BEGIN:VCALENDAR
VERSION:2.0
PRODID:-//MP-IDSA - ECPv6.15.12.2//NONSGML v1.0//EN
CALSCALE:GREGORIAN
METHOD:PUBLISH
X-ORIGINAL-URL:https://idsa.in
X-WR-CALDESC:Events for MP-IDSA
REFRESH-INTERVAL;VALUE=DURATION:PT1H
X-Robots-Tag:noindex
X-PUBLISHED-TTL:PT1H
BEGIN:VTIMEZONE
TZID:Asia/Kolkata
BEGIN:STANDARD
TZOFFSETFROM:+0530
TZOFFSETTO:+0530
TZNAME:IST
DTSTART:20090101T000000
END:STANDARD
END:VTIMEZONE
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20100416T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20100416T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T211849
CREATED:20231223T221838Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T130247Z
UID:63659-1271395800-1271395800@idsa.in
SUMMARY:India and Japan: Exploring Strategic Potentials
DESCRIPTION:Chairperson: Prof. V. P. DuttExternal Discussants: Amb. Rajiv Sikri & Amb. T.C.A. RangachariInternal Discussants: Brig. (Retd.) Rumel Dahiya and Dr. Shamshad Ahmed Khan \nDr. Rajaram Panda presented his paper titled India and Japan: Exploring Strategic Potentials on Friday\, April 16\, 2010. The paper’s main focus was on maritime cooperation between India and Japan and more specifically on the strategic dimensions of this cooperation. Dr. Panda argued that the looming Chinese shadow is the rationale behind this cooperation. First\, he defined what a ‘strategic partnership’ means\, arguing that the canvas of a “strategic relationship” was much larger than mere “political relationship”. A strategic partnership includes “defence\, economic\, and security dimensions in the relationship.” \nDr. Panda emphasized that there was a great convergence of interests between India and Japan in the maritime domain. He highlighted India’s unique geographical position\, which makes its cooperation extremely critical for Japan in securing its sea lanes. Much of Japan’s international trade is dependent upon safety of its sea lanes that pass through the Indian Ocean and the Arabian Sea. He argued that security of Japan’s maritime and energy supplies prominently figured in its security calculus. \nDr. Panda discussed two high-level important visits in detail: the first being Indian Defence Minister A.K. Antony’s visit to Japan\, and the other Japanese Prime Minister Hatoyama’s visit to India\, which he characterized as a landmark visit. During this visit\, an Action Plan to Advance Security Cooperation Based on the Joint Declaration on Security Cooperation was adopted. This plan delineated a host of issue-areas in which a meaningful strategic partnership could be built. However\, he highlighted the Japanese stand on India’s nuclear programme as a major irritant in what is an otherwise cordial relationship. \nDiscussion\nAmb. Rajiv Sikri argued that the economic aspect of the strategic partnership should be part of this paper. He further argued that the China factor was an important factor shaping this strategic partnership\, but it was not the only factor. There are other important factors also which require due focus. Besides\, the importance of China factor will keep varying depending upon who is in power in Japan. The India-Japan relationship is not that undifferentiated as it is being considered. There are more nuances involved in it. He was of the view that the US-Japan alliance had not outlived its utility and should not be underestimated. As to the definition of strategic partnership\, he said that India had very loose definition of the partnership. He further argued that a strategic partnership basically meant macro-level understanding\, not micro. It should be dealt with on that level only. On the question of Japanese investment in India\, he said that Japanese businessmen should understand how business was done in India. He argued that there was no point in Japanese businessmen constantly complaining about India’s business environment. They should follow the example of Korean businessmen and introspect how they have succeeded in India. \nAmb. T.C.A. Rangachari raised some fundamental questions. He asked: if Japan was considered to be a declining power then why there was a need for an India-Japan strategic partnership. Similarly\, why have a strategic partnership with the United States if it is actually declining. If the argument behind these strategic partnerships is a rising China then one must ask as to why China would not be a responsible power. Expressing doubts about China’s rise as a responsible power reflects the influence of Western thinking. He also said that the sea lanes had never been disrupted since World War II\, thus\, the security of sea lanes is not the biggest issue. He argued that we should not be uncritical of Western wisdom\, which had actually projected India as a maritime threat in the 1970s. He further argued that the strategic partnership between India and Japan was ambivalent and Japanese perception of India was changing very slowly. Incidentally\, he said that there was a minority view in Japan that favoured India’s nuclear programme. \nBrigadier Rumel Dahiya argued that the geostrategic importance of Japan must be assessed while exploring any strategic partnership. Dr. Shamshad Ahmed Khan mentioned that the economic aspect needs to be probed more. He further argued that India-Japan defence cooperation has not been strong. He argued that we should also try to understand Japanese laws and constitution\, which prevents Japan from participating in any collective security mechanism. \nConcluding the discussion\, Professor V.P. Dutt said that he felt that Japan’s new foreign policy was dubious\, ambiguous and uncertain. He was of the opinion that Japanese leaders were making very vague statements about their foreign policy and they themselves may not be very clear as to what they want. He raised a larger philosophical point – the Japanese public seems to have lost interest in foreign affairs. Now\, the question is whether Japan will remain confused or it will become even more confused. \nReport prepared by Dr. Prashant Kumar Singh\, Research Assistant\, IDSA
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/india-and-japan-exploring-strategic-potentials
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR,EVENT REPORT
ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20100416T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20100416T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T211849
CREATED:20231223T221838Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T130247Z
UID:63660-1271395800-1271395800@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Transformation of Conflict: An Analysis of “Op Sadbhavana” in Jammu and Kashmir
DESCRIPTION:Chair: Prof. Amitabh MattooExternal Discussants: Lt. Gen. (Retd.) Hari Prasad and Dr. Suba ChandranInternal Discussants: Dr. Namrata Goswami and Col. (Retd.) Ali Ahmed \n \nDr. Arpita Anant’s paper notes that traditionally the Army defends the borders and\, whenever called in\, helps in counter-insurgency operations and provides aid to the victims of calamities. However\, in Jammu and Kashmir (J&K)\, the Indian Army has extended its mandate to rebuild the lives of people devastated by terrorism.  Operation Sadbhavana (meaning Goodwill)\, launched in 1998\, is an unique attempt to apply the healing touch to win the hearts and minds (WHAM) of people by promoting development activities focuses on their basic needs. \nThe author points out that the doctrine of sub-conventional warfare of the Indian Army released in January 2007 gives a central place to WHAM in counter-insurgency operations. Such attempts\, it is envisaged\, would provide the healing touch during conflict and win over the alienated sections of people in the conflict zones.  \nAccording to Dr. Anant\, from 1998 to 2008\, a total of Rs. 276.08 crore\, allocated by the Ministry of Defence (MoD)\, was spent on various multi-faceted activities under this operation. The Army has been running schools and orphanages\, improving the living standard of the locals by constructing roads and bridges\, installing hand pumps and electrifying villages and giving them free medical services. Excursion and education tours have also been organised during this period.\nDr. Anant adds that the projects are identified and selected jointly with the state administration and the people at the grass root level. The Army acts as a facilitator and catalyst and actively assists in planning\, provides technical assistance\, makes available specialized equipment and supervises it. \nDr. Anant asserts that implementation of the projects under this initiative has had an extremely positive impact on the minds of the local population. Various educational schemes and women empowerment centres have helped in employment generation and transformed many lives. Numerous other community development and healthcare projects have helped in mitigating the hardships of the common man. \nThe author’s tête-à-tête with the civil administration reveals that most of them were very candid in admitting that the Army brought schools\, walking tracks/roads\, small bridges and doctors in areas where the state government could not reach in the difficult years of the insurgency. However\, a common refrain was that there is scope for improvement in coordination between the Army and civil administration. Dr. Anant’s interface with journalists reveals that although the initiative of the Army is very praiseworthy\, real peace will come only with the resolution of the political problem. Some educationists believed that the Army’s initiatives are lacking involvement of the youth in the age group of 18 to 21 years who constitute 60 per cent of the population. Her discussions with the Army reveal that Operation Sadbhavna had a positive impact on the relationship between the people and the Army. However\, some Army officials did believe that the actual impact is only between 50 to 75 per cent of the desired targets. \nDr. Anant’s conclusion is that Operation Sadbhavana has certainly been a successful effort. Although it adds to the responsibilities of the Army\, it has certainly salvaged its image. The ease with which people were interacting with Army officials made this obvious. The unending list of demands\, which ought to be fulfilled by the civil administration\, also proved the same. She points out that the comfort level between the military and the people seemed higher in the Jammu region than in the Valley. Also\, in some places people spoke highly of the Army officials they were interacting with and remembered some officers who had been posted out\, indicating that personalities made all the difference.  \nDr. Anant’s paper suggests following measures for better results:  \n\nCoordination with appropriate civil authorities could be improved.\nProjects like micro-hydel projects that have not worked well could be re-considered. \nThe audit system of Sadbhavana needs to be publicized.\nIn all projects priority should be given to basics. \nQuality of infrastructure projects can be improved.\nCivil society involvement to increase transparency and to add a sense of belonging is necessary. \nEngage the youth in the projects.\nLocal media (rural and urban) could be used to portray best cases and clarify misperceptions.\nTransparency to avoid abuse of power.\n\nDiscussion:\n\nIn J&K what has been achieved through Operation Sadbhavana represents the best feasible for transition to the political process.\nOperation Sadbhavana as a sound strategy for conflict prevention in Ladakh has been widely acclaimed. The scope of the study should be broadened to include this region of J&K as well.\nThe overall aim of Operation Sadbhavana needs to be well-defined. Does it seek out ‘conflict transformation’ or is it just a ‘WHAM’ (winning the hearts and minds) activity?\nOperation Sadbhavana puts the organisational\, medical\, engineering\, transport and educational expertise of the Army at the disposal of the people. It jeopardizes the Army’s primary function of training and deployment for high-intensity conflict.\nMore detailed analysis of the data collected during the field visit will yield many additional important insights and further energize the discussion.\nOrganising children educational tours under the initiative is a good step to showcase the dynamic culture of the country and to witness the fruits of peace and development.\nCases and allegations of corruption and other irregularities against the Army officials engaged in Operation Sadbhavana have been cropping up with alarming regularity of late. This needs to be discussed.\nIf the Army keeps on taking over the functions of the civil administration\, it will further delegitimise the state government.\nThe budget allocation for Operation Sadbhavana is too small to make a big difference in a large state like J&K.\n\nReport prepared by Dr. Imtiyaz Majid\, Research Assistant at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\, New Delhi.
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/transformation-of-conflict-an-analysis-of-op-sadbhavana-in-jammu-and-kashmir
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR,EVENT REPORT
ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20100423T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20100423T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T211849
CREATED:20231223T221808Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T130247Z
UID:63658-1272000600-1272000600@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Maoist Mass Organisations and Mass Movement
DESCRIPTION:Chairperson: Brig. (Retd.) Rumel Dahiya\, SMDiscussants: J N Roy and W ChandrakanthInternal Discussants: Dr. Rajiv Nayan and Dr. Nihar Nayak \n \nAccording to Dr. P.V. Ramana\, in order to succeed in its revolutionary agenda of the armed overthrow of the state\, a Communist group requires three magic weapons – strong Party\, strong Army and United Front. The last of these involves the ‘mobilization of people’. His paper focuses exclusively on Maoist Mass Organisations or Front Organisations. \nThe author explains that the Maoists have several mass organisations\, at the State level as well as at the All India level (AIMOS)\, which are primarily of three types: 1) Underground Revolutionary: these are built clandestinely and conduct secret propaganda. 2) Open or semi-open Revolutionary: these directly serve the people’s war as long as there is room for undertaking open revolutionary activities. 3) Mass organisations not directly linked to CPI (Maoist): these are broad-based\, not directly linked to the Maoist parent outfit\, and function under cover with a limited set of activities as its mandate. This type can be further subdivided into three broad categories: (a) fractional work\, (b) party-formed cover organisations\, and (c) legal democratic organisations. \nDr. Ramana elucidates the utilities of Mass Organisations for the Maoists as: One\, they spread the ideology of the outfit among the people in the areas of their operation. Two\, they serve as a recruiting base\, or catchments\, for the underground. Three\, to watch for the future leadership of the outfit emerge from among the ranks of the Mass Organisations. He quotes the example of Mallojula Koteswara Rao alias Kishenji and Naveen who were leaders of the Radical Students Union in Andhra Pradesh and Delhi\, respectively. Four\, members of Mass Organisations are drafted into the ‘people’s militia’\, or the Base Force. Five\, Mass Organisations would enable the Maoists to be ‘heard and seen.’ \nDr. Ramana asserts that the availability of a large number of people as members of mass organisations has enabled the Maoists to create vast numbers of cadres for the people’s militia in the rural and tribal hinterland\, who have participated in all the large-scale synchronized attacks on multiple targets in different parts of the country in Bihar\, Orissa\, Chhattisgarh\, Jharkhand and West Bengal\, beginning with the Koraput raid of February 6\, 2004\, and acquired a new proficiency and vigour in the Jehanabad Jail Break in Bihar on November 13\, 2005. \nDr. Ramana points out that the entire work of the Mass Organisations is guided and supervised by a committee appointed by the apex and all-powerful Central Committee. This committee is known as the Sub Committee on Mass Organisations (SUCOMO)\, formed for the first time in 2001. The purpose of SUCOMO is to provide direction on the issues that need to be taken-up by the Mass Organisations and to provide coordination at the all-India level for State-level Mass Organisations and All India Mass Organisations (AIMOs).  \nIn the next section of the paper\, the author cites two cases from Andhra Pradesh where Mass Organisations got defunct after being quite active and popular for a while.  \nHighlighting the case of Singareni Karmika Samkhya (SIKASA)\, the author mentions that SIKASA took up various issues that mattered for the people dependent upon the Singareni Collieries. These included mine safety\, better working conditions and wages\, exploitation of miners\, rampant alcoholism\, goondaism and exploitation by contractors. To implement its directives\, the tool it used was “terror”. However\, towards the latter half of the 1990s\, the downfall of SIKASA commenced. The reasons included: the collieries accumulated losses of Rs. 1\,250 crore and was referred to the BFIR; severe police crackdown commenced; and liberalisation policies came into force.  \nHighlighting the case of the Andhra Pradesh Radical Students Union (APRSU)\, Dr. Ramana mentions that in the initial years APRSU went through a prolonged debate on whether its mandate should be to limit itself to addressing students’ problems alone\, or to make it a part of the New Democratic Revolution and help build and lead the agrarian revolution in the villages. The latter view prevailed. The various issues taken-up by APRSU during the period of its active functioning\, either when it was underground or worked openly\, included: opposing detention system in schools\, better facilities in welfare hostels\, scholarships for students\, reservation for the underprivileged in educational institutions\, Karamchedu dalit massacre by upper caste landlords\, opposing New Education Policy\, protest marches against alleged fake encounters\, etc.  \nNevertheless\, towards the beginning of the mid-1990s\, the downfall of APRSU commenced and now it is defunct. While the leadership loss contributed significantly to the slow demise of the APRSU\, new ‘economic opportunities’ which threw open several avenues for the angry youth also played an important role in failing to attract students towards the Maoist-fold. \nAccording to Dr. Ramana\, among all the states in the country\, Mass organisations are most active and vibrant in the Bastar region in the central Indian state of Chhattisgarh. In the Dandakaranya region the Mass Organisations in operation are:  \nDAKMS: The organisation started its activities in 1981 in Khammam district of Andhra Pradesh. A person who is at least 16 years of age and is a resident of the village is eligible to become a member of the particular village unit of DAKMS. However\, landlords\, lumpen elements and those suspected to be linked to the police are not granted membership of the unit. The objective in forming DAKMS was to protect the self-respect of the tribal (adivasi) populace\, declare Dandakaranya as a ‘liberated area’\, prevent religious conversions\, fight for the rights of the tribal populace over the land\, fight against privatization and the entry of multi-national corporations (MNCs)\, to fight for better wages and working conditions of the labour involved in collecting kendu leaf (similar to beedi leaf)\, bamboo fellers\, and so on. \nKAMS:	It is one of the most active mass organisations that operates in the Dandakaranya region and fights for the rights of tribal women. All women who are above 16 years of age are eligible to become members of the village unit in which they are resident.  \nAKCS:	It was founded in 1997 to fight for the rights of students and for solving their problems. Some of the issues taken-up by the organisation included effective implementation of mid-day meal scheme in schools\, provide text books free of cost\, grant scholarships\, etc. \nKABS:	It was founded in 1998\, in the Konta and Basuguda areas of Dantewada district (South Bastar). All children between the ages of five and 15 are eligible to become members of KABS. The underlying motive behind forming this organisation seems to be ‘to catch them young’. \nDr. Ramana concluded his presentation by assessing that on a broader national scale\, the Maoists do not have a ‘mass base’\, contrary to the impression that is created\, which is essentially because recurring and frequent acts of ‘violence’ widely dispersed in different parts of the country attract publicity and visibility. The author\, nevertheless\, warns that it should be noted with concern that even the miniscule support they had built over the years has sufficient ‘nuisance value’ for the Indian state. \nDiscussion\n\nThe Maoist movement has tapped into the deep and dangerous undercurrent of alienation\, misery and rage amongst millions of people who have been failed by the economic\, social and political system.\nIn 2006\, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh referred to the Naxalites as the single biggest internal security challenge ever faced by our country. But nothing has been done so far to seriously address the concern.\nThe author’s end assessment that “on a broader national scale the Maoists do not have a mass base” needs further discussion. India now has 223 districts across 20 states that are affected by Maoist activities. This shows that the Maoist potential to penetrate other states\, which had hitherto remained outside their grasp\, has evolved enormously. \nBad governance\, lethargic and corrupt administration\, inefficient police\, and illiteracy among rural populations will ensure that the Maoists keep receiving fresh recruits.\nInconsistent public postures of the top central and state leadership shows that even a basic consensual assessment of the Maoist threat is lacking. More detailed assessment at the end together with recommendations\, including alternative courses of action\, ought to be added to the paper.\nIt is time to recognise that the Maoist movement has grown in the tribal areas because there is a new consciousness among the tribal people about their rights over their resources.\nStudy of Maoists’ linkages to unorganized weapon markets of India\, China\, Myanmar and Bangladesh would be useful.\nThe decline of labour union power in the country has shored up Maoist support.\nMaoists can be countered only through a coherent and well thought out strategy.\n\nReport prepared by Dr. Imtiyaz Majid\, Research Assistant at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\, New Delhi
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/maoist-mass-organisations-and-mass-movement
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR,EVENT REPORT
ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20100423T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20100423T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T211849
CREATED:20231224T104322Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250228T050348Z
UID:64172-1272000600-1272000600@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Politics of Taliban Reintegration and Reconciliation in Afghanistan
DESCRIPTION:Chairperson: Ramesh V PhadkeDiscussants: Mahendra Ved and Adil Mehdi
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/politics-of-taliban-reintegration-and-reconciliation-in-afghanistan
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR
ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20100430T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20100430T053000
DTSTAMP:20261104T211849
CREATED:20231223T221807Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T130247Z
UID:63655-1272605400-1272605400@idsa.in
SUMMARY:India's Security Policy in the Post-Cold War Era
DESCRIPTION:Chair: Dr. Thomas MathewExternal Discussants: Ambassador S. K. Bhutani and Brig. (Retd.) Gurmeet KanwalInternal Discussants: Prof. P. Stobdan and Brig. Raj Shukla \n \nAt the very outset of his presentation\, Dr. Kalyanaraman argued that like any other nation state\, the primary task of India’s security policy has been the structuring of an international environment conducive for development within and the pursuit of autonomy without. It is in this context that he identified\, as the backdrop to his paper\, the three phases of India’s approach to structuring such an environment: \n\nThe first phase\, which lasted from the day India achieved independence to the 1962 war which China imposed on India\, was marked by the idea of promoting peace for generating security. However\, India’s efforts to resolve conflicts through diplomatic means failed to yield results. In Dr. Kalyanaraman’s words “The policy of promoting peace to gain security failed to gain traction in a world dominated by security dilemmas and national\, ideological and power rivalries. A telling blow was delivered to this policy by the war that China imposed on India in 1962”. In the years that followed\, India made a course-correction by building up military and technological capabilities as also signing a security pact with the USSR.\n\nThe latest phase\, marked by the altered realities of the end of Cold War\, gave India a chance to renew its engagements with the major powers of the world as well as with key countries in its extended Asian neighbourhood. Dr. Kalyanaraman identified four features of the post-Cold War geopolitical situation and discussed how India has\, during these years\, sought to position itself.\n\nThe security situation in Afghanistan has changed beyond recognition in the past two decades. Due to a mix of factors including the Soviet withdrawal\, rise of Taliban\, the 9/11 attacks on the US\, and Pakistan’s regional ambitions\, India has been continually seeking to position itself in that country. Dr. Kalyanaraman opined\, “India seems to have begun to recalibrate its policy by reaching out to Iran and Russia…”\nThe second feature of the post Cold War geopolitical map of Asia is the consolidation of American influence in West Asia especially after the 1991 Gulf War. The subsequent push given to the peace process in Palestine had the beneficial impact of enabling India to fully engage Israel. In addition\, India has been engaging countries like Iran\, Saudi Arabia\, Oman and Qatar.\nIn the face of the rise of China\, “India has initiated a series of initiatives to cater for the Chinese challenge. The Indian navy has stepped up its deployments throughout the Asia-Pacific and has been regularly participating in bilateral and multilateral exercises.” \nLastly\, India’s engagement with the major powers has strengthened to a great extent and a self-assured India has begun to adopt a more pragmatic approach to international security issues. For their part major world capitals have also begun to recalibrate their policies in the light of the new reality of India’s greater economic and military-nuclear prowess.\n\n\n\nPoints of Discussion:\n\nThere are nuances to the moralistic approach of India’s foreign policy during the Nehru years.\nIndia’s engagement with the major powers needs greater attention.\nA gradation of India’s engagements/strategic partnerships with countries across the world is required since one possibly cannot compare India’s engagement with the United States and with Seychelles\, for instance. \n\nReport prepared by Rahul Mishra\, Research Assistant at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\, New Delhi.
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/indias-security-policy-in-the-post-cold-war-era
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR,EVENT REPORT
ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg
END:VEVENT
END:VCALENDAR