarly\, while the Chinese NOCs operate at a margin of three to four per cent in general\, the Indian NOCs operate at a margin of 10-11 per cent. Indian private enterprises operate at margins close to 18-20 per cent.  \nThe Chinese valuations of oil and investment is very high as it is able to take substantial risks due to massive financial resources available to it and hence are able to outbid India by shelving out vast amounts of money to acquire oil blocks. Chinese valuations of the oil blocks in Nigeria and Angola have been on the higher side as Chinese assume that their economy will keep growing at a high rate and the demand for oil will remain a primary mover of international oil prices. While Indian firms have better project management skills\, Chinese are able to purchase technology with greater ease as they have colossal financial resources. Given this asymmetry of power and resources\, it may be difficult for Indian oil companies and other corporations to compete with China in direct competitive bidding for oil assets in Africa. \nDiscussion and Suggestions: \n\nWhile the paper presents a good empirical material\, it needs to be interpreted theoretically.\nIn the recent past\, Chinese state owned enterprises have witnessed significant changes in terms of greater devolution of power taking place.\n\nChina’s energy mix is going through a transformation due to factors such as climate change. In the next 10 to 15 years\, India will become a major global energy player due its sustained economic growth. Taking into consideration these factors\, their impact on the oil sector in Africa has to be analysed.\nWhy China is not reluctant to invest in risky countries like Sudan and Iraq too needs to be analysed.\nRole of domestic institutions in China’s foreign policy making has to be understood in order to comprehend its decision making process for acquiring global energy assets.\nIt is important to explore how change in strategic value of oil assets in coming years is likely to impact or transform China’s policy towards Africa.\n\nIf perceptions matter\, then it is important to analyse why India despite its rich historical connections and diaspora has not been able to sufficiently influence the perceptions of the African people.\nIt should also be noted that Africans are getting disenchanted with Chinese companies as they bring their own labour and do not transfer technology to them.\nThe African perspective on Chinese and Indian engagement in African oil industry needs to be properly understood. Africans are interested in diversifying their energy operators.\nThe political aspect of the Indian and Chinese engagement in Angola and Nigeria needs to be factored in along with the economic aspect.\n\nReport prepared by Mr. Nachiket Khadkiwala\, Research Assistant\, IDSA
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/why-china-trumps-india-in-the-oil-industry-in-angola-and-nigeria
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR,EVENT REPORT
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END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20160318T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20160318T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T192752
CREATED:20231224T102131Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250228T001018Z
UID:64038-1458279000-1458279000@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Decoupling J&K from Pakistan - The Prudent Way Forward
DESCRIPTION:Participation in the Fellow Seminars is by invitation only.\nMedia person accredited with foreign media and foreign diplomats may seek prior permission from DDG\, IDSA @ telephone no. 26146832.\n\n\n\n\n1030 to 1300 hrs
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/decoupling-jk-from-pakistan-the-prudent-way-forward
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR
ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20160422T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20160422T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T192752
CREATED:20231224T102126Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T130237Z
UID:64037-1461303000-1461303000@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Challenges of Human Resource Management – Transition of a Soldier to second Career
DESCRIPTION:Chairperson: Lt Gen Mukesh Sabharwal (Retd.)	 \nDiscussants:\nBrig S K Sharma (Retd.)\nBrig Narender Kumar\nCol Vikram Taneja\nCol Vivek Chadha (Retd.)
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/challenges-of-human-resource-management-transition-of-a-soldier-to-second-career
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR
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END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20160610T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20160610T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T192752
CREATED:20231223T133006Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T130237Z
UID:63068-1465536600-1465536600@idsa.in
SUMMARY:India's Foreign Policy Options in the Asia-Pacific: A Critical Evaluation
DESCRIPTION:The IDSA Fellows  Seminar by Dr S. Kalyanaraman\,  Research Fellow\, IDSA\, on the topic “India’s Foreign Policy Options in the  Asia-Pacific: A Critical Evaluation” was held on Friday\, June 10\, 2016. It  was chaired by Sudhir T Devare\, India’s former Ambassador in North Korea\, Visiting  Fellow and former Director General of the Indian Council of World Affairs\, New Delhi. To discuss the paper\, two external  and two internal discussants participated in the seminar: Prof Sujit Dutta\, the Mahatma Gandhi Chair at the Nelson Mandela Centre for Peace and  Conflict Resolution\, Jamia Millia Islamia\, Delhi and whose expertise is in  Chinese Politics\, Foreign and Security Policies\, India-China Relations\,  International Affairs in East Asia\, India’s Strategic Thought\, International  Relations; and Rajesh Rajagopalan\, Professor in International Politics at  Jawaharlal Nehru University\, New Delhi\, whose areas of research are  international relations theory\, military doctrines and nuclear weapons and  disarmament; Dr. Uttam Sinha\, Research Fellow at  IDSA; and Cdr. Aman Saberwal\, Research Fellow at IDSA.  \n  In his presentation\, Dr. Kalyanaraman  began by highlighting how the Asia-Pacific region is gaining greater salience in both the economic  and political spheres\, how China is emerging as a central player in this  unfolding dynamic\, and what impact these developments have for India’s security  and role in the region. It is against this backdrop that he critically evaluated  four policy options that have been prescribed for India. These are:  \n  Multi-Alignment: Proponents argue  that multi-alignment not only enables India to advance its core developmental  priorities through greater economic integration at the regional and global  levels but also helps preserve its strategic autonomy by avoiding too great a  dependence on any one major power. Contrary to these assertions and  aspirations\, however\, multi-alignment is unlikely to prove practicable in an  Asia-Pacific that is tending towards fragmentation into rival economic and  security groupings led by America and China\, respectively. Practising  multi-alignment would be impracticable because\, during periods of intensified  great power rivalry\, alliances are likely to be rigid and the interactions  between rival great powers zero sum and conflictual in nature\, thus rendering  membership in multiple groupings impossible and the contradictions involved in  pursuing such a policy unmanageable.  \n  Nonalignment: A modified version of nonalignment\, Nonalignment 2.0\, between  China and America is the second policy prescription that has been identified.  Advocates contend that nonalignment would help India derive economic\, military  and technological benefits from multiple sources as well as enable it to play  the role of “a unique bridge” between different countries and groupings. But  this idea of replicating the policy adopted during the Cold War to the  unfolding circumstances overlooks the fact that the Soviet Union did not pose a  threat to India whereas China does. Further\, external balancing in the form of  an alliance is necessary given limited domestic economic and military  capacities and the growing power asymmetry vis-à-vis China. \n  Bandwagoning with China: The  third prescription is the establishment of a closer economic relationship and  forging of a new political equilibrium with China. While India would indeed  gain from a closer economic relationship with China in terms of furthering its  domestic economic transformation\, it is highly unlikely that enhanced economic  cooperation would either cause an amelioration of rivalry or move the two  countries towards a mutually acceptable political accommodation. \n  Aligning with America: Alignment  with America is the fourth policy choice. Advocates view an alignment with  America as necessary to protect India’s core values of democracy\, pluralism and  secularism from an authoritarian China aligned with jihad-exporting Pakistan.  Further\, an alliance with America is also necessary\, even natural\, given the  vast and growing power asymmetry between India and China\, which gulf can be  bridged only through external balancing given the lack of “political will and  executive capability” to rapidly build up national power through internal balancing.  There is no denying the importance of\, and even necessity for\, an alliance with  America to counter China’s growing power and consequent ability to reshape the  Asian and international order. But two main objections have been articulated by  critics to such a policy course. First\, it would prematurely antagonise China  and impel that country into adopting overtly hostile policies towards India.  The second objection is that an alliance with America would transform India  into a junior partner and lead to its enmeshment in various American military  misadventures. \n  Concluding  his presentation\, Dr. Kalyanaraman pointed out that China’s rise to great power  status poses major challenges for India’s foreign and security policies. Given  that India will not be able to arrive at a mutual political accommodation with  China\, and given that dealing with China requires external balancing because of  limited internal capacities\, the optimal policy option for India is to forge an  alliance with the United States. \n  The  presentation was followed by comments by the discussants. \n  Prof. Sujit Dutta: \n  Prof.  Dutta began by noting that the paper has raised many interesting ideas which were  central to the foreign policy discourse in India. The paper is based on the ‘Offensive  Realist’ theory of international relations. The principal argument revolves  around the thought that “India needs an alignment with United States to deal  with the emerging challenges from China”\, and this has been well articulated. Nehruvian  foreign policy has often been criticized thus: it did not look into the realities  of power politics clearly and therefore India suffered. The paper has gone to  the opposite of the Nehruvian paradigm\, i.e.\, it has dealt with power politics  in terms of military alignments which poses problems in many ways. India’s political  elite are not very happy with power politics in the international domain although  they are happy to practice power politics in the domestic domain. So\, it is very  difficult for a consensus based foreign policy on the assumption that power  politics should drive India’s foreign policy. Second\, liberal institutionalism  and liberal interdependence which are the fundamentals of the liberal peace are  also important. China is a trade dependent country. It can ill afford to  undermine interdependence. China’s economy is declining and it should  understand that India today is a good market. Third\, China’s power has been  magnified. China spends on defence much more than India but China’s security  paradigm is much more problematic than India’s. India’s defence expenditure  should rise for sure but it need not to be same as China’s. Further\, we must  not underestimate the overwhelming power of the United States. China is in no  position to catch up with the United States anytime soon. We must not overstate  China’s power. India’s economy is rising and it will reach up to China’s level  soon. So we should analyse what India’s foreign policy is and what changes it  requires within the framework of an independent foreign policy. It cannot be  done in isolation with other countries but it can be done in cooperation with  other countries due to globalization. We need a proactive foreign policy. In  this multi-polar world\, balance of power is required so that no single country  dominates the others. By getting engaged with the United States in terms of  alliance rather than strategic partnership\, we will constrain ourselves. The  United States has many flaws in its policies\, like Pakistan policy\, Vietnam  policy in the past\, etc. It is important to have relations with all the great  powers. India-China relations today are far less acrimonious than at the time  when we had no trade relations. \n  Prof Rajesh Rajagopalan:  \n  China  has a great impact on other nations in every term\, whether economic or defence.  China is larger than all of its key competitors in Asia. China has already surpassed  that threshold where it can be balanced by a combination of regional countries.  If you have an imbalance of power\, there must be a balance created irrespective  of the policies of other countries. The US can anchor the regional countries to  create a balance against China. There is a difference between alignment and  alliance\, which can be shown by the alignment of China-Pakistan during the cold  war\, even when Pakistan had an alliance with the US. They had collaboration on  a number of different levels. It is always necessary to point out that  difference between alignment and alliance. Alignments have their own problems.  One of the problems of American alignment is not just the capacity of the US  but its willingness to align\, and this is one of the key problems that India  and all other countries face. India has been gradually moving away from nonalignment  for the past 30 years. According to various surveys\, the US has public support  in India. Inter-dependence has not prevented China from dealing aggressively  with countries in South-East Asia and East Asia. China is a dominant power  irrespective of its aggressive behaviour. India doesn’t have the power to  internally balance China. An alignment is about meeting specific threats. India-US  partnership should be looked at from this perspective. \n  Uttam Sinha: He  pointed to five trends in the changing geopolitics of the Asia-pacific: \n\nThe Chinese moves at developing a  counter strategy to deal with US rebalancing to Asia-Pacific region have  potentially set the stage for the new polarising order in Asia.\nThere are limits to full convergence of  Asian country’s economic interests and their political objectives. It is the  natural political dilemma witnessed in the region which will lead china to seek  competitive relations with Asian neighbours.\nThe US\, India and China are pushing  their respective interests in the region by reaching out to old and new  friends. Alliances and partnerships are turning to be dynamic.\nChina and India are going to compete  and cooperate at the same time. China will take advantage of the Indian market  but on the strategic front relations will be tricky.\nEmergence of new great game –India’s  Act East policy\, US rebalance and China’s OBOR.\n\nAman Saberwal:  \n\nThe title of the paper is “India’s Foreign Policy options in  Asia Pacific”\, but it seems to focus totally on China\, so perhaps a more China  centric title could be considered. \nChina’s air force squadrons and  aircraft are higher in number than India’s for sure\, but then they also have  more service and maintenance complexities than India’s.\nOnly Army and Air Force aspects have  been discussed but not the Navy’s in which realm India is more capable. \nIndia’s military strength has been  greatly underrated in the paper.\n\nIntervening  from the floor\, Director General Jayant Prasad said that there should be emphasis  on both internal and external balancing\, as well as an independent foreign  policy even while being aligned. But alignment bordering on some kind of  alliance system with the US could be dangerous for India. \n  In  his concluding remarks\, Amb. Sudhir Devare noted that: \n\nIndia should be dexterous rather than  being  aligned to countries\nChinese aggressiveness has become a  matter of concern. \nThe fact of multi-polarity has come in the  frame now.\nThe policy of maintaining relations  with middle power needs to be continued. The aspect of cooperative security  needs to be explored.\n\nPrepared by  Urvashi Rathore\, Research Intern\, IDSA
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/indias-foreign-policy-options-in-the-asia-pacific-a-critical-evaluation
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR,EVENT REPORT
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END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20160715T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20160715T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T192752
CREATED:20231224T102126Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250228T000530Z
UID:64036-1468560600-1468560600@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Transfer of Defence Technology – Understanding the Nuances for Optimal Benefits in the Indian Context
DESCRIPTION:Participation in the Fellow Seminars is by invitation only.\nMedia person accredited with foreign media and foreign diplomats may seek prior permission from DDG\, IDSA @ telephone no. 26146832.\n\n\n\n\n1030 to 1300 hrs\n\n\nVenue: Seminar Hall 1\, IDSA
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/transfer-of-defence-technology-understanding-the-nuances-for-optimal-benefits-in-the-indian-context
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR
ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20161021T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20161021T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T192752
CREATED:20231224T102126Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250228T000128Z
UID:64034-1477027800-1477027800@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Kautilya’s Arthashastra and Scientific Thinking
DESCRIPTION:Open to all Members\, others on request\, please contact us at cc.idsa@nic.in\n\n\n\n\n1030 to 1300 hrs
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/kautilyas-arthashastra-and-scientific-thinking
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR
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END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20161021T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20161021T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T192752
CREATED:20231224T102126Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250228T000314Z
UID:64035-1477027800-1477027800@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Cyber Warfare
DESCRIPTION:Participation in the Fellow Seminars is by invitation only.\nMedia person accredited with foreign media and foreign diplomats may seek prior permission from DDG\, IDSA @ telephone no. 26146832.\n\n\n\n\n1030 to 1300 hrs
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/cyber-warfare
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR
ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20170303T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20170303T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T192752
CREATED:20231224T102115Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250227T235917Z
UID:64033-1488519000-1488519000@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Is India Losing its Salience in the IOR to China?
DESCRIPTION:1030 to 1300 hrs
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/is-india-losing-its-salience-in-the-ior-to-china
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR
ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20170415T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20170415T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T192752
CREATED:20231224T102115Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T130237Z
UID:64032-1492234200-1492234200@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Transfer of Defence Technology – Exploring the Avenues for India
DESCRIPTION:Venue: Seminar Hall I (Second Floor) \nDiscussants:\nS Guruprasad\nSujeet Samaddar\nAshok Kanodia\nVinay Kaushal\nJyotirmai Vyas
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/transfer-of-defence-technology-exploring-the-avenues-for-india
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR
ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20170505T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20170505T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T192752
CREATED:20231224T102114Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250227T235401Z
UID:64031-1493962200-1493962200@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Waiting for Godot:India and United Nations Security Council Reform
DESCRIPTION:Participation in the Fellow Seminars is by invitation only.\nMedia person accredited with foreign media and foreign diplomats may seek prior permission from DDG\, IDSA @ telephone no. 26146832.\n\n\n\n\n1030 to 1300 hrs\n\n\nVenue: Seminar Hall I (Second Floor)
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/waiting-for-godotindia-and-united-nations-security-council-reform
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR
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END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20170601T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20170601T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T192752
CREATED:20231224T102114Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250227T235236Z
UID:64030-1496295000-1496295000@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Peace Process in Nepal: Differences\, Dialogue and Digression
DESCRIPTION:1030 to 1300 hrs \nVenue: Seminar Hall I (Second Floor)
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/peace-process-in-nepal-differences-dialogue-and-digression
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR
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END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20170609T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20170609T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T192752
CREATED:20231224T102114Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250227T235106Z
UID:64029-1496986200-1496986200@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Securing Peace? Regime Types and Security Sector Reform in the Patani and Bangsamoro Peace Processes\, 2011-2016
DESCRIPTION:Participation in the Fellow Seminars is by invitation only.\nMedia person accredited with foreign media and foreign diplomats may seek prior permission from DDG\, IDSA @ telephone no. 26146832.\n\n\n\n\n1030 to 1300 hrs\n\n\nVenue: Seminar Hall I (Second Floor)
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/securing-peace-regime-types-and-security-sector-reform-in-the-patani-and-bangsamoro-peace-processes-2011-2016
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR
ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20170623T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20170623T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T192752
CREATED:20231224T102015Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250227T234940Z
UID:64028-1498195800-1498195800@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Why China Supports Pakistan on Terrorism?
DESCRIPTION:Participation in the Fellow Seminars is by invitation only.\nMedia person accredited with foreign media and foreign diplomats may seek prior permission from DDG\, IDSA @ telephone no. 26146832.\n\n\n\n\n1030 to 1300 hrs\n\n\nVenue: Seminar Hall I\, IDSA
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/why-china-supports-pakistan-on-terrorism
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR
ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20170713T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20170713T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T192752
CREATED:20231224T102015Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250227T234801Z
UID:64027-1499923800-1499923800@idsa.in
SUMMARY:India’s Strategic Security Cooperation with Israel: Scope and Analysis
DESCRIPTION:Participation in the Fellow Seminars is by invitation only.\nMedia person accredited with foreign media and foreign diplomats may seek prior permission from DDG\, IDSA @ telephone no. 26146832.\n\n\n\n\n1100 hrs
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/indias-strategic-security-cooperation-with-israel-scope-and-analysis
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR
ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20170818T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20170818T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T192752
CREATED:20231224T102014Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250227T234635Z
UID:64026-1503034200-1503034200@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Turkey as a 'Model' for Arab World: Myth or Reality?
DESCRIPTION:Participation in the Fellow Seminars is by invitation only.\nMedia person accredited with foreign media and foreign diplomats may seek prior permission from DDG\, IDSA @ telephone no. 26146832.\n\n\n\n\n1030 to 1300 hrs\n\n\nVenue: Seminar Hall I (Second Floor) \nChairperson: Shri Talmiz Ahmad\nExternal Discussants: Shri Sanjay Singh and Prof A K Mohapatra\nInternal Discussants: Dr Smruti S Pattanaik and Dr Adil Rasheed
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/turkey-as-a-model-for-arab-world-myth-or-reality
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR
ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20170825T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20170825T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T192752
CREATED:20231224T102014Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250227T234411Z
UID:64025-1503639000-1503639000@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Partial Accommodation without Conflict: India as a Rising Link Power
DESCRIPTION:Participation in the Fellow Seminars is by invitation only.\nMedia person accredited with foreign media and foreign diplomats may seek prior permission from DDG\, IDSA @ telephone no. 26146832.\n\n\n\n\n1030 to 1300 hrs\n\n\nVenue: Seminar Hall I \, IDSA
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/partial-accommodation-without-conflict-india-as-a-rising-link-power
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR
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END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20171027T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20171027T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T192752
CREATED:20231224T102014Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250227T233134Z
UID:64024-1509082200-1509082200@idsa.in
SUMMARY:India’s Military Modernisation and its Impact on Conventional Defence Strategies
DESCRIPTION:Participation in the Fellow Seminars is by invitation only.\nMedia person accredited with foreign media and foreign diplomats may seek prior permission from DDG\, IDSA @ telephone no. 26146832.\n\n\n\n\n1030 to 1300 hrs\n\n\nVenue: Seminar Hall I (Second Floor)\, IDSA
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/indias-military-modernisation-and-its-impact-on-conventional-defence-strategies
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR
ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg
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BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20171213T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20171213T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T192752
CREATED:20231224T101915Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250227T234229Z
UID:64023-1513143000-1513143000@idsa.in
SUMMARY:India-Taiwan Ties: Can They Move Beyond China’s Shadow?
DESCRIPTION:Participation in the Fellow Seminars is by invitation only.\nMedia person accredited with foreign media and foreign diplomats may seek prior permission from DDG\, IDSA @ telephone no. 26146832.\n\n\n\n\n1030 to 1300 hrs\n\n\nVenue: Room No 005 (Ground Floor)\, IDSA
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/india-taiwan-ties-can-they-move-beyond-chinas-shadow
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR
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END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20180105T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20180105T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T192752
CREATED:20231224T101914Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250227T234011Z
UID:64022-1515130200-1515130200@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Debating Security in Japan
DESCRIPTION:Participation in the Fellow Seminars is by invitation only.\nMedia person accredited with foreign media and foreign diplomats may seek prior permission from DDG\, IDSA @ telephone no. 26146832.\n\n\n\n\n1030 to 1300 hrs\n\n\nVenue: Seminar Hall I (Second Floor)\, IDSA
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/debating-security-in-japan
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR
ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20180119T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20180119T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T192752
CREATED:20231223T132907Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T130236Z
UID:63061-1516339800-1516339800@idsa.in
SUMMARY:The Nitisara or the Elements of Polity by Kamandaka: Continuity and Change from Kautilya’s Arthashastra
DESCRIPTION:Chairperson: Amb A. N. D. Haksar (Retd)External Discussants: Prof. Jayati Srivastava\, Dr. Medha Bisht\, Dr. Saurabh MishraInternal Discussants: Gp. Capt. K. K. Khera\, Col. Vikrant Deshpande \nMajor Arguments of the Paper\nSince India is one of the longest surviving civilisations\, there is likelihood that principles of statecraft are continuing through ages. This paper probes this possibility and argues that many concepts and principles of statecraft in India have not changed and that continuity is embedded in the vocabulary and concepts in the Indian tradition. They have survived due to their own enduring logic. This paper compares Arthasastra and Nitisara and analyses the enduring continuities in statecraft\, diplomacy and aspects of warfare. It seeks answers to the following questions: (a) What are the continuities and changes in the vocabulary and concepts from Kautilya’s Arthasastra to Nitisara?; (b) What is the vocabulary of Kamandaka in a stand-alone mode?; and\, (c) What is the contemporary relevance of the answers to these findings?  \nThe author found both texts are ahistorical\, dealing with the acquisition of wealth and its distribution and emphasising on war as the last resort. Some common aspects adhered to in both the texts are: mastering of control over the senses including non-violence; the need to ensure that the state of matsyanyaya does not prevail; anvikshiki; maintaining balance among dharma\, artha and kama; importance of intelligence; the seven prakrits and twelve vijigisus in a circle of kings or mandala theory; six measures of foreign policy; the upayas in which there is no war mongering and use of force is the last resort; issues of disasters (vysanas) that may afflict the constituent elements (prakrits) and how to overcome them prior to the execution of a policy; duties of diplomats and intelligence gathering; and\, aspects of war and use of power by sticking to the priorities of mantra-shakti (counsel or diplomacy)\, prabhav-shakti (economic and military power)\, and utsah-shakti (leadership).  \nThe paper also points out the dissimilarities in concepts employed by the two texts. To begin with\, while Kautilya’s work is inspired by statesmanship and is of a complex nature often questioning earlier scholars\, Kamandaka’s is a lucid and academic work and an abridged version of the Arthasastra. In terms of uniqueness\, Kamandaka stands out for deliberating at length not only on the four upayas (as mentioned in the Arthasastra) of sama \, dana\,  bheda and danda but also the powerful concept of Upeksha (a combination of neglect or diplomatic indifference and the supreme virtue of patience) which was the strategy adopted by the Indian freedom movement. The impact of Kamandaka can be further seen on the Hitopadesa by Narayana\, which has 90 verses of Kamandaka including sixteen types of alliances. \nIn the end\, the paper argues that India’s geo-cultural space extends beyond the Himalayas up to Central Asia. This has also been highlighted by the History Division of the Ministry of External Affairs in the second White Paper published in 1959 “Historical Background of the Himalayan Frontier of India\,” in which the Raghuvamsha of Kalidas is mentioned. In both this White Paper and in the text of Kamandaka\, there is mention of the Kushan empire and Kanishka.       \nMajor points of discussion and suggestions to the author\n\nThe time frame of both the Arthasastra and Nitisara as well as the context in which they were written forms a significant background for the comparison process. Further\, the Buddhist influence on Kamandaka and Kautilya can enrich the paper by providing another dimension. \nThematic structuring of the paper can be done on the basis of Kamandaka’s notions on war\, tactics\, ethics\, dharma\, etc.\, and an overall idea can be given about what is distinctive about Indian texts as compared to western texts. \nWhen one approaches a non-western text\, the method adopted should be devoid of an interpretative orientation and frames of comparison. Further\, the techniques of communication should be picked carefully focusing on the inclusive macro tradition over multiple micro traditions.\nMethodology adopted by these texts can be discussed in the paper along with historical similarities and dissimilarities as well as political situation of that time while explaining the central themes of both\, mentioning their categorization along with the reason for dissimilarities and commonalities. \nThe difference between Nitisara and Arthasastra lies in the idea of legitimacy which changed over time. While Arthasastra was dependent on deliverance of kingly duties\, Nitisara focuses on valour and the military qualities of the ruler.\nAuthor’s personal opinion should come out more strongly amongst the commendable literature survey and referencing. And\, to extend its reach to the masses\, the paper can be made more lucid.\n\nReport prepared by Ms. Lakshmi Priya\, Research Assistant\, IDSA.
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/the-nitisara-or-the-elements-of-polity-by-kamandaka-continuity-and-change-from-kautilyas-arthashastra
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR,EVENT REPORT
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BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20180405T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20180405T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T192752
CREATED:20231224T101914Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250227T233825Z
UID:64021-1522906200-1522906200@idsa.in
SUMMARY:India - Kenya Maritime Security Cooperation: An Appraisal
DESCRIPTION:Participation in the Fellow Seminars is by invitation only.\nMedia person accredited with foreign media and foreign diplomats may seek prior permission from DDG\, IDSA @ telephone no. 26146832.\n\n\n\n\n1030 hrs\nVenue: Seminar Hall I (Second Floor)
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/india-kenya-maritime-security-cooperation-an-appraisal
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR
ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20180413T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20180413T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T192752
CREATED:20231224T101914Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250227T233638Z
UID:64020-1523597400-1523597400@idsa.in
SUMMARY:India-Africa Cooperation in Human Resource Development:  Education\, Training and Skills
DESCRIPTION:Participation in the Fellow Seminars is by invitation only.\nMedia person accredited with foreign media and foreign diplomats may seek prior permission from DDG\, IDSA @ telephone no. 26146832.\n\n\n\n\n1030 to 1300 hrs
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/india-africa-cooperation-in-human-resource-development-education-training-and-skills
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR
ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20180525T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20180525T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T192752
CREATED:20231224T101900Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T130236Z
UID:64019-1527226200-1527226200@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Synthesis of Eurasian Trade Corridors: India‘s Strategic Centrality in the Emerging System
DESCRIPTION:Venue: Room No. 005 (Ground Floor).
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/synthesis-of-eurasian-trade-corridors-indias-strategic-centrality-in-the-emerging-system
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR
ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg
END:VEVENT
END:VCALENDAR