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BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20090102T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20090102T053000
DTSTAMP:20261105T002834
CREATED:20231223T222432Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T130250Z
UID:63733-1230874200-1230874200@idsa.in
SUMMARY:India’s Economic Engagement of Africa: Partnering Africa
DESCRIPTION:Chair: Arvind GuptaDiscussants: Dilip Lahiri and Shipra Tripathi \nHistorically\, the principal tenet of India’s policy towards Africa has been support for the struggle for decolonization and racial discrimination in South Africa. Economic engagement between India and Africa is increasing like never before though it is not new. During the colonial period\, India played a significant role in terms of supplying personnel for middle level services such as duka. At present the scale and swiftness of India’s economic engagement with Africa is expanding. This has been facilitated by the changing African outlook in recent years. On the political side there has been an end in sight for some of the debilitating conflicts that have ravaged the continent. At the same time there is a move by Africans to take charge of their own destiny. For its part\, the Indian government laid out its broad economic cooperation frame work during the India-Africa Forum Summit in April 2008. This conference gained significance because of an attempt to forge a closer partnership between India and African countries and address the common goals and challenges they face. An important element of India’s approach towards Africa is the growing presence of the private sector in African countries. \nIndia does not have the financial capacity to match the grants in aid by China and the West to Africa. However\, India recognizes the African countries’ focus on capacity building and human resources development. As a result\, Africa today is the largest recipient of India’s technical cooperation programme. India’s growing synergy with Africa is quite visible in the recent trade trends. Bilateral trade has increased from US $967 million in 1990-91 to $25 billion in 2006-07. India has institutionalized its relationship with African countries by launching the India-Africa Forum in April 2008. During the summit\, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh announced a number of initiatives including a duty-free trade preference scheme for 34 African countries. India has also enhanced its relations with African countries in the energy sector. Currently around 24 per cent of India’s crude oil imports are sourced from Africa. Indian national oil companies like the Oil and Natural Gas Corporation Videsh Limited (OVL) has invested in equity assets in African countries. \nHowever\, China’s booming investment in Africa has provoked a heated debate on the continent and around the world. One of the challenges that India faces is the penchant among the Western media and intellectual to mention in the same breath both the Indian model of engagement with Africa and the very different Chinese economic approach to Africa. African countries have acknowledged the growth of Indian economy and have expressed a desire to emulate the Indian model. \nPoints raised during the Discussion \n\n\nThe India-Africa economic engagement needs to be examined carefully with specific data. \nThere is a need to create a centre or an institution to study India-Africa engagement. \nThere is a need to check where India should be focused and to know what when and where Africans really want to engage us. \nPrivate sector involvement in Africa is very important. \nPeople to people contact should be enhanced. \nNon-Alignment is important for maintaining good relations between India and Africa.\nThere isn’t much Indian scholarship on Africa and this needs to be rectified. \nIndia’s engagement in Africa’s social domain must be looked into. \nIndia should identify areas in which more positive relations with African countries can be developed such as health\, medicine\, etc. \nIndia should understand the sensibility of Africans. \nIn terms of investment competition between India and China\, Africa welcomes both of them. \nAfrican countries believe that their problems can be better understood by Asian countries than others. \nThere is a need to promulgate a new policy towards Africa along the lines of the ‘look east policy’. \nThere is no need to compare China’s influence in Africa with that of India. \n\nPrepared by Dr. M.Mahtab Alam Rizvi\, Research Assistant at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\, New Delhi.
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/indias-economic-engagement-of-africa-partnering-africa
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR,EVENT REPORT
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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20090109T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20090109T053000
DTSTAMP:20261105T002834
CREATED:20231223T222432Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T130250Z
UID:63731-1231479000-1231479000@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Spreading Tentacles of Left-Wing Extremism: Are we Failing in Police Training: A case study of Chhattisgarh
DESCRIPTION:Chair: Ved MarwahDiscussants: G. D. Bakshi and K. M. Madhusudhanan \nVarious case studies of Naxalite-related incidents have revealed that one of the prime reasons for recurring security forces casualties has been the inadequacy in training imparted to them. While the Central Paramilitary Forces (CPMF) have well developed integral infrastructure and resources for training\, the police forces in most of the States are generally lagging behind. Police forces are generally capacity-deficient to fight the Naxalites effectively and need to be transformed into a combat-oriented force in Naxal-affected States. However\, police training has been less than satisfactory. An adequate and efficient police training system\, infrastructure and resources are required to be built up in the States to meet current training requirements. \nThe vital question is whether the present police training facilities\, resources and infrastructure available in the States are adequate to train personnel\, including new recruits\, within a short span of time. This paper attempts to assess the present police training system\, infrastructure and resources in Naxal-affected States\, discusses the role of the Central Government in general\, and examines Chhattisgarh in particular. The paper also identifies corrective measures and makes relevant policy recommendations. \nLaw and order being a state subject\, the primary responsibility of building police training system\, infrastructure and resources lies with State governments. However\, the Central Government has been rendering support to States in the formulation of training policy\, research\, improving law enforcement\, standardisation and modernisation through exchange of knowledge\, coordination and budgetary allocation. The Centre as part of the Seventh Plan has recently taken the initiative and decided to set up 20 Counter insurgency and Anti-Terrorism training Centres in Bihar\, Jharkhand\, Assam\, Orissa and Chhattisgarh. Also adequate funds have been allocated to Bureau of Police Research and Development (BPR&D) in the 7th plan for development of the police training system throughout the country. Modernisation of police forces has not brought about any visible improvement in the police training system so far in most of the States. A few States like Andhra Pradesh have however taken the lead. \nPresently\, a huge gap exists between requirements and availability of police training infrastructure and resources in most of the States. Select numbers of police personnel are being trained in Army and CPMF training establishments. However\, these establishments have their own commitments and cannot afford to regularly train State police personnel unless their infrastructure and resources are enhanced.  \nChhattisgarh State police personnel lack adequate training to effectively fight the Naxalites. The police training infrastructure and resources in this State are not commensurate with ground requirements. Also\, the lack of coordination between CPMF and state police forces is evident given the absence of an operational ethos and gap in training.  \nChhattisgarh inherited a depleted police force and infrastructure when it was formed in the year 2001. A large number of reluctant officers and men from Madhya Pradesh were allotted Chhattisgarh State. Besides\, many personnel\, trained in instructional duties\, managed to remain in Madhya Pradesh. The state inherited the worst Naxalite-hit areas\, and the Chhattisgarh Police\, at its inception\, was capacity deficient. Given the state’s limited infrastructure\, it also suffers from deficiency in training. Finances are a major constraint faced by the State police and are far below what is necessary to meet the requirements of manpower\, mobility\, infrastructure\, communication\, land\, residential accommodation\, etc. \nThe state police has identified some key areas and steps are being taken to improve police training. These include: commando training; intelligence training; basic induction training; specialist training; improvement of training infrastructure and facilities; joint training with CPMF; joint/collective training with CPMF; and redressing resource deficiency. Also\, the State has taken an initiative to establish a Counter Insurgency and Jungle warfare Training College which can train 3\,600 police personnel each year. With limited training infrastructure\, Chattisgarh will take at least 10 years to train its entire police manpower in counter-insurgency and jungle warfare.  \nA positive environment and culture is lacking in the police set up in most of the States. Posting to a training institution is considered as punishment. Also there is little interest in undergoing training. There is no motivation and incentive for the trainers. Hence police forces lack good quality of instructors. Training is also not strictly linked with promotion. Training is therefore a neglected activity in the police. Excess commitment of police personnel is another reason for training to be neglected. \nHolistic development of the training system is required in the police set-up. The essence of police human resource development lies in training\, and it cannot be neglected any longer. There is an urgent need to prioritise training at all levels including special pilot projects like dedicated allocation of budget for development of training infrastructure and resources to States. The Army and the CPMF have a large number of well-trained instructors whose services can be utilised in the police training academies of naxal-affected States. \nThe paper’s recommendations were: \n\nPrioritising police training at all levels especially in Naxalism- affected States. \nAddressing budgetary constraints. \nAddressing manpower and leadership problems. \nDevelopment of instructional staff. \nDeveloping training infrastructure. \nDeveloping a healthy training culture. \nImproving operational understanding between State Police Forces and CPMF through joint training and inducting CPMF instructors and leadership in armed police battalions and police training institutions. Also utilisation of retired army personnel and officers in police training can be explored. \n\nPoints raised during the Discussion: \n\nThe menace of Left Wing Extremism constitutes a considerable security threat for India’s internal peace and development. \nLeft Wing Extremism has socioeconomic roots. \nLeft Wing Extremism is a heartland insurgency; so the government relies on police and paramilitary forces. \nThe Andhra Pradesh model of tackling Left Wing Extremism has worked\, and should be replicated elsewhere with adequate modifications to suit local conditions. \nLeft-wing extremism ultimately requires a political solution. \nPolice leadership have to change their attitude especially towards training\, which needs to be prioritised. \nThe Army’s short-service officers may be reemployed for police training. \nArmy/paramilitary forces personnel may be deputed to the training Institutes and armed police battalions of States affected by Left Wing Extremism. \nHuman rights must be included in the police training curricula. \n\nPrepared by Dr. Amarjeet Singh\, Research Assistant at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\, New Delhi.
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/spreading-tentacles-of-left-wing-extremism-are-we-failing-in-police-training-a-case-study-of-chhattisgarh
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR,EVENT REPORT
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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20090109T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20090109T053000
DTSTAMP:20261105T002834
CREATED:20231223T222432Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T130250Z
UID:63732-1231479000-1231479000@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Tibet: Connectivity\, Capabilities and Consequences
DESCRIPTION:Chair: Arvind GuptaDiscussants: Ravi Sawhney and Rahul K Bhonsle \nSince 1951\, China had fueled massive economic investment in Tibet. In recent decades\, infrastructure assumed the salience in China’s Tibet strategy\, especially under its ‘Go West’ policy\, launched by Jiang Zemin in 2000. The stated goal was to usher Tibet into an era of modernity and prosperity. The policy gained more urgent priority since 2003 when Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao showed greater commitment to make Tibet a part of China’s economic miracle. The 1\,100 kilometer railway to Lhasa that cost $4.2 billion has symbolized China’s success in Tibet. Even the Indian Defence Minister Mr. A K Antony accepted the fact that there was no comparison of such development on the Indian side\, when he visited a forward location in December 2007. \nIn 2007\, China’s State Council had approved 180 projects for Tibet that would cost over 770 billion yuan ($10.2) during the Eleventh Five Year Plan. Reports suggest that more than 77 percent projects have already commenced. According to the Tibet Autonomous Regional Development and Reform Commission\, over 200 billion Yuan were spent during the year 2008.  \nOn October 14\, 2008\, Chinese military engineers and workers began digging a tunnel in Tibet’s Galung La Mountain in Nyingchi Prefecture to build the most difficult highway to China’s last road-less Medog County that borders Arunachal Pradesh. China’s state media prominently highlighted the significance of the 141 km long road connecting Medog with Tibet’s main East-West highway. The project will be completed by 2010.  \nThe great concern for India is the South-North Water Transfer Project (SNWTP)\, also known as the ‘Great Western Line’. The project is worth China’s $60 billion that aims to divert more than 40 billion cubic meters of water annually from China’s longest river\, the Yangtze\, and its tributaries through a tunnel under the Yellow River to northern China. The initial phase is expected to be ready by 2010. But a section of the route has already been used for meeting the water requirements during the Beijing Olympics. The initial two routes of the project will take water from the middle and lower reaches of the Yangtze basin through the Yellow River to Beijing\, Tianjin\, and other booming cities in the north. The third route plans to divert waters from Tibet’s Yalong\, Dadu and Jinsha rivers to the northern plains. The Brahmaputra project forms the second phase of the third route. The project was envisaged on the assumption that by 2030 the Yangtze basin will not have sufficient water for transfer to the north. The major concern here is: why is China going ahead with the SNWTP if there is inadequate water available for rerouting? \nThe project’s aim is to divert the Tsangpo at the Shoumatan Point (the ‘Big U-turn’) for constructing the world’s largest hydroelectric plant at the knick-zone to generate 40\,000 Megawatts of electricity\, and for diverting 200 billion cubic meters of water annually to the arid north. The project will involve enormous engineering complexity on the scale of the Tibet railway system and the Three Gorges dam. Media reports also suggest China’s proposal to use nuclear explosives to blast a 15 kilometer tunnel at the U-turn. \nThe great challenge for India regarding the project is that India has no water sharing treaty with China. China has rarely bothered to share information prior to flood situations. As a result India often becomes vulnerable to environmental threats. Also\, there is no record of China consulting the lower riparian states before undertaking construction of dams upstream. \nAs the economies of India and China grow\, both are going to compete not only for oil and gas but also for water resources. One can conclude that China as the upstream state would treat water as a strategic commodity.  \nPoints raised during the Discussion \n\nChina is unwilling to discuss the issue with India at the bilateral level. \nThere is a need to discuss water diversion by China at the United Nations and the issue also needs to be brought before the International Court of Justice. \nThe potential impact on India of China blocking the Brahmaputra river needs to be examined. \n\nPrepared by Dr. M.Mahtab Alam Rizvi\, Research Assistant at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\, New Delhi.
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/tibet-connectivity-capabilities-and-consequences
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR,EVENT REPORT
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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20090116T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20090116T053000
DTSTAMP:20261105T002834
CREATED:20231223T222431Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T130250Z
UID:63729-1232083800-1232083800@idsa.in
SUMMARY:An Exploratory Framework for India’s relationship with ‘New Nepal’
DESCRIPTION:Chair: P. StobdanDiscussants: Ashok Mehta and Sangeeta Thapliyal \nThe paper\, An Exploratory Framework for India’s Relationship with New Nepal\, was presented by Dr. Nihar Nayak. Professor P. Stobdan was the Chair. Maj. Gen. (Retd.) Ashok Mehta and Prof. Sangeeta Thapliyal were the external discussants; and Dr Smruti Pattanaik and Dr. Pushpita Das were the internal discussants.  \nThe paper brought out the complexities associated with the Indo-Nepal Treaty of Peace and Friendship signed on July 31\, 1950. It identified some key elements which should be incorporated to make the Treaty more acceptable to both sides. At the outset\, the presentation briefly focused on the important Articles of the Treaty\, highlighting that the key objective of the agreement was to promote peace and friendship between the two states. Mutual politico-economic\, socio-cultural linkages and security requirements were underlined as common concerns. Highlighting the element of reciprocity\, the paper argued that one key element of the treaty was that it offered economic opportunities in India for Nepalese nationals against Nepalese assurances that India’s security concerns would be respected. The external political environment in the form of the shadow of the Cold War was one of the overwhelming factors shaping concerns and perceptions on both sides. Chinese adventurism in Tibet and apprehensions over Communist influence in Nepal were some of the factors that drove the two countries towards a settlement of issues.  \nDr. Nayak argued that over the years\, the treaty has emerged as a nationalistic issue and is considered a major constraint on Nepal’s independent foreign policy. In fact\, during his official visit to India in 2008\, the Nepalese Premier emphasized that there should be a “clear revision” of the treaty. Highlighting the Nepalese and Indian perspectives\, the paper brought out the key irritants associated with the treaty. While Nepal was overwhelmingly concerned with issues relating to security and the unilateral imposition of restrictions on the free movement of people across the border; India was conversely concerned with the number of Nepali immigrants and the presence of ISI in Nepal\, who could be working in tandem with Chinese intelligence. \nDr. Nihar Nayak pointed out that despite irritants and opposition from both sides\, especially Nepal\, the treaty has not been abrogated by either side\, an issue which he considered curiously serious\, because Clause 10 provides for abrogation as a viable option. The paper also highlighted the mutually beneficial relationship between the two countries. On trade\, Dr. Nayak argued that India is Nepal’s largest trading partner. Seventy per cent of total Nepalese trade is with India. Also\, bilateral trade and investments have greatly improved between the two countries. India’s share in Nepal’s total trade made a quantum jump form 26 per cent in 1996-97 to almost 41 per cent in 2000-01. In fact amongst the SAARC countries\, India’s trade growth has been the fastest with Nepal and total trade stands at half a billion dollars accounting for around 25 per cent of total India-SAARC trade. However\, hydro-projects\, transit and employment benefits to Nepalese migrants in India are possible areas of cooperation between the two countries. Notwithstanding the mutual benefits\, the relationship between the two countries remains strained. New Nepal\, Dr. Nayak argued\, provides an opportunity towards strengthening bilateral ties between the two countries. He suggested that the treaty needs adjustment\, review and updating\, keeping in view changing security and economic realities. Both governments\, he emphasized\, also need to agree not to allow the use of their respective territories for activities harmful to the national security interests of the other. Also\, both countries should not enter into any kind of military alliance with third countries. \nMaj. Gen. Ashok Mehta argued that the concept of New Nepal is questionable\, as it is an ongoing process. He pointed out that the fact that there was no earlier call for abrogation of the treaty was incorrect as the call for change had come from Manmohan Adhikari. He noted that the main problem with the 1950 treaty was that all provisions of the treaty were in breach in themselves and none of them were operational. He also pointed out that one of the main problems with the 1950 treaty was that the implications of the treaty had not been studied in detail\, engendering parochial politics for vested interests. Gen. Mehta underlined the importance of identifying new concerns in Nepal\, pointing out that Nepal and Pakistan were two factors which ought to be taken into account while discussing India-Nepal relations.  \nProf. Sangeeta Thapliyal noted that the paper needs to revisit the underlying context of its title. She argued that it was important to identify the groups and political actors in Nepal opposed to the treaty. She also noted that Nepal’s fears need to be taken into account and consequent ramifications for the treaty. It was also important to discuss what kind of a relationship India wanted with Nepal. \nDr. Smruti Pattanaik pointed out that the issue of abrogation is directly linked with political posturing. The 1950 treaty needed to be seen in the context of identity politics. She pointed out that domestic politics in Nepal was primarily responsible for the failure of the 1950 treaty and that there was a need to bring out the Indian perspective on the treaty more clearly. Dr Pushpita Das pointed out that it was important to argue why India should opt for a revision of the treaty.  \nSome of the points raised during the discussion were: \n\n\nThe issue of remittances going to Nepal was important. \nIssue of perceptional factors regarding the image of Nepali workers in India should be considered. Also\, identification cards and certificates need to be issued to Nepali migrants in India. \nIt was important to outline the status of Indian business interests in Nepal. \nDomestic concerns are far more important to Maoists in Nepal than the 1950 treaty. \nThe 1950 treaty could offer a broader framework for a better Indo-Nepal bilateral relationship. \n\nPrepared by Medha Bisht\, Research Assistant at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\, New Delhi.
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/an-exploratory-framework-for-indias-relationship-with-new-nepal
CATEGORIES:FELLOW'S SEMINAR,EVENT REPORT
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