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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20100507T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20100507T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T210645
CREATED:20231223T221807Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T130247Z
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SUMMARY:Illegal Bangladeshi Migration to India: Impact on Internal Security
DESCRIPTION:Chairperson: Shri Ajit K DovalExternal Discussants: E N Ram Mohan and J N RoyInternal Discussants: Brig(retd.) Ramel Dahiya and Dr. Smruti S Pattanaik \nStating that that they are around 10-20 million illegal Bangladeshi migrants in India\, Dr. Anand Kumar emphasized the need to understand the security aspects of illegal migration. The 9/11 Commission report points out that practically no communication existed between the security system and the immigration department. Unchecked and unregulated migration flows together with high fertility rates could create an explosive situation. While urbanization is prompting migration towards industrialized nations\, the author pointed to lax immigration control which allowed terrorism to grow thus weakening the internal security. He pointed out that the main problem inherent with illegal migration was the lack of cooperation of Bangladesh on the issue. He pointed out that sending migrants to other countries is the undeclared objective of the foreign policy of Bangladesh. \nThough attempts have been made in India to prevent illegal migration\, they have been relatively weak. The author stated that the socio-political movement started by the Assamese people in 1979 to evict illegal Bangladeshis ended in Assam Accord in 1985. In April\, 2005 a youth organization\, Chiring Chapori Yuva Mancha began a campaign against the illegal Bangladeshi immigrants. Illegal Bangladeshi Migrants are also threat to language and culture of Assam. ULFA which arose as a protest against Bangladeshis lost credibility only when its leaders took shelter in Bangladesh after the Bhutanese operation against the group in December 2003. Arrest of Bangladeshi national S. M. Alam in January 2008 by Assam Police revealed ISI’s plan to turn northeast into a volatile region. The migrants have also spread into other places like Dimapur and Kohima. The illegal migrants are not involved into terrorism in a big way\, but involved in gun running\, fake currency rackets and drug running. \nGrowing population pressure in Bangladesh acts as a push factor whereas growing Indian economy\, relatively less pressure on land and weak state resistance act as pull factor. Islamic fundamentalist extremist groups are growing in Bangladesh and they are able to expand their activities in West Bengal as well. Some of such organistaions are Jamait-e-Islami-e-Hind\, Jamait-Ahle-Hadis\, Students Islamic Organization (SIO)\, Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI) and Tabligh-e-Jamat. Four of them are most active.  Meetings have taken place between Jamaat-e-Islami and West Bengal based radical Muslim organizations and it is believed that ISI is behind them. There has been a growth of unauthorized\, illegal madrassas all over West Bengal particularly along the Bangladesh border. They are also using Kolkota and Agartala as bases being close to the border and people from both sides speak the same language. There are also groups which are directly involved in subversive activities such as HUJI. \nSiliguri town acts as gateway to Guwahati\, Gangtok and Kishengunj and also shares the border with Bangladesh\, Bhutan and Nepal. Important highways\, railways tracks\, vital installations such as the airfields of Bagdogra and Hashimara and oil pipelines are located here. Increase in Muslim population in Siliguri and adjoining areas has grown at an astonishing 150% in the past seven years. There are villages in and around Siliguri which have curious population mix and often act as heaven for ISI operatives. The villages have some 2\,000 Pashto and Baloch settlers from Afghanistan along with 6\,000 Iraninas. The increased activity of the ISI has endangered the security of the Siliguri corridor. ISI attempted sabotage in 1999 following a bomb blast at New Jalpaiguri Station. \nOptions for India:\n\nDiplomatic Effort – India has to make diplomatic effort to get Bangladesh to cooperate as illegal migration cannot be solved in an effective manner unless sending country cooperates. Sharing of digital database of its citizens will make it easier.\nFinancial Incentives: India should think of offering illegal migrants financial incentives in the form of liberal trade regime\, an infusion of aid and investment.\nCoercive Diplomacy- The action of security forces should clearly convey to the illegal migrants that they would face greater danger if they try to cross the border. \nBetter Border Management- Fencing\, construction of border roads and proper management of border will make a difference\nUse better Indo-Bangladesh relations- Both the countries have better relations and both side should demarcate remaining 6.5 km of the border and the areas in adverse possession should be negotiated and form well defined border\nUnique Identification Number (UID) scheme – Compilation of data is likely to reduce the comfort level of fresh illegal migrants.\nBar from Voting rights- Bangladeshi who are already in could be allowed to work but should not be allowed to vote and this will diminish their ability to influence government decisions by being a political force.\n\nThe author concluded by pointing out that the illegal Bangladeshi migration was not the core focus of the government but it has been forced to take a close look at the problem as the terror incidents grew in intensity and frequency. He emphasized that India must go for better border management and effective record keeping of its nationals so that outsiders are easily identified and discouraged from infiltrating.   \nDiscussion:\n\nMigration started from partition. Delhi had policy to monitor Bangladeshis to be settled down in Assam. Most of the Pakistani terrorists present in Kashmir enter via Bangladesh and Nepal. Government should do a lot to solve this problem seriously. \nIt’s a complex situation; BSF alone cannot solve the problem. It has socioeconomic and religious dimensions. Density of troops at the border is also lacking so government should provide more troops. For the economically deprived\, criminality is the way of life. The UID card shares only few details that make it difficult to recognize them. Even readmission agreement will not work but better border management is required.\nThe theoretical and international context of migration should be shortened. Terrorists have used the route but illegal Bangladeshi migrants are not charged of terrorist activities. Out of 7 terrorist organizations\, only SIMI is banned. Others continue to have fraternal links with organizations in Bangladesh and West Bengal.\nThe concept should differentiate legal and illegal aspects of migration. The paper needs to have hypotheses.\nThe issue is economic. Illegal migrants act as cheap labour. As Bangladesh cannott expand its space for the huge population\, the expansion is through the illegal migration. Work permit for them is the partial answer\, the problem also have political context. \n\nReport Prepared by Mr Pramod Jaiswal\, Research Assistant\, IDSA
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/illegal-bangladeshi-migration-to-india-impact-on-internal-security
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR,EVENT REPORT
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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20100528T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20100528T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T210645
CREATED:20231223T221707Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T130247Z
UID:63652-1275024600-1275024600@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Madhesi Movement in Nepal: Implications for India
DESCRIPTION:Dr. Nihar Nayak began by offering some basic facts about the Madhesi movement. Although there exist a number of versions about what the word ‘Madhes’ stands for\, the most popular or accepted version is that it refers to ‘Madhya-desh’\, a region between the hills and the plains. Also known as ‘Terai’\, Madhes region consists of twenty districts\, all of which share their borders with India. Many Madhesis are of Indian origin and thus have strong socio-cultural ethnic linkages across the border. In the paper\, Dr. Nayak flagged three questions: Is the Madhes issue likely to bring in deep-rooted conflict in Nepal? Can external forces take advantage of the situation to India’s detriment? How will Madhesi politics determine the future of Nepal politics and India-Nepal relations in the future?   \nOver the years\, Madhesis have suffered from a sense of discrimination and consequent deprivation. They also feel exploited and discriminated against by the upper caste Pahadi migrant communities. Hindi-speaking Indian Madhesis particularly feel discriminated against by the Nepali state due to the following factors. Firstly\, Indian Madhesis\, under the Citizenship Act of 1964 and the Constitution of 1990\, were debarred from citizenship certificates\, due to which they could neither acquire land ownership nor could avail government benefits. Although the Citizenship Law was amended in November 2006 making it possible for people born in Nepal before 1990 and those residing there permanently to acquire Nepali citizenship\, it has been alleged that many Madhesis and Dalits are still deprived of citizenship. It has also been alleged that instead of taking into consideration the Madhesis’ cultural affiliation with India\, the Nepali government has adopted a discriminatory attitude towards this group by trying to introduce compulsory Nepali language for both official work and as the medium of education in the Madhes region. Despite the fact that the Madhesi population constitutes nearly one-third of the Nepali population\, their share at the level of gazetted level employees is merely 9.9 per cent. Madhesi people have also voiced concerns about the economic exploitation of the resource-rich Madhes region by the Nepali government. Although Madhes contributes 70 per cent of the agricultural production of Nepal\, 65 per cent of the GDP\, and 76 per cent of the country’s total revenue\, the infrastructure in this region is considered to be much poorer than in the hill areas. Allegations have also been made regarding how during the monarchy\, in the name of land reform\, land belonging to Madhesi people were given away to Pahadis.  \nA feeling of deprivation and exploitation made the Terai or Madhes region a hub of the pro-democratic movement during the 1950s and 1960s. During that time\, perceiving India as anti-establishment and the Madhesis as India’s agents\, and fearing that Indian immigrants in Terai might prompt India to claim it as Indian territory\, the Nepali elite adopted stringent policies to curb the Madhesis’ activism. But this led to the emergence of identity-based movement in Madhes\, particularly with the formation of two groups: the Nepal Terai Vongress led by Vedanta Jha in 1951 and the Madhesi Mukti Andolan led by Raghunath Thakur in 1956. At present\, numerous political parties and non-state actors are involved in the Madhesi cause. In this context\, examples of Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (MJF)\, Terai Madhesh Loktantrik Party (TMLP)\, etc.\, can be particularly cited. There also exist a number of major armed groups in the Terai region\, such as the Janatantrik Terai Mukti Morcha (JTMM)\, Terai Cobra\, Nepal Defence Army (NDA)\, Nepal Janatantrik Party (NJP)\, and Chure Bhawar Ekta Samaj (CBES). Although all these forces are involved in armed revolution in Nepal\, there seems to be a divergence in the goals each of them aspires to achieve. While JTMM demands the establishment of an autonomous Terai region\, and Terai Cobra aspires to launch an armed separatist struggle for a sovereign Terai state\, the objective of NDA is to form a Hindu army with suicide bombers to fight against religious extremism\, conversion\, as well as Maoists. Similarly\, while as a royalist outfit\, the NJP aspires to retain constitutional monarchy and multiparty democracy in Nepal\, the CBES basically demands the establishment of a Chure Bhawar federal region in Terai and is opposed to ‘one Madhesh one Pradesh’ demand.  \nThere are reports of ‘internal tensions and lack of clarity on immediate demands and long term strategy’ of Madhesi groups. While the Madhes-based parties take a soft stand on the issue\, the armed groups are demanding nothing less than sovereignty. Moreover\, the Madhesi political parties are in a dilemma especially regarding whom to take sides with among the major parties. They cannot support a liberal democratic government in Kathmandu as their autonomy demand would be lost. They cannot really support the Maoists basically due to the prevailing fear of losing a multi-party democratic system in Nepal under a Maoist led government. In the meantime\, due to their involvement in kidnapping\, killing and extortion\, some armed groups involved in the Madhesi cause are often dismissed as criminals by most Madhesis themselves. In this scenario of diffused leadership and objectives\, the future of the Madhes cause remains uncertain. \nIn his presentation\, Dr. Nayak tried to draw attention to the fact that unstable Nepal\, particularly the border regions of Terai\, can provide avenues for both China and Pakistan to encourage anti-India elements there\, through arms and fake currency trafficking\, madrasas\, terrorist outfits\, etc. Reportedly\, China has already extended its support to the faction of the MFJ led by Upendra Yadav. In recent time\, the United States too has taken particular interest in the developments of Madhesi region. Although it has listed JTMM on the US terrorist list\, it granted a visa to Upendra Yadav to attend the Terai Diaspora event held in Washington.  \nOver the years\, while treating Madhesi issue as an internal matter of Nepal which can be resolved by accommodating minority rights within the new Constitution\, India has largely taken a stance of non-interference. Even then\, the Pahadis often allege India of encouraging the ‘one Madhes\, one Pradesh’ demand. According to Dr. Nayak\, if such perceptions gain further ground\, it would aggravate the prevailing anti-India sentiments in Nepal and consequently give more space to China and Pakistan to use Nepal as a hotbed for anti-India activities. Ironically\, the Madhesis accuse India of neglecting the Madhesi movement. Recently\, in June 2009\, allegations were raised regarding India’s involvement in engineering divisions in the MJF. Debate has also been brewing in the Terai that the Madhesis have failed to take any concrete decision about their future because of India’s support for the liberal democratic parties opposed to ethnic-based federalism.  \nAccording to Dr. Nayak\, anti-Indianism of the Madhes movement is likely to affect India’s economic interests in Nepal. Frequent protests will affect India’s trade and commercial relations with Nepal. It will also affect India’s hydroelectric projects and the business operations of Indian investors in Nepal. Since the Terai is the link between India and northern Nepal\, a troubled Terai may affect “every major highway\, custom point. The industrial\, economic\, and other fertile resources of Nepal are in Madhesh\, helping circulate trade relationship.”  \nUnder the prevailing circumstances\, India is faced with certain difficult choices. Any constructive attempt by India to salvage the Terai situation through proactive involvement is likely to be interpreted as unnecessary intervention in the internal affairs of Nepal and upset its Pahadi constituency and Nepal Army. At another level\, passive indifference to developments in Terai will be misconstrued as shirking of responsibility by observers at home as well as by the Madhesis themselves. India cannot possibly afford to ignore developments in Nepal and especially the discrimination in Terai. At present\, the best approach for India seems to be to work as a positive facilitator to strengthen the capacity of various democratic institutions to resolve the social tensions in Nepal in general and in Terai in particular. Given India’s leverages in Nepal\, India could also make an earnest effort to bring all political parties together to have a dialogue on the contentious issues.  \nImportant points raised during the discussion of the paper: \n\nFrom a topographical point of view\, Nepal is vulnerable to both India and China. Terai is not only important for India\, but also for Nepal itself. Over the years\, the Nepali government has been trying to make this place inhabited by people ‘friendlier to them’ and people who look like them. The sentiment behind taking such stance by the Nepali government should be respected by the Indian government. \nIn this paper\, more space should be devoted to analyse the impact of the Madhesi movement on India. \nIndia’s concern about the Madhesi problem cannot be anything more than neighbourly.\nNepal suffers from paranoia of being encircled by India. But it does not seem to have a similar problem with respect to China. India has to understand this psyche among the Nepalese.\nThe Madhesi problem should be studied in relation to the challenge of governance that Nepal is currently facing.\nThe strong sense of opportunism among Madhesi leaders makes it difficult for India to get involved in this movement.\nIndian policy vis-à-vis Nepal since the Maoist uprising in 1997 has been to keep other players out of it. But this policy seems to have misfired particularly because of the involvement of so many external actors in it. \nGeo-strategic importance of the Terai region should be analysed in the paper.\nThere is a need to mention the Jan Andolan III.\nThe clash between Madhesis and Maoists in which 21 Maoists were killed should be mentioned. \nDue to Madhesi identity\, Maoist influence in Terai has weakened considerably. Madhesis are expected to become future kingmaker of Nepal. India needs to take that factor into account.\nWith the advent of democracy\, the Muslim vote bank in the Terai has become important.\nThe paper needs to clarify the significant factors for the potential of conflict in Terai. Those factors are basically identified as intra-Madhesi conflict\, Pahadi-Madhesi conflict\, and elements of communal violence. \nIndia should try to harmonize Madhesi politics. It should particularly take interest in brining about economic development in Terai region.\nIndia’s role in brokering the 8-point agreement between the Madhesis and the government should be highlighted. \nFuture of Madhesi politics should be analysed in the paper.\nThe paper also needs to bring out ordinary Madhesi people’s perception about India.\n\nReport prepared by Pranamita Barua\, Research Assistant\, IDSA
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/madhesi-movement-in-nepal-implications-for-india
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR,EVENT REPORT
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