BEGIN:VCALENDAR VERSION:2.0 PRODID:-//MP-IDSA - ECPv6.15.12.2//NONSGML v1.0//EN CALSCALE:GREGORIAN METHOD:PUBLISH X-ORIGINAL-URL:https://idsa.in X-WR-CALDESC:Events for MP-IDSA REFRESH-INTERVAL;VALUE=DURATION:PT1H X-Robots-Tag:noindex X-PUBLISHED-TTL:PT1H BEGIN:VTIMEZONE TZID:Asia/Kolkata BEGIN:STANDARD TZOFFSETFROM:+0530 TZOFFSETTO:+0530 TZNAME:IST DTSTART:20160101T000000 END:STANDARD END:VTIMEZONE BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20260324T080000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20260325T170000 DTSTAMP:20261028T034643 CREATED:20260317T120331Z LAST-MODIFIED:20260325T031450Z UID:95997-1774339200-1774458000@idsa.in SUMMARY:MP-IDSA - CAPSS Conference DESCRIPTION:About the Conference\nConcept Note\nProgramme\nContact Us\n\nLive Streaming: Day TWO\n\nLive Streaming: Day ONE\n\nAbout the Conference\nThe Conference on “Strategic Renaissance of Air Power”\, jointly organised by MP-IDSA and CAPSS\, will be held on 24-25 March 2026 at MP-IDSA in New Delhi. \nRecent conflicts\, including Armenia-Azerbaijan\, Russia-Ukraine\, Israel-Hamas\, Israel-Hezbollah\, Israel-Iran\, and India-Pakistan\, have reinforced the centrality of aerospace power in modern warfare. In this context\, the conference will bring together military professionals\, policymakers\, strategists\, academics\, and international participants to examine the evolving character and challenges of aerospace power. Structured across six sessions\, it will examine critical operational\, technological\, and strategic dimensions. \nSession I\, Control of the Air\, explores the growing contestation of air superiority due to the proliferation of drones\, missiles\, and integrated air defence systems\, while highlighting the need for joint\, multi-domain operations and lessons from recent conflicts. \nSession II\, Geo-political Shifts and Contests in Air\, addresses how evolving global and regional power dynamics are fundamentally reshaping the air domain\, with particular emphasis on South Asia\, the Caucasus\, and the Indian Ocean Region. \nSession III\, Future Trajectory of Aerospace Design\, focuses on emerging technologies and programs such as FCAS\, NGAD\, and Manned-Unmanned Teaming\, offering comparative insights into global aerospace innovation. \nSession IV\, Emerging Trends in Aerial Strike\, will assess the impact of disruptive technologies\, including hypersonic weapons\, directed energy systems\, and advanced drones\, on deterrence and warfare. \nSession V\, Challenges of Space-Enabled Operations in Modern Conflicts\, highlights the increased reliance on space-based applications like ISR\, PNT\, and Communications for conducting Multi-Domain Operations (MDO). \nSession VI\, Air Power Strategy and Doctrinal Transformation\, synthesizes lessons from recent conflicts\, focusing on evolving air defence challenges\, doctrinal shifts\, and the integration of human and algorithmic decision-making. \nThe conference aims to generate actionable insights to inform doctrine\, capability development\, and international cooperation\, thereby strengthening strategic resilience and operational effectiveness in an era of intensifying multi-domain competition. \n\n\nConcept Note\nThe recent and ongoing conflicts between Armenia-Azerbaijan\, Russia-Ukraine\, Israel Hamas\, Israel-Hezbollah\, Israel-Iran and India-Pakistan have all reinforced the salience of aerospace power. Against this backdrop\, there is an imperative need for informed\, multi-disciplinary dialogue amongst military professionals\, policymakers\, strategists\, and academics. MP-IDSA in collaboration with CAPSS\, is planning to host a Conference\, wherein defence personnel from India and Friendly Foreign Countries (FFCs); Indian and international air power strategists\, academicians and diplomats would be discussing in depth the Resurgence of Air Power and its impact on present and future conflicts. The proposed International Conference\, themed “Strategic Renaissance of Air Power”\, will provide a critical forum to critically examine the changing character\, challenges\, and opportunities of Aerospace Power in both current and future operational environments. The Conference is being planned at the MP-IDSA Conference Hall\, Shankar Vihar\, New Delhi\, over a period of one and a half days on the 17th and 18th February 2026. The Conference would comprise of six sessions\, including the Inaugral Session in which the Keynote Address is being proposed by Shri Rajnath Singh\, Raksha Mantri\, GoI. The Conference will unfold through synergistic sessions that chart the trajectory of Air power from its operational fundamentals to doctrinal\, technological\, geo-political\, and space-enabled dimensions. \nThe topic for discussion in Session I of the Conference would be ‘Control of the Air’. The increasing salience of the air domain in the recent conflicts has further reinforced the adage\, ‘Whoever controls the air generally controls the surface.’ It will investigate the technical feasibility and operational relevance of gaining air superiority\, the unique challenges posed over maritime spaces\, and present an Indian perspective on air control in modern conflict. The session will critically examine how the increasing proliferation of UAS\, missiles\, and integrated air defences have made air control even more contested. In all future conflicts\, Air power would need to be increasingly used in a multi-domain environment\, thereby necessitating a greater integration and jointness at the planning and execution stages of the overall plan. The lessons of Air Power from recent conflicts\, especially from Op Sindoor\, are extremely relevant for the Indian Air Force to evolve and make the requisite adjustments in its Tactics\, Techniques\, and Procedures (TTPs)\, thereby being better prepared for future wars. \nThe topic “Geo-Political Shifts and Contests in Air” for Session II addresses how evolving global and regional power dynamics are fundamentally reshaping the air domain\, with particular emphasis on South Asia\, the Caucasus\, and the Indian Ocean Region. This session will examine the need for collaborative air domain awareness in South Asia to enhance surveillance and crisis management\, assess the impact of shifting alliances and conflicts in the Caucasus on airspace control and operational strategies\, and explore how intensifying competition in the Indian Ocean is influencing long-range air power projection and regional security architectures. Overall\, the session aims to analyze how geopolitical developments recalibrate airspace management and strategic priorities\, directly affecting the employment and effectiveness of modern air power.\nSession III of the Conference will focus on the “Future Trajectory of Aerospace Design\,” exploring how rapid advancements in aviation technologies\, evolving doctrines\, and industrial strategies are shaping the next generation of aerospace platforms. The session will examine key programs such as the European Future Combat Air System (FCAS)\, Indian strategy for Manned-Unmanned Teaming (MUMT)\, the American Next Generation Air Dominance (NGAD) initiative\, and the significant innovations in aero-engines and combat aircraft development by the South Koreans. Discussions will highlight both the commonalities and differences in international approaches\, offering a comparative perspective on future trends in aerospace design. \nThe topic for discussion in Session IV of the Conference would be “Emerging Trends in Aerial Strike.” Aerospace power\, in particular\, and military warfare\, in general\, are highly susceptible to advances in technology and have historically undergone significant transformations as a result of the technological advancements. The development of new technologies\, such as Hypersonics\, Directed Energy Weapons (DEWs)\, and quantum communications\, has transformed air warfare\, making aerospace power even more lethal\, potent\, and decisive. This session will rigorously appraise the impact of hypersonic weapons\, the comparison between drones and missiles in long-range strike roles\, and the specific case of aerial threats on nuclear installations. The transformative potential of emerging and disruptive technologies for deterrence\, escalation\, and operational impact will be at the fore. \nThe topic for discussion in Session V of the Conference would be ‘Challenges of Space Enabled Operations in Modern Conflicts’. The increased reliance on space-based applications like ISR\, PNT and Communications for conducting Multi-Domain Operations (MDO) has made these assets attractive targets for both kinetic and non-kinetic attacks by adversaries. Space has transitioned from being the ‘ultimate high ground’ to being an operational domain where nations are fighting with each other for ‘Control of the Space’. The high costs of space assets and the increasing reliance on them for day-to-day activities mandate a coordinated and collaborative effort among like-minded nations. Given the increasing dependency on the space domain for ISR\, communication\, and navigation\, this session will interrogate the contest for “space control.” Discussions will address space-based architectures for national ISR\, the challenge of space situational awareness\, and implications for international cooperation and regulation. The weaponisation of space and associated governance challenges will be explored in depth. \nThe topic for discussion in Session VI of the Conference would be ‘Air Power Strategy and Doctrinal Transformation’. In recent years\, the number and spectrum of threats (from small UAVs\, swarm drones\, cruise missiles\, ballistic missiles\, hypersonic missiles to stealth aircraft and stealth UCAVs) to be managed by the Modern Integrated Air Defence Systems have grown exponentially and have added to the complexities and challenges of modern and futuristic IADSs. It is essential to learn the correct lessons from recent conflicts regarding air defence for successfully protecting a nation’s airspace sovereignty in the future. The culminating session will synthesise doctrinal evolution in the employment of conventional air power against nuclear weapon states\, evolving doctrinal shifts in air defence with technological advancements; with specific attention to recent conflicts (such as Russia-Ukraine and Israel-Hamas)\, the expanded threat spectrum (UAVs\, missiles\, drones)\, and the integration of human and algorithmic decision-making. The goal would be to distil lessons for employment of conventional air power under the nuclear overhang\, identify the evolving changes in air defence concepts\, and the human and algorithm synchronisation for future conflicts. \nThe Conference aims to foster a multi-perspective understanding of the shifting dynamics of air and space power\, stimulate innovation and policy development in air power employment and design and encourage actionable dialogue on enhancing operational integration and strategic resilience in South Asia and globally. The proceedings are expected to revitalise doctrine\, capability development\, and collaborative frameworks for a more secure and adaptive aerospace future. \n\n\nProgramme\n\nDownload [PDF]\n\n\nContact Us\nConference Coordinator\nGp Capt Sukhbir Kaur Minhas\, Email: rfsk.mpidsa[at]gov[dot]in \nWg Cdr Akash Godbole\, Email: capsnetdroff[at]gmail[dot]com URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/mp-idsa-capss-conference CATEGORIES:CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20251111T080000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20251112T170000 DTSTAMP:20261028T034643 CREATED:20251209T093828Z LAST-MODIFIED:20251209T094220Z UID:94889-1762848000-1762966800@idsa.in SUMMARY:Delhi Defence Dialogue 2025 DESCRIPTION:About DDD Concept Note Programme Contact Us Registration Form\n \n\n \n\n  \n\n \nLive Streaming: Day One\n\n \nLive Streaming: Day Two\n\n\nThe Delhi Defence Dialogue (DDD) is a premier platform instituted by the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA) to address the multifaceted challenges of defence and security. Organised annually\, the DDD brings together a diverse range of stakeholders\, including government officials\, military leaders\, defence experts\, industry representatives and international delegates\, to engage in constructive dialogue and exchange ideas. The inaugural edition of the DDD was held in 2024\, and the second edition is scheduled for 11–12 November 2025\, with the focus on “Harnessing New Age Technology for Defence Capability Development”. This edition will explore how emerging technologies\, such as Artificial Intelligence\, Quantum Computing and Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs or drones)\, can be leveraged to enhance defence capabilities and address evolving security challenges. The DDD serves as a platform for knowledge-sharing\, collaboration\, and the development of strategies to strengthen defence preparedness\, contributing to the formulation of evidence-based policies and the shaping of defence and security landscape. \n \nPrevious Conference: 2024\n \n\n\n\n  \n\n\n  \n\nConcept Note\nHarnessing New Age Technology for Defence Capability Development\n\nTechnology has long been accepted as a driver for creating paradigm shifts in warfare. It is considered a key component of the “revolution in military affairs” (RMA) and Net-Centric Warfare (NCW). Over time\, it has remained one of the most important and abiding agents of “military change”. Emphasising the relevance of new-age technology in modern warfare would be stating the obvious. The nexus between technology and military change reinforced by fast-evolving trends of the last decade that emphasise the growing impact of technology in the foreseeable future. To that extent\, it is not the relevance of technology that remains a question – it is more the transformational effect that could well be different from what planners and practitioners have been used to until now. \nThis rapid rate of change has left strategic thinkers struggling to deconstruct “what” is the nature and scope of impact that new-age technology like AI and robotics might have on the conduct of warfare. Does this pace of change even allow for long-term planning wherein\, the line between fact and fiction is being compressed by technology? Therefore\, the natural corollary to understanding the impact of new-age technology is “how” planners adapt to its impact on defence planning and preparation and that too in an environment that remains constrained by time. \n \nWithin the scope of discussions during this seminar\, it is proposed to focus on six key areas to help stakeholders better understand the implications and impact of the change underway. This includes technological breakthroughs\, their effects on the military domain\, and the development of defence capability challenges likely to emerge due to these technologies. \nEvolution and Impact of New Age Technology \nFrom a stage when information and more so intelligence about the adversary was scarce and could become the basis for suffering defeat in a battle to more recent times when “information overload” could potentially lead to “decision paralysis”\, technology is yet again likely to become one of the crucial determinants for not only facilitating decision-making but also allowing autonomous decisions in the military domain. This change\, despite the inherent and understandable misgivings regarding ownership and responsibility involved\, is already underway. The question at this stage is no longer whether the change will occur; instead\, it is more a question of when and to what extent it will influence the changing character of modern warfare. \nThe concept of “new-age” technology is fast evolving\, given the pace and rate of development in fields like artificial intelligence (AI)\, robotics\, and quantum computing. Policy planners and corporate leaders struggle to keep pace with this transformational change. The potential impact of these changes continues to influence all aspects of policy\, business and from the perspective of this seminar\, the art and science of warfighting. \nMilitary planners face a tough choice. While\, they are expected to prepare for future events\, unlike any single instance in history\, the human race stares at the possibility of fighting a war they may not entirely control and perhaps even fight! \nThe military leadership struggles to come to terms with the impact of new-age technology\, two key aspects dominate the mind space concerning the “what” and “how” of the ongoing changes. \nMost seminar participants who possibly preceded Gen Z\, grew up admiring the information age and the wonder that Moore’s Law represented. In 1965\, Gordon Moore forecasted a doubling of transistors on an integrated chip every year and later in 1975\, every two years without significant additional cost of ownership. Besides powering increasingly powerful desktops\, this gave rise to powerful supercomputers. Despite doubts about the continuing growth rate\, recent years have witnessed this predicted pace being outstripped by GPU chips. Nvidia’s Jensen Huang illustrated this with a 1000x improvement in its AI chips over a decade. In addition\, technologies like quantum computing and DNA computing have opened fresh avenues of research that are likely to have a profound impact on the military domain. \nThis improvement in computing power has been accompanied by the creation of algorithms that use data to replicate human decisions and actions\, but also learn with successive iterations and ultimately make independent choices. The possibilities are seemingly endless and perhaps even daunting given their likely impact. \nWhat is the likely trajectory of new-age technology with a special focus on AI and robotics? What is its possible impact on warfighting? \nAdapting to Excel – Structures\, Mechanisms and Challenges for Transformative Change \nTransformative shifts demand a far greater degree of understanding\, appreciation\, adaptation and implementation of change in the military domain. Decision-making processes\, mechanisms and structures honed over decades through the industrial and thereafter information age may struggle to keep pace with the rapid change. For once\, defence institutions may find traditional hierarchical processes rendered redundant by the quick succession of events and the heavy cost of decision dilemmas. It is yet to be seen how this impacts decision-making. Will it lead to greater decentralisation or over-centralisation? What will be the man-machine interface? How will it influence the tenets of military leadership? Will military leaders remain leaders or become the managers of military assets? At the outset\, these questions might seem far-fetched. Yet\, the ongoing changes are unlike any that the infusion of technology has witnessed in military affairs. Besides\, operators controlling a swarm of drones is already a reality that might be the beginning of the far more transformational shift. Accordingly\, what changes in defence structures and mechanisms are needed? Are there major challenges envisaged in implementing these?\n \nLevelling the Playing Field – Pre-requisites and Challenges of Leapfrogging \nTwo significant trends have dominated the march of technology and its impact on defence capability development. First\, major powers with the financial muscle\, talent pool and lead in advanced technologies dominate its integration into military systems. Second\, and more interestingly\, the relative democratisation of technology\, led by open-source architecture\, has allowed innovative individuals\, start-ups and astute leaders to bridge this gap significantly. The emergence of open-source Large Language Models (LLMs) and India’s Mars Orbital Mission (MOM) are examples that reinforce the success of innovative low-cost solutions to complex problems. \nArguably\, the case of achieving parity in a particular technology may not suggest a wider trend. Yet\, it indicates an ability or at least the possibility of countries and new-age tech companies to leapfrog established players in a shorter period and lower costs than what was associated with the military-industrial complex in the past. The probability of leapfrogging in a fast-evolving technological domain where innovation and adaptation are perhaps as important as access to funding and technology becomes an important factor. Especially because of the opportunity it creates for technology leaders and others to catch up in niche areas and create an impact that far outweighs the investment – both monetary and intellectual. \nHow is leapfrogging likely to bridge the haves and have-nots divide\, especially to create niche defence forces capabilities? Does the emergence of AI provide such an opportunity to states that may not have the same resources as more advanced and affluent countries? Does the experience of leapfrogging at the cost of indigenous technology development have lessons for implementing it in the future? How will leapfrogging be envisaged when future advancements are driven by software-defined emerging technologies/ algorithmic warfare? \nEnhancing Collaboration\, Co-development and Co-Production in a De-Globalising World \nThe potential of AI is harnessed not only through the power of its chips but also the data that facilitates learning and therefore the generation of decision models. Unlike commercial data\, military-grade data will remain controlled by states. The possibility of collaboration between partners and allies can potentially expand and enhance the qualitative edge enjoyed by the side generating more realistic and reliable support systems. It can further facilitate interoperability that is hinged around technology. This highlights the potential of multinational defence networks that could gain an upper hand against potential adversaries through access to shared data resources and the combined power to exploit its inherent potential. \nThis potential can best be achieved through a collaborative approach that envisages co-development and co-production as its constituents. What is the scope of defence collaboration specifically for harnessing the vast potential of new-age technologies through co-development and co-production initiatives? What legal\, security and operational controls would be required to enable such sharing? \nBest Practices and Challenges of Defence Policy Planning\, Structures and Implementation \nStates have recognised the challenges and opportunities associated with the influence and impact of new-age technology on defence capability planning. Predictably\, it involves the desire to harness the vast potential of technology advancements. Simultaneously\, there is an equally vibrant debate surrounding the abuse of its potential. This dialogue comes at a time when states and strategic analysts have a better appreciation of this debate and therefore the opportunity to assess existing policy guidelines and international frameworks. The United Kingdom MoD released its Defence Artificial Intelligence Strategy in June 2022. The Pentagon released its Data\, Analytics and Artificial Intelligence Adoption Strategy in 2023 giving an impetus to research\, development and early adoption of AI. The initiatives extend to machine learning and the employment of robotics to augment human involvement in combat. Israel released its policy on Artificial Intelligence Regulations and Ethics in 2023. South Korea released its National Strategy for Artificial Intelligence in 2019. \nWhat has been India’s approach to adopting new-age technologies? A series of initiatives have been launched by the government to harness the potential of emerging technologies. The NITI Aayog released the National Strategy for Artificial Intelligence in 2018. The National Quantum Mission focusses on developing and deploying quantum computing technologies. The National Supercomputing Mission will build a network of supercomputers across India to make high-performance computing more accessible. The National Strategy for Artificial Intelligence aims to leverage AI for economic growth\, social development and inclusive growth (AI for All). The Semiconductor Mission aims to develop a complete semiconductor ecosystem – design\, fabrication\, packaging and testing. \n The Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) will remain at the forefront of developing AI-based solutions for defence and security applications\, including autonomous systems and robotics. \nUnlike the past\, most advancements in new-age technologies like AI and robotics are dual-use. This will make framing policy\, creating structures\, and ensuring effective implementation much more challenging\, especially in light of inadequate transparency regarding the options and intentions of potential adversaries. What therefore should be the best practices for policy guidance\, creating structures and implementing reforms to enhance defence capability development? What would be the role of dual-use technology licensing protocols like Wassenaar and export control agreements like International Traffic in Arms Regulation? This includes the need for government entities to have roadmaps\, funding and timelines for problem statements to come up with innovative technologies. \nCivil-Military Fusion – Scope\, Challenges and Possibilities \nThe era of defence research preceding its adaptation for non-military use is fast being replaced by commercial innovations that are likely to witness implementation in the military domain. Despite this trend\, the defence eco-system will need to guard its proprietary data zealously and yet collaborate with the advancements in commercial technology. The use of geographical information systems (GIS)\, medical treatment\, weather forecasting\, inventory management\, collection\, collation and control of multiple sensor platforms like drones are certain areas that could witness cross-pollination of talent and research efforts. \nInitiatives like the Technology Development Fund (TDF) and Start-Up challenges can encourage talent in new-age technologies to complement the government’s R&D vision. This must\, however\, be accompanied by close monitoring of such initiatives to ensure accountability. \nThe possibilities generated by new-age tech are likely to find an unparalleled collaboration between businesses and state enterprises. Some cases of collaboration have already been witnessed during the Ukraine War\, highlighting its immense potential. On the face of it\, this can be contested since most private companies and platforms are essentially commercial ventures. While this may be true\, the line between the commercial and military application of technologies like AI is likely to remain ever so diffused. Technologies that are considered application-agnostic can be modelled for military applications. Similarly\, dual-use technologies will inherently remain potential tools for security agencies. This reinforces the inherent relevance of a more effective and efficient civil-military fusion model that is bound to vary from one country to another. \nA related field of rapid advancement is represented by robotics. There are varying estimates of the efficacy and impact of robotics in businesses and the military. This includes a statement from Jensen Huang: “Everything that moves will be robotised” within ten years. This possible reality is already being supplemented through autonomous weapon systems (AWS) in the air\, on land and at sea. It is difficult to judge if this will include robotising the battlefield. However\, even as the timeline may be flexible\, the writing seems to be on the wall! \nWhat is the scope for fostering better civil-military fusion in an era where commercial technologies are likely to take the lead in the developmental cycle? How can government policy formulation\, R&D establishments\, the private sector across its entire spectrum and academia better collaborate to achieve higher efficiency and output? \nThese initiatives will specifically need to focus on legacy policies and procedures\, which\, while suitable for a platform-centric evaluation\, testing\, certification and induction\, may not adequately handle the pricing\, comparative evaluation and procurement of new-age technological solutions. \nThe Delhi Defence Dialogue not only intends to facilitate conversations and the exchange of ideas on these issues but also generate insights and policy inputs that will help policy leaders and stakeholders better grasp the new wave of military change brought about by emerging technologies. \n \n\n\n\n  \n\n\n  \n\nProgramme\n\n\n\nDay One: Tuesday\, 11 November 2025\nVenue: Auditorium\, Second Floor\, MP-IDSA\n\n\n\n\n0930-1000 \n\n\nRegistration \n\n\n\n\n1000-1100 \n\n\nSpecial Address by Gen Anil Chauhan\, PVSM\, UYSM\, AVSM\, SM\, VSM\, Chief of Defence Staff – “Impact of Technology on Modern Warfare” \n Moderator: Amb Sujan R Chinoy\, Director General\, MP-IDSA\n Interactive Q&A\n Vote of Thanks by Col Vivek Chadha (Retd)\, Senior Fellow\, Military Affairs Centre\, MP-IDSA \n\n\n\n\n1100-1140 \n\n\nInaugural Address by Shri Rajnath Singh\, Hon’ble Raksha Mantri  and President\, MP-IDSA \n Moderator: Amb Sujan R Chinoy\, Director General\, MP-IDSA \n Vote of Thanks by Col Vivek Chadha (Retd)\, Senior Fellow\, Military Affairs Centre\, MP-IDSA \n\n\n\n\n1140-1200 \n\n\nHigh Tea \n\n\n\n\n1200-1300 \n\n\nSESSION-I: Impact of New-Age Technology on Modern Warfare \n Moderator: Amb Sujan R Chinoy\, Director General\, MP-IDSA\n Speakers: \n Ms Reena Dayal Yadav\, Founder and CEO\, Quantum Ecosystems and Technology Council of India\n “The Role of Ecosystem and Collaboration in the Context of Quantum\, a Dual-Use Technology”\n Dr Subrahmanyam Saderla\, Associate Professor\, IIT Kanpur\n “Integration of AI in Drone Warfare”\n Mr Leonid Nersisyan\, Senior Research Fellow\, APRI-Armenia (Armenia)\n “Role of Drones in Modern Warfare with a Case Study of the Ukrainian and Nagorno-Karabakh conflicts”\n Interactive Q&A \n\n\n\n\n1300-1400 \n\n\nLunch  \n\n\n\n\n1400-1430 \n\n\nSpecial Address by Dr Rituraj Kumar\, Director\, CAIR\, DRDO- "Harnessing New Technology for Defence Capability Development" \n Moderator: Lt Gen Raj Shukla\, PVSM\, YSM\, SM (Retd.)\, Member\, UPSC\n Interactive Q&A \n\n\n\n\n1430-1600 \n\n\nSESSION-II: Adapting to Excel – Structures\, Mechanisms and Challenges \n Moderator: Lt Gen Raj Shukla\, PVSM\, YSM\, SM (Retd.)\, Member\, UPSC \n Speakers: \n Mr Pranay Kotasthane\, Deputy Director\, Takshashila Institution\n “Challenges in the Semiconductor Industry” \n Dr Peter Layton\, Visiting Fellow\, Griffith Asia Institute & Associate Fellow\, RUSI (Online-Australia)\n “The Emerging New Model Air Force and Its Impacts” \n Lt Gen DS Hooda\, PVSM\, UYSM\, AVSM\, VSM*(Retd)\, Co-founder\, Council for Strategic and Defense Research \n “Role of AI in Defence Innovation and Structures”\n Interactive Q&A \n\n\n\n\n1600-1620 \n\n\nTea/Coffee Break \n\n\n\n\n1620-1650 \n\n\nSpecial Address by \n Vice Admiral Tarun Sobti\, UYSM\, AVSM\, VSM\n Deputy Chief of Naval Staff – "Levelling the Playing Field – Leapfrogging Challenges" \n Moderator: Vice Admiral Shekhar Sinha\, PVSM\, AVSM\, NM & Bar (Retd.)\, Member\, Governing Council\, Indian Council of World Affairs\n Interactive Q&A \n\n\n\n\n1650-1820 \n\n\nSESSION-III: Levelling the Playing Field – Leapfrogging Challenges \n Moderator: Vice Admiral Shekhar Sinha\, PVSM\, AVSM\, NM & Bar (Retd.)\, Member\, Governing Council\, Indian Council of World Affairs \n Speakers: \n Prof Balaraman Ravindran\, Head\, Department of DSAI\, IIT Madras \n "Artificial Intelligence in the Indian Military: Challenges in Adoption" \n Dr MS Prathibha\, Associate Fellow\, East Asia Centre\, MP-IDSA\n "The Chinese PLA and AI: Perspectives and Challenges" \n Dr Bhaskar Kanseri\, Associate Professor\, IIT Delhi\n "Role of Quantum Communication for Defence Capability Development"\n Interactive Q&A \n\n\n\n\n1820 \n\n\nEnd of Day One \n\n\n\n\n\n\nDay Two: Wednesday\, 12 November 2025\nVenue: Auditorium\, Second Floor\, MP-IDSA\n\n\n\n\n0930-1000 \n\n\nSpecial Address by Gen Upendra Dwivedi PVSM\, AVSM\,  Chief of the Army Staff– "Modernisation of the Indian Army\, Role of New-Age Technology" \n Moderator: Lt Gen (Dr) Subrata Saha\, PVSM\, UYSM\, YSM\, VSM** (Retd)\, Executive Chairman\, Manekshaw Centre for National Security Studies and Research \n Interactive Q&A \n\n\n\n\n1000-1030 \n\n\nSpecial Address by Dr Samir V Kamat\, Secretary of the Department of Defence R&D and Chairman\, DRDO– "Enhancing Collaboration\, Co-Development and Co-Production" \n Moderator: Lt Gen (Dr) Subrata Saha\, PVSM\, UYSM\, YSM\, VSM** (Retd)\, Executive Chairman\, Manekshaw Centre for National Security Studies and Research  \n\n\n\n\n1030-1045 \n\n\n Interactive Q&A \n\n\n\n\n1045-1100 \n\n\nTea/Coffee Break \n\n\n\n\n1100-1230 \n\n\nSESSION-IV: Collaboration\, Co-Development and Co-Production \n Moderator: Lt Gen (Dr) Subrata Saha\, PVSM\, UYSM\, YSM\, VSM** (Retd)\, Executive Chairman\, Manekshaw Centre for National Security Studies and Research  \n Speakers: \n Col Anurag Awasthi (Retd)\, CEO\, Escape Velocity Mediaworks – “Challenges for Collaboration and Co-Development of Semiconductors” \n Prof Hari Babu Srivastava\, Professor of Practice\, IIT Delhi\n “Challenges for Collaboration and Co-Development" \n Sqn Ldr Sameer Joshi (Retd)\, CEO- NewSpace Research & Technologies Pvt Ltd \n “Navigating Barriers to Growth: Challenges and Strategic Solutions for India’s Aerospace and Defence Startups" \n Interactive Q&A \n\n\n\n\n1230-1330 \n\n\nLunch \n\n\n\n\n1330-1400 \n\n\nSpecial Address by Shri Sanjeev Kumar\, Secretary\, Department of Defence Production\, Government of India- "Atmanirbharta in New Age Technology" \n Moderator: Shri Raj Chengappa\, Group Editorial Director (Publishing)\, India Today Group \n Interactive Q&A \n\n\n\n\n1400-1530 \n\n\nSESSION-V: Defence Policy Planning – Best Practices & Challenges \n Moderator: Shri Raj Chengappa\, Group Editorial Director (Publishing)\, India Today Group \n Speakers: \n Shri Atul D Rane\, Retired OS and Former DG\, BrahMos Aerospace\n "India’s BrahMos Experience: Lessons for the Future" \n Mr Iida Masafumi\, Director\, Security Studies Department\, National Institute for Defense Studies \n "Chinese Discourse on Military Application of AI"(Japan)\n Mr Dmitry Stefanovich\, Research Fellow\, IMEMO RAS\n “Planning of the Strategic Weapons Development and Deployment: Mapping Priorities Under Uncertain Conditions” (Online-Russia)\n Interactive Q&A \n\n\n\n\n1530-1545 \n\n\n Tea/Coffee Break  \n\n\n\n\n1545-1615 \n\n\nSpecial Address by Air Marshal Narmdeshwar Tiwari\, SYSM\, PVSM\, AVSM\, VM\, Vice Chief of the Air Staff- “Civil-Military Fusion to Harness Emerging Technologies to Overcome Challenges posed by an Increasingly Democratised Airspace" \n Moderator: Air Chief Marshal Vivek Ram Chaudhari\, PVSM\, AVSM\, VM (Retd)\, Former Chief of the Air Staff \n Interactive Q&A \n\n\n\n\n1615-1745 \n\n\nSESSION-VI: Civil-Military Fusion – Scope and Possibilities \n Moderator: Air Chief Marshal Vivek Ram Chaudhari\, PVSM\, AVSM\, VM (Retd)\, Former Chief of the Air Staff  \n Speakers: \n Ms Elsa B Kania\, Adjunct Senior Fellow\, Technology & New Security Program\, CNAS\n “Military-Civil Fusion in a New Era: China’s Strategy\, Emerging Capabilities\, and the Competitive Challenges” (Online-USA) \n Ms Kateryna Bondar\, Fellow\, Wadhwani AI Centre\, CSIS\n "The Future of Warfare: Innovation\, Iteration and Acquisition at Speed" (Online-USA) \n Gp Capt (Dr) RK Narang (Retd)\, Senior Fellow\, North America & Strategic Technologies Centre\, MP-IDSA\n "Civil-Military Fusion in the Drone Industry"\n Interactive Q&A \n\n\n\n\n1745-1830 \n\n\nValedictory Address by Shri Baba Kalyani\, Chairman & Managing Director\, Bharat Forge  \n Moderator: Amb Sujan R Chinoy\, Director General\, MP-IDSA \n\n\n\n\n1830-1835 \n\n\nVote of Thanks by Col Vivek Chadha (Retd)\, Senior Fellow\, Military Affairs Centre\, MP-IDSA \n\n\n\n \nDownload [PDF]\n\n \n\n\n  \n\n\n  \n\n\nInaugural Session\n\n \n\n \nShri Rajnath Singh\nMinister of Defence\, Government of India & President\, MP-IDSA\n \n \n\n \nAmb Sujan R Chinoy\nDirector General\, MP-IDSA\n \n\n\n  \n\nValedictory Address\n\n\n \nDr. Subrahmanyam Jaishankar\nHon’ble External Affairs Minister\, Government of India. (TBC)\n \n \n\n  \n\nSpecial Address\n\n \n\n \nGen Anil Chauhan\, PVSM\, UYSM\, AVSM\, SM\, VSM\nChief of Defence Staff\n \n \n\n \nDr Rituraj Kumar\nDirector\, CAIR\, DRDO\n \n \n\n \nAdmiral Dinesh Kumar Tripathi\, PVSM\, AVSM\, NM\n\nChief of Navy Staff\n \n \n\n \nGen Upendra Dwivedi PVSM\, AVSM\, ADC (TBC)\n\nChief of Army Staff\n \n \n\n \nDr Samir V Kamat\nChairman\, DRDO\n \n \n\n \nShri RK Singh\nDefence Secretary\, Government of India\n \n \n\n \nAir Chief Marshal Amar Preet Singh\, PVSM\, AVSM\nChief of Air Staff\n \n\n\n  \n\nModerators\n\n \n\n \nAmb Sujan R Chinoy\nDirector General\, MP-IDSA\n \n \n\n \nLt Gen Raj Shukla\, PVSM\, YSM\, SM (Retd)\nMember\, UPSC\n \n \n\n \nVice Admiral Shekhar Sinha\, PVSM\, AVSM\, NM & Bar (Retd)\n \n \n \n\n \nLt Gen (Dr) Subrata Saha\, PVSM\, UYSM\, YSM\, VSM** (Retd)\n \n \n \n\n \nProf (Dr) Vijay Raghavan\nFormer Chairman\, DRDO Review Committee\n \n \n\n \nAir Chief Marshal Vivek Ram Chaudhari\, PVSM\, AVSM\, VM\, ADC (Retd) (TBC)\n \n \n \n\n  \n\nSpeakers\n\n \n\n \nMs Reena Dayal Yadav\nFounder and CEO\, Quantum Ecosystems and Technology Council of India\n \n \n\n \nDr Subrahmanyam Saderla\nAssociate Professor\, IIT Kanpur\n \n \n\n \nMr Leonid Nersisyan\nSenior Advisor\, APRI-Armenia\n \n \n\n \nMr Pranay Kotasthane\nDeputy Director\, Takshashila Institution\n \n \n\n \nDr Peter Layton\nVisiting Fellow\, Griffith Asia Institute; Associate Fellow\, RUSI\n \n \n\n \nLt Gen DS Hooda\, PVSM\, UYSM\, AVSM\, VSM (Retd)\nCo-Founder\, Council of Strategic and Defense Research\n \n \n\n \nProf Balaraman Ravindran\nHead\, Department of DSAI\, IIT Madras\n \n \n\n \nDr MS Prathibha\nAssociate Fellow\, East Asia Centre\, MP-IDSA\n \n \n\n \nDr Bhaskar Kanseri\nAssociate Professor\, IIT Delhi\n \n \n\n \nCol Anurag Awasthi (Retd)\nVice President\, India Electronics Semiconductors\n \n \n\n \nProf Hari Babu Srivastava\nProfessor of Practice\, IIT Delhi\n \n \n\n \nMr Sameer Joshi\nCEO & Director\, NewSpace Research Technologies\n \n \n\n \nShri Atul D Rane\nScientist ‘H’\, DG\, BrahMos Aerospace\n \n \n\n \nMr IIDA Masafumi\nMr IIDA Masafumi\, Director\, Security Studies Department\, National Institute for Defense Studies \n \n \n\n \nMr Dmitry Stefanovich\nResearch Fellow\, IMEMO RAS\n \n \n\n \nElsa B Kania\nAdjunct Senior Fellow\, Technology & New Security Program\, CNAS\n \n \n\n \nKateryna Bondar\nFellow\, Wadhwani AI Centre\, CSIS \n \n \n\n \nGp Capt RK Narang (Retd)\nSenior Fellow\, North America & Strategic Technologies\, MP-IDSA\n \n \n \n\n\nSpeakers\n\n \n\n \nMs Reena Dayal Yadav\nFounder and CEO\, Quantum Ecosystems and Technology Council of India\n \n \n\n \nMr Leonid Nersisyan\nSenior Advisor\, APRI-Armenia\n \n \n\n \nMr Pranay Kotasthane\nDeputy Director\, Takshashila Institution\n \n \n\n \nDr Peter Layton\nVisiting Fellow\, Griffith Asia Institute; Associate Fellow\, RUSI\n \n \n\n \nMr James Black\nDeputy Director\, Defence Security Research Group\, European Lead\, RAND\n \n \n\n \nProf Balaraman Ravindran\nHead\, Department of DSAI\, IIT Madras\n \n \n\n \nDr MS Prathibha\nAssociate Fellow\, East Asia Centre\, MP-IDSA\n \n \n\n \nDr Bhaskar Kanseri\nAssociate Professor\, IIT Delhi\n \n \n\n \nCol Anurag Awasthi (Retd)\nVice President\, India Electronics Semiconductors \n \n \n\n \nProf Hari Babu Srivastava\nProfessor of Practice\, IIT Delhi\n \n \n\n \nMr Sameer Joshi\nCEO & Director\, NewSpace Research Technologies\n \n \n\n \nShri Atul D Rane\nScientist ‘H’\, DG\, BrahMos Aerospace\n \n \n\n \nMr IIDA Masafumi\nMr IIDA Masafumi\, Director\, Security Studies Department\, National Institute for Defense Studies \n \n \n\n \nMr Dmitry Stefanovich\nResearch Fellow\, IMEMO RAS\n \n \n\n \nElsa B Kania\nAdjunct Senior Fellow\, Technology & New Security Program\, CNAS\n \n \n\n \nKateryna Bondar\nFellow\, Wadhwani AI Centre\, CSIS \n \n \n\n \nGp Capt RK Narang (Retd)\nSenior Fellow\, North America & Strategic Technologies\, MP-IDSA\n \n \n \n\n\n\n\n  \n\n\n  \n\nContact Us\nConference Coordinator\nEmail: conferencecoordinator[at]delhidefencedialogue[dot]net \nConference Cell\nEmail: cc.idsa[at]nic[dot]in URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/delhi-defence-dialogue-2025 CATEGORIES:CONFERENCES,The Delhi Defence Dialogue (DDD) ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20250325T150000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20250326T230000 DTSTAMP:20261028T034643 CREATED:20250320T045050Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250826T031531Z UID:89589-1742914800-1743030000@idsa.in SUMMARY:5th India-Africa Strategic Dialogue DESCRIPTION:Event Report [+]\n\nConcept Note\n\nThe India and Africa partnership has come a long way from the days of common struggle against colonialism to an evolving and multifaceted 21st century partnership under the framework of South-South Cooperation. The establishment of the India-Africa Forum Summit (IAFS) platform in 2008 marked a significant milestone as it provided a platform for India to engage constructively\, and deliberate on issues of mutual interests with African nations. Changes in the global profiles of India and African countries have given a new sense of direction and purpose to the interaction between both parties. One of the primary indicators of this shift was PM Modi’s enunciation of the ‘Ten Guiding Principles for India-Africa Engagement’\, commonly known as the Kampala Principles\, during his address at the Ugandan Parliament in 2018. These 10 principles form the bedrock of India’s approach towards development partnership with African countries. Even during the COVID-19 pandemic\, India stood in solidarity with Africa. India’s blend of developmental packages\, technology transfer and skill and infrastructure development programmes directed towards African countries is in accordance with Africa’s needs and has been widely appreciated by African governments and people. \nThe inclusion of the African Union as a permanent member of the G20 during the Indian presidency of G20 Summit in 2023 is a testament to the importance India attaches to developing a strong partnership with the African continent. It also marked a milestone for the continent in terms of becoming an integral part of global discourse and the fostering of new and stronger partnerships with the world as well as with India in particular. Indeed a rising India and a resilient Africa are coming closer to seize new opportunities to deepen and expand a mutually beneficial relationship. \nWith a view to suggesting ways to enhance this partnership\,  the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses is organising the Fifth India-Africa Strategic Dialogue (IASD) on the theme\, “India and Africa: Partnership for the Next Decade” on 25-27 March\, 2025 in New Delhi.  The objective of the India Africa Strategic Dialogue is to build on existing partnerships between African countries and India\, and to explore new areas of convergence for mutual engagement. \nThe upcoming dialogue will focus on the following themes: \nSession 1: Framework for Cooperation \nSession 2: Partnership for Deepening Trade and Investment Ties \nSession 3: Partnership in Multilateral Forums and Global Governance Reforms \nSession 4: Defence Cooperation and Maritime Security \nSession 5: Partnership in Critical Minerals and Energy Security \nSession I:  Framework for Cooperation\nIndia and Africa share a long history of interactions in political\, economic and cultural realm. India has partnered with Africa in the anti-colonial and anti-apartheid struggles in the last century.  In the past decade\, India entered into a structured relationship and has emerged as an important development partner for African countries. More recently in 2018\, during an address to the Ugandan parliament Prime Minister Narendra Modi enunciated his vision of India- Africa partnership through the “Ten guiding principles for India- Africa engagement”. This session will focus on understanding the current framework of India- Africa partnership and will deliberate on the following issues: \n\nWhat are main priorities that shape India’s partnership with African countries?\nWhat are priorities and challenges that impact on African countries’ partnership with India?\n\nSession II: Partnership for Deepening Trade and Investment Ties\nIndia’s strategy to enhance its trade and investment relations with African countries largely entails an integrated approach\, comprising\, inter alia\, integrating the continent to the Global Value Chain (GVC)\, strengthening Africa’s infrastructure and connectivity\, and facilitating trade finance in Africa. Trade between India and Africa has grown from $ 68.5 billion in 2011-12 to $ 83.34 billion in 2023-24\, making India Africa’s third-largest trading partner. India’s cumulative investments in Africa amount to $ 75 billion. The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) is operational\, and can provide an opportunity for Indian investors to tap into a unified African market and assist in value addition of African products which would integrate the continent into GVC and give the continent an added advantage. \n\nWhat are the opportunities for increasing two-way trade and investment ties between India and Africa?\nWhat are the challenges faced by Indian businesses operating in African countries?\nWhat are the opportunities for India in Africa’s economic integration in the context of the AfCFTA?\n\nSession III: Partnership in Multilateral Forums and Global Governance Reforms\nIndia and Africa’s partnership strives to achieve greater autonomy and ensure that the agenda of the global South is prioritised. India has always been a vocal proponent of supporting greater African representation in global multilateral organisations. Democratic reforms in institutions of global governance are quintessential. That is why India and Africa have voiced their support for expanding both permanent and non-permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council. \n\nHow can India support African Union’s Common African Position in global institutions?\nWhat role do African countries have in India’s advocacy for Reformed Multilateralism?\nHow can India and African Union work within the G20 as active contributors towards global financial and economic policy-making?\n\nSession IV: Defence Cooperation and Maritime Security\nIn recent years African countries have made greater efforts towards evolving a common vision for dealing with the continent’s maritime challenges for sustainable development. These include illegal fishing\, drug smuggling\, arms trafficking\, piracy\, natural disasters\, sustainable utilisation of ocean resources and blue economy. India and Africa share the waters of the Indo- Pacific region. Cooperation may be enhanced in securing the sea lanes\, Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HADR) and Maritime Domain Awareness (MDA). This session will explore the following issues: \n\nWhat are the maritime security challenges faced by India and African countries?\nWhat is the scope of enhancing maritime cooperation with African countries?\n\nSession V: Partnership in Critical Minerals and Energy Security\nGlobally\, the transition to clean energy sources has intensified the need for critical minerals such as cobalt\, copper\, graphite\, lithium and nickel. These minerals play a central role in manufacturing clean technology equipment\, such as solar panels\, wind turbines\, electric vehicles and batteries. They are also vital for manufacturing defence and electric equipment. India remains largely dependent on import for energy transition minerals and their compounds. It is crucial for African nations to leverage the global demand for minerals to pursue their own developmental agenda. In order to create resilient supply chains and reduce dependence on dominant global players\, it is crucial to identify synergies between India’s Critical Mineral Mission and the African Green Mineral Strategy. \n\nWhat are the prospects for India and African countries cooperating in the field of strategic minerals?\nHow can India enhance its renewable energy footprint while supporting Africa’s energy transition and provide clean\, affordable and accessible energy?\n\n\nProgramme\n\n\nDay 1: Tuesday\, 25 March 2025\n09:30-10:00:      Registration  \n10:00-11:00:      Inaugural Session \nOpening Remarks by Amb Sujan R Chinoy\, Director General\, MP-IDSA\, New Delhi\, India \nSpecial Remarks by H E Amb Anil Sooklal\, High Commissioner of Republic of South Africa to India \nKeynote Address by Shri Dammu Ravi\, Secretary (ER)\, Ministry of External Affairs\, Government of India\, New Delhi \n11:00-1115: Tea \n11:15-12:45:Session – I: Framework for Cooperation\nChair: Amb Sujan R Chinoy\, Director General\, MP-IDSA\, New Delhi\, India \nSpeakers:         \nProf David Monyae\, Associate Professor of Political Science and IR\, Co-Director University of Johannesburg Confucius Institute and Centre for Africa China Studies\, South Africa on Africa – India Relations in Changing Geopolitics \nDr Sharkdam Wapmuk\, Associate Professor and Head\, Dept of Defence and Security Studies\, Nigerian Defence Academy\, Nigeria on Nigeria and India as Strategic Partners in Africa: A Springboard for Deepening Indo- Africa Relations \nDr Folashadé Soulé\, Senior Research Associate\, Blavatnik School of Government\, University of Oxford\, UK on India-Africa relations: Towards a strategic alignment of interests? \nMs Ruchita Beri\, Senior Fellow\, Vivekananda International Foundation\, New Delhi\, India on India- Africa Partnership: Priorities and Prospects  \n12:45-14:00: Lunch \n14:00-15:30:     Session – II: Partnership for Deepening Trade and Investment Ties\nChair: Amb Gurjit Singh\, Former Indian Ambassador to Germany\, Indonesia\, \nEthiopia\, ASEAN and the African Union\, Hon. Professor\, IIT Indore\, New Delhi\, India \nSpeakers:        \nProf Stephen Onyeiwu\, Professor of Economics and former Chair of Dept\, \nAllegheny College\, US on Strengthening India-Africa Strategic Trade and Investment Partnerships in Frontier Industries \nMr Kwame Owino\, Chief Executive Officer\, Institute of Economic Affairs\, Kenya on India and Africa: Exploring the Path Towards a Free Trade Area \nProf Hebatallah Adam\, Professor and Associate Dean for Academic Affairs\, Jindal School of International Affairs\, India on Enhancing India-Africa Trade and Investment: Leveraging AfCFTA and DFTP Programs for Mutual Growth and Economic Integration \n15:30-15:45:  Tea \n15:45-17:15: Session – III: Partnership in Multilateral Forum and Global Governance Reforms\nChair: Prof Ajay Dubey\, Professor\, School of International Studies\, JNU\, India \nSpeakers: \nAmb Ruchira Kamboj\, Former Permanent Representative of India to the United Nations in New York and former Indian High Commissioner to South Africa\, on India’s advocacy for the inclusion of the African Union in the G20 \nMr Aly Verjee\, Senior Associate\, Amani Africa and Researcher at University of Gothenburg\, Sweden on Approaching Multilateral Forums and Global Governance Reforms during the Decline of Multilateralism and Global Governance \nDr Kwaku Danso\, Dean\, Faculty of Academic Affairs\, Kofi Annan International Peacekeeping Training Center\, Ghana on From Objects to Subjects of Global Governance: Partnering to Center Africa and India in a Changing World Order \n\n\nDay 2: Wednesday\, 26 March 2025\n09:30-11:00:     Session – IV: Defence Cooperation and Maritime Security\nChair: VAdm Shekhar Sinha (Retd)\, Chairman\, Board of Trustees\, India Foundation\, New Delhi \nSpeakers:        \nMr Raj Mohabeer\, Officer in Charge\, Indian Ocean Commission\, Mauritius on Scope for enhancing India-Africa cooperation to address maritime security challenges in the Western Indian Ocean \nCapt Sarabjeet S. Parmar (Retd)\, Distinguished Fellow\, Council for Defence and Strategic Research\, New Delhi\, India on India and Africa: Enhancing Defence Cooperation and Maritime Security \nDr Nicodemus M Minde\, Researcher\, Institute for Security Studies\, Nairobi\, Kenya on India-Africa Defence Cooperation and Maritime Security: The Case of Kenya \n11:00-11:15: Tea \n11:15-12:45: Session – V: Partnership in Critical Minerals and Energy Security\nChair: Dr Shailly Kedia\, Senior Fellow and Associate Director\, The Energy and Resources Institute\, New Delhi\, India \nSpeakers:         \nDr Annika Bose Styczynski\, Associate Professor and Associate Dean\, Research & International Collaboration\, Jindal School of Government and Public Policy\, O.P. Jindal Global University\, Haryana\, India on Getting Real About Low-Carbon Energy Technologies: Partnerships in Critical Minerals for Energy Security \nDr Sanjay Kumar Pradhan\, Associate Professor and Head of the Department of International Relations\, Pandit Deendayal Energy University\, Gujarat\, India on India\, Africa and Energy Transition: Partnership for Critical Minerals \nDr Sandipani Dash\, Assistant Professor\, Department of African Studies\, University of Delhi on Bharat-Africa Partnership: Progress and Possibility in Sub-Soil Resource Sector \nVote of Thanks: Dr Abhishek Mishra\, Associate Fellow\, MP-IDSA \n13:00: Lunch \n\nDownload Booklet [PDF] URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/5th-india-africa-strategic-dialogue CATEGORIES:CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/5th-ind-africa-4.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20241112T133000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20241112T223000 DTSTAMP:20261028T034643 CREATED:20250222T083849Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250826T011009Z UID:85160-1731418200-1731450600@idsa.in SUMMARY:Inaugural Address by Shri Rajnath Singh\, Hon’ble Raksha Mantri & President\, MP-IDSA at Delhi Defence Dialouge DESCRIPTION:Good morning\, \n\nFirst of all\, I welcome all the participants who have come from abroad and various parts of India to share their expertise in the inaugural Delhi Defence Dialogue. I appreciate Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses and its Director General\, Ambassador Sujan Chinoy for launching this first edition of ‘Delhi Defence Dialogue’.\nI am confident that the Delhi Defence Dialogue will emerge as a flagship platform for addressing multifaceted challenges in regard to defence and security issues. The dialogue is a response to a need of such platforms for informed deliberations and keen analysis of contemporary defence and security challenges in a rapidly changing world.\nFriends! There could be no better theme than “Adaptive Defence: Navigating the Changing Landscape of Modern Warfare”. I congratulate MP-IDSA for choosing such relevant and contemporary theme.\nFriends\, we are living in a world of geopolitical and economic flux\, full of uncertainties with changes taking place at an unprecedented pace in history. The traditional mindset of perceiving reality as something static is being challenged\, and the compartmentalized understanding of subjects is evolving into a more multi-disciplinary and inter-disciplinary approach. Traditional notions of war are being reshaped by emerging technologies and evolving strategic partnerships. New perspectives\, doctrines and concepts of operations have emerged within the armed forces in keeping with the changing nature of threats and challenges.\nDefence and Security\, both in the conceptual and practical domains\, are experiencing the overwhelming impact of the information age. This is the age of Grey Zone and Hybrid warfare where traditional ways to defend ourselves have been challenged. In this scenario\, continuous adaptation is the best strategy to cope up with and to address the challenges posed by the fast changing world.\nFriends\, Adaptive Defence\, at its core\, is a strategic approach where a nation’s military forces and defence mechanisms continuously evolve to counter emerging threats and challenges effectively. It is not merely responding to what has happened but anticipating what could happen\, and preparing for this proactively. In essence\, it involves cultivating a mindset and capability to adapt\, innovate\, and thrive\, even in the face of unpredictable and evolving circumstances.\nSituational awareness\, flexibility at strategic and tactical levels\, resilience\, agility\, and integration with the emerging and futuristic technologies are the keys to understand and create adaptive defence. We need to translate and imbibe these principles into the defence and security apparatus. Adaptive Defence must be the mantra of our strategic formulations and operational responses.\nIndia\, and for that matter the world\, faces a diverse range of security challenges\, from the traditional border related threats to unconventional issues such as terrorism\, cyber-attacks\, and hybrid warfare. Recognising the need for an adaptive defence strategy in a changing geopolitical and technological scenario\, the Government of India\, under the leadership and guidance of Prime Minister Narendra Modi\, has taken several initiatives to build a robust and self-reliant defence ecosystem. It includes establishing the institution of the Chief of Defence Staff\, promoting jointness among the three armed forces\, improvising the training curriculum\, forging new defence partnerships around the world\, and so on.\nFriends\, contemporary wars are not being fought on the battlefields alone. We\, in this age of digitization and information overload\, are facing an unprecedented scale of psychological warfare. The Government of India is determined to employ adaptive defence strategies to counter the menace of information warfare against national security. Our Government has taken robust steps to deal with contemporary threats to the nation. While these include measures against external threats\, these also focus on enhancing our indigenous capability and capacity.\nSeveral initiatives have been taken to address the issue of defence modernization and production. The Atmanirbhar Bharat Abhiyan\, with its focus on self-reliance in defence sector\, forms the bedrock of this vision. The Defence Acquisition Procedure – 2020 prioritizes domestic procurement and promotes indigenously designed\, developed\, and manufactured products. I commend the MP-IDSA for having initiated an academic exercise to review DAP-2020 in consultation with all stakeholders. The emphasis on indigenous capabilities aligns with our aim to reduce dependence on foreign suppliers. This must not be seen as an isolationist approach\, as we are very much open to foreign investment\, collaboration\, joint R&D and co-production within the broader framework of “Make in India” initiative.\nTo attract investments for the defence industry\, the Government of India has increased the Foreign Direct Investment limit up to 100 per cent in specific cases. It has also streamlined the procedure to invest in defence manufacturing industry with increasing the upper limit to 74 per cent through the automatic route. The government is also promoting co-development and co-production of niche (नीश) defence technologies with foreign manufacturers.\nAdditionally\, the establishment of Defence Industrial Corridors in Uttar Pradesh and Tamil Nadu aims to attract investments and promote defence manufacturing clusters. The iDEX initiative fosters innovation by encouraging startups and MSMEs to contribute to defence technology development.\nThe Make in India campaign has also seen success in indigenous projects like the Tejas Light Combat Aircraft\, INS Vikrant\, and DRDO’s missile programmes. Today\, we are also witnessing the fruits of our endeavour in the rising exports of defence items from India. Currently\, India is already exporting defence items to over 100 nations\, with the top three destinations for defence exports in 2023-24 being the USA\, France\, and Armenia. We hope to achieve the target of Rs 50\,000 crores worth of defence exports by 2029.\nThe publication of multiple positive indigenisation lists further emphasizes the government’s commitment towards self-reliance. These lists include numerous defence items that will no longer be imported\, thereby encouraging their domestic production.\nFriends\, India is committed to remain among the leading countries working on emerging Technologies in cyberspace and Artificial Intelligence. We have already issued the AI framework and guidelines for the DRDO projects and programmes. The system laboratories of the DRDO has AI technology groups to introduce AI features in all the products. There is an AI roadmap for each Defence Public Sector Undertaking.\nWe have also introduced programmes to train our youth for futuristic defence needs. I can assure you all\, that the Government is keen to have state of the art AI capabilities with these initiatives. A country of the size and potential of India has to have the capability and wherewithal to deal with the imminent global innovations of AI in defence.\nFriends\, drones and swarm technologies are bringing fundamental changes in the ways and means of warfare. The development has changed the post-World War II understanding of warfare completely. The traditional notions and concepts of warfare in all three dimensions – land\, air and water – have been rapidly changing. These dimensions are being seen as overlapping due to drone and swarm technology interventions.\nIndia is aiming to become a drone hub of the world. Several initiatives have been taken in this regard. This would not only help the Indian economy but also significantly contribute to our Make in India and the Atmanirbhar Bharat programme. We are already working to improve Research & Development thorough reliable certification mechanisms\, and Indian Intellectual Property creation in this sector. Additionally\, we have also introduced rewards for innovation through the schemes of iDEX and ADITI.\nFriends\, not only reforms related to defence personnel\, command\, control and equipment\, but a Collaborative Approach also is critical to deal with contemporary problems of defence and security. The actors involved in these matters are not only states\, but non-state as well. The current geopolitical dynamics and cross-border issues make a collaborative approach to defense essential. The ambiguities of the cyberspace\, Artificial Intelligence\, and the vast potential of quantum and nanotechnologies further demand collaboration and sharing of knowledge\, perspectives\, information and if possible\, strategies.\nIt is an irony that in a world that is increasingly being seen as a global village\, where sharing of ideas and solutions is a collaborative exercise and where security has become an all-pervasive reality\, we continue to be divided by ideological and geopolitical walls of our own creation. Adaptive Defence can only become a reality when it is also a reflection of Collaborative Defence. This event will help us analyse aspects of jointness and integration as part of the proceedings.\nLadies and Gentlemen\, jointness cannot and should not be restricted to the military domain of individual countries. Our interconnectedness is as much a blessing as it is a challenge. If our threats are transnational so should be our solutions.\nFriends\, it is rare to find a technological solution today that is completely designed\, developed\, manufactured and consumed within the same country. This is the nature of globalisation and the inter-dependence that it has created. The logic of both economies of scale and the sources of expertise demand that our solutions should therefore be logically And our inter-connectedness allows and facilitate such collaborations without the limitations of geography. Our time zones facilitate and encourage the ability to utilize time more efficiently. Our skill sets ensure that time\, money and talent become assets rather than constraints. However\, this works well only if all countries cooperate and refrain from seeking unilateral advantage as we have seen in some glaring instances.\nFriends\, those of you who regularly visit India and have been a witness to our journey of progress and would have noted some rather perceptible changes. The infrastructure development has moved ahead by leaps and bounds in recent years. However\, for me\, the real change is defined by the collective and boundless energy of the 1.4 billion people of India. I would very much hope to see this energy translate to the proceedings of this event. I see the best minds coming together to improve our understanding of challenges. I am also equally hopeful that you shall seek solutions to complex issues.\nFriends\, by bringing together policymakers\, military experts and scholars\, the Delhi Defence Dialogue seeks to generate innovative ideas and collaborative strategies to enhance our defence posture. It is a vital initiative that aspires to strengthen our strategic vision emphasizing a comprehensive approach and facilitating informed discussions that contribute to national\, regional and global security. Through this\, we intend to foster strategic partnerships\, promote indigenous defence production\, and find ways to adapt to emerging technologies. I hope that this process comes up with a set of robust policy recommendations for defence and security planners.\nFriends\, Adaptive Defence is not merely a strategic choice but a necessity. As the threats to our nation have evolved\, so too must our defence systems and strategies. In this context\, India’s vision of adaptive defence must be founded on flexibility\, innovation\, and resilience\, and we should also be prepared for all future contingencies. It is more than just protecting our borders; it is about securing our future. Let us all work together towards a more secure\, Atmanirbhar\, resilient and adaptive India.\n\nThank you. \nJai Hind! URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/inaugural-address-by-shri-rajnath-singh-honble-raksha-mantri-president-idsa-at-delhi-defence-dialouge CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES,CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20241112T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20241113T053000 DTSTAMP:20261028T034643 CREATED:20241226T033033Z LAST-MODIFIED:20251209T094014Z UID:83952-1731389400-1731475800@idsa.in SUMMARY:Delhi Defence Dialogue 2024 DESCRIPTION:The Delhi Defence Dialogue (DDD) is a flagship platform of the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA) for addressing the multifaceted challenges of defence and security\, in India. As the landscape of warfare becomes increasingly complex\, the platform is designed to discuss the evolving landscape of international security and defence strategies\, with a focus on India’s defence. The dialogue aims to exchange views and foster collaboration among defence experts\, policymakers\, and military leaders. Further\, as India navigates a complex geopolitical landscape\, the DDD serves as a critical forum for addressing the need for a robust defence strategy that not only addresses immediate threats but also anticipates future challenges. \n\nAbout DDD\n Programme\nSpeakers \n Team\n Publications \nKey Speeches\nNews & Media\n Contact Us\n\n\n\n\n\nAbout DDD\n\n\nThe Delhi Defence Dialogue (DDD)\, instituted by the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA)\, is a premier platform for addressing the multifaceted challenges of defence and security\, in India. The inaugural edition of DDD is scheduled on 12-13 November 2024. \nIn an era defined by geopolitical uncertainty and rapid technological advancement\, the landscape of warfare and aspects that facilitate and sustain countries at war are undergoing profound transformations. Traditional notions of war are being reshaped by emerging technologies and evolving strategic partnerships and by constantly shifting organisational dynamics within the armed forces\, resulting in newer doctrines and concept of operations. The DDD is envisioned to be a platform to deliberate the complexities of modern defence landscape and intricate layers of contemporary warfare with the aim to formulate strategic approaches that address the challenges of the of security in the evolving Asian and larger global security environment. \nThe DDD aims to delve into critical topics affecting military security\, including the emerging threats\, evolving character of warfare\, supply chain management issues and the role of technology in modern warfare. Issues such as bilateral and multilateral security cooperation\, geopolitical shifts\, the impact of non-traditional security threats\, among others\, will find a place on this platform. By fostering an inclusive environment for policymakers\, military experts\, and scholars the DDD seeks to generate innovative ideas and collaborative strategies to enhance India’s defence posture. Emphasising a comprehensive approach\, participants will explore how countries can navigate their defence challenges while promoting stability in the Indo-Pacific region and beyond. \nThe DDD aspires to contribute to India’s strategic vision\, emphasising a comprehensive approach and facilitating informed discussions that contribute to regional and international security. Through robust exchanges of ideas\, MP-IDSA aims to forge a resilient framework for India’s defence strategy\, ensuring that it is prepared to meet both current and future challenges in an interconnected world in close concert with partner nations. \n\n\n\n\n\n\nCONFERENCE PROGRAMME\n\n\n \n\n\n\n\n\n\nSpeakers\n\n\n\n\nProfiles of Participants & Abstracts\n\n \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nConference Coordinator\n\n\n\n\n\n\n COL RAJNEESH SINGH\, PhD (RETD) \nResearch Fellow\, \nMP-IDSA\, New Delhi\, India \nCol Rajneesh Singh\, PhD (Retd) was commissioned in the Infantry in December 1989 and has varied operational\, staff and instructional experience. He has commanded a Rashtriya Rifles company and battalion in Jammu and Kashmir. He has been a military observer in Congo for a year. His staff experience includes tenure in the Military Operations Directorate and in Military Secretary’s Branch. The officer has also been an instructor at the NDA\, Khadakwasla and at DSSC\, Wellington. During his service Col Rajneesh Singh (Retd) pursued PhD at the JNU\, New Delhi and was awarded doctorate in 2019. Post superannuation from the army\, the officer was a Consultant for the Ministry of Defence for over a year before joining Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses in January 2023 (MP-IDSA). He is presently a Research Fellow at the Defence Economics and Industry Centre. Col Singh’s areas of research include higher defence management and military studies. His current area of research focusses on self-reliance in defence production.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n DR SAURABH MISHRA \nResearch Fellow\, \nMP-IDSA\, New Delhi\, India \nDr Saurabh Mishra is a Research Fellow at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA)\, New Delhi. Prior to MP-IDSA he was an Associate Professor at the Amity Institute for Defence & Strategic Studies (AIDSS)\, Noida\, preceded by his assignments as Research Fellow at the Indian Council of World Affairs (ICWA)\, an autonomous think-tank of the Ministry of External Affairs\, India and Research Assistant at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses. He has acquired his PhD from Banaras Hindu University\, Varanasi\, India. His areas of interest can be thematically charted as: Indian Defence and Strategy\, Indian Knowledge System\, International Institutions\, Peace & Conflict\, Globalisation\, and International Relations Theory. In his previous assignments\, he has worked on issues regarding United Nations\, Africa and the Arthashastra. He has been associated with the indigenous knowledge project at MP-IDSA as well as project Udbhav at the United Service Institution of India. His current projects at the MP-IDSA are on Latin America as well as Indian indigenous knowledge\, respectively from the perspectives of Defence Economics and Strategy.\n\n\n\n\n\n DR ABHISHEK K DARBEY \nAssociate Fellow\, \nMP-IDSA\, New Delhi\, India \nDr Abhishek Kumar Darbey is Associate Fellow at Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defense Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA). Dr Abhishek studies China Military that covers significant activities of China’s Armed Forces\, and China’s defence & security issues in foreign and domestic affairs for more than a decade. His research interests also include China-Africa relations and the Chinese language\, literature\, history and culture.  Earlier\, he held the posts of Research Associate and Research Fellow at the Centre for China Analysis and Strategy (CCAS)\, New Delhi\, from September 2013 to August 2023. He was awarded PhD and MPhil degrees in 2018 and 2014 respectively by JNU\, New Delhi. He completed his BA and MA in Chinese language in 2008 and 2010 respectively at JNU\, New Delhi.\n\n\n\n\n\n DR SHAYESTA NISHAT AHMED \nResearch Analyst\, \nMP-IDSA\, New Delhi\, India \nDr Shayesta Nishat Ahmed is a Research Analyst at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA)\, New Delhi. She is associated with the Defence Economics and Industry Centre. Her area of research includes defence industry and diplomacy\, nuclear security\, and maritime security. Previously\, she has worked as an Associate Fellow at the Centre for Air Power Studies (CAPS) and National Maritime Foundation (NMF)\, New Delhi. She has been a Teaching Assistant for the course on Arms Control and Disarmament Diplomacy\, School of International Studies\, Jawaharlal Nehru University\, and has interned at the Indian Council of World Affairs (ICWA)\, Sapru House\, New Delhi. She has completed her PhD and MPhil from the Centre for International Politics\, Organisation\, Diplomacy and Disarmament (CIPOD)\, Jawaharlal Nehru University. Her PhD thesis is titled “Explaining the Pursuit of Sea-Based Nuclear Deterrence: Case Studies of India\, the United Kingdom and the United States of America.\n\n\n\n\n\nMR MOHANASAKTHIVEL J \nResearch Analyst\, \nMP-IDSA\, New Delhi\, India \nMr Mohanasakthivel J is a Research Analyst with the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA)\, New Delhi. His area of research includes Foreign Policy Analysis\, International law\, Regional Integration and Ethnic Conflicts. He is a law graduate and holds an MA in Diplomacy\, Law\, and Business from Jindal School of International Affairs\, OP Jindal Global University. Before joining MP-IDSA he was Fellow and Academic Tutor at Jindal School of International Affairs\, OP Jindal Global University. He has also been a Researcher at the WION news agency\, Noida. He has published news articles in Manila Times\, Jerusalem Post\, Washington Times\, and South Asia Voices.\n\n\n\n\n\nDR MAYURI BANERJEE \nResearch Analyst\, \nMP-IDSA\, New Delhi\, India \nDr Mayuri Banerjee is a Research Analyst with the East Asia Centre at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA)\, New Delhi. Her research focus is on India-China relations. She primarily looks at the role of memory and trust in India-China relations after the 1962 war and Indian media perception of China. She completed her PhD from Department of International Relations\, Jadavpur University\, Kolkata. Her prior professional experience include working as a Research Assistant at the Observer Research Foundation (ORF)\, Kolkata. She received the Indu Bhushan Putatunda and Shanti Shudha Putatunda Memorial Award in 2013 from Jadavpur Alumni Association and Certificate of Merit in Political Science in 2014 from Jadavpur University. She was also a recipient of the prestigious Sasakawa Young Leaders Fellowship Fund (SYLFF) Masters’ Fellowship in 2015. Some of her writings have been published as web commentaries in ORF Expert Speak and South Asian Voices.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nPublications\n\n\n\nBOOK: ADAPTIVE DEFENCE: Navigating The Changing Landscape of Modern WarfareEditors: Amb. Sujan R. Chinoy and Rajneesh Singh\n  \nConference Booklet [PDF]\n  \n  \nRapporteurs Report [PDF]\n  \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nInaugural Address by Shri Rajnath Singh\, Hon’ble Raksha Mantri & President\, IDSA at Delhi Defence Dialouge\n\nFireside Chat with General Anil Chauhan\, CDS\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nMedia Clippings\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n News & Media Links\n\n\n\n\n\n\nShri Rajnath Singh’s Youtube Channel\nNDTV\nThe Print\nMSN News\nRediff News\nNews18\nMSN\nMSN News\nThe Week\nBusiness Standard\nEconomics Times\n\n\n\n\nBusiness Standard\nDaily Excelsior\nMSN News\nDevdiscourse\nTehelka\nEastern Mirror Nagaland\nMSN News\nEconomictimes\nThe Commune News\nDaijiworld\nCity Air News\n\n\n\n\n\n\nThe Hindu\nPIB\nMSN News\nIBEF\nMSN News\nDD India\nGlobal Security\nDeep Newz\nIndia Strategic\nMadyom.com\nIndian News Stream\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n  \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nContact Us\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nFor more visit News & Media Section URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/the-delhi-defence-dialogue-ddd CATEGORIES:CONFERENCES,The Delhi Defence Dialogue (DDD) ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20231214T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20231215T053000 DTSTAMP:20261028T034643 CREATED:20231223T125345Z LAST-MODIFIED:20260206T065848Z UID:62724-1702531800-1702618200@idsa.in SUMMARY:15th South Asia Conference - Achieving Regional Economic Integration in South Asia (December 14-15\, 2023) DESCRIPTION:CONCEPT NOTE\n\nThe process of globalisation has integrated production and supply chains as well as markets around the world. Trade and economic relations have a logic of their own\, with geo-economics often transcending geopolitics. In a globalized world\, strategic choices are often subject to economic considerations. Closer economic integration also provides stability among adversaries in a world in flux. \nRegional economic integration in sub-geographies has generally led to an improved and stable strategic architecture.  Regional integration plays a crucial role in overcoming divisions that impede the flow of goods\, services\, capital\, people\, and ideas among countries. These divisions\, often caused by geographical limitations\, inadequate infrastructure\, and inefficient policies\, hinder economic growth\, particularly in developing nations. By integrating markets for goods and services\, regional integration enables countries to surmount these barriers\, facilitating the flow of trade\, capital\, energy\, people\, and ideas. This process can be facilitated through the establishment of common physical and institutional infrastructure. Different regions across the world have adopted various institutional forms of cooperation\, with different levels of policy commitments and shared sovereignty\, prioritizing different aspects of regional integration. \nRegional integration can yield substantial economic gains for participating countries. It improves market efficiency\, enables cost-sharing for public goods and large infrastructure projects\, fosters cooperative decision-making\, acts as a catalyst for reforms\, and serves as a building block for global integration. Additionally\, regional integration offers non-economic benefits such as peace and security. \nIn different regions around the world\, regional integration efforts have been shaped by unique circumstances\, challenges\, and motivations\, which have influenced the outcomes and levels of success achieved by the respective organizations. \nIn North America\, the United States played a leading role and contributed to the successful establishment of organizations like USMCA (earlier NAFTA)\, promoting economic cooperation among member countries. \nOn the other hand\, South America witnessed the creation of MERCOSUR\, also known as the Southern Common Market\, initially comprising Argentina\, Brazil\, Paraguay\, and Uruguay. In the 1990s\, MERCOSURproved successful in enhancing trade within the group. However\, Brazil’s currency devaluation in 1999 and Argentina’s financial crisis in 2001 impacted on regional integration. The bloc faced challenges in later years when trying to open up to other markets. Moreover\, trade disputes and tensions arose between the two largest economies in the bloc. This also shows that intra-regional trade and economic frictions can thwart a region’s consensus and smooth interface with the rest of the world even after achieving a common market. An example is the UK\, which eventually exited the EU through BREXIT. \nIn Southeast Asia\, the establishment of ASEAN in 1967 by five nations was in response to curbing the spread of communism. Following the 1997 Asian financial crisis that originated in Thailand\, ASEAN members took significant steps to further integrate their economies and foster cooperation among member states. It also resulted in economic integration in the wider region\, with a rising economy such as China’s\, through currency swap arrangements under the Chiang Mai Initiative. ASEAN has seen a steady rise in its own integration with the Chinese economy since then. \nAdditionally\, China’s strong ties with its diaspora in Southeast Asian countries also contributed to improved relationships\, increased trade\, and enhanced commerce. The establishment of ASEAN further facilitated China-ASEAN integration. While China may have intentions to exert influence in neighboring countries\, its success largely depends on the acceptance and cooperation of these nations. \nIn some cases\, regional integration can be triggered by a domino effect\, exemplified by the enlargement of the European Union (EU) to include several East and Central European countries after the demise of the Soviet Union. These erstwhile communist economies anticipated economic benefits by joining the EU. The latter\, through the expansion\, created newer and more competitive centers of manufacturing for their union. \nChina has been successful in fostering integration with neighboring countries. Japan\, ROK\, Singapore\, Hong Kong and even Taiwan have played a key role in fostering the economic rise of China\, by integrating their manufacturing centers and supply chains with the Chinese economy. They have taken full advantage of the labour cost arbitrage in China and the latter’s hub and spokes connectivity with markets around the world. China has benefitted by absorbing technologies and capital. \nIn South Asia\, the situation is different. Achieving regional integration has been particularly challenging compared to other regions due to unique historical and geopolitical circumstances. South Asia has a shared history\, both civilizational and colonial\, but does not necessarily have a shared identity. Religious and linguistic differences act as a drag on regional integration. \nIn the past\, efforts to achieve economic integration in South Asia were made through SAPTA (South Asian Preferential Trade Agreement) and later through SAFTA (South Asian Free Trade Area). However\, these initiatives resulted only in limited success in fostering regional economic integration. \nUnlike some other regions\, South Asia lacks a consensus on emerging threats and challenges. Unlike China\, South Asia does not have some of the world’s most developed and dynamic economies on its periphery. The partition of the Indian subcontinent in 1947 after gaining independence from British rule left behind contested borders\, further complicating integration efforts. Besides\, the quest for national identity post-colonization has\, at times\, posed challenges to fostering a shared regional identity that facilitates integration. Moreover\, the rise of China has acted as a magnet for many of the smaller South Asian economies whose trade with China has outpaced their traditional trade with India. \nSouth Asia today has multiple choices. Apart from India and China as economic partners\, the US has also stepped up its efforts to engage the region through the economic lens and not just through a security lens. Given the logic of geography and India’s rise as the world’s fifth largest economy and the fastest growing of all\, regional economic integration in South Asia suggests India as the fulcrum. \nGiven the limitations of SAARC\, South Asia has witnessed the emergence of new regional initiatives driven by India’s Act East Policy. These initiatives\, which include the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC)\, the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA)\, Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar (BCIM) Economic Corridor and the BBIN (Bangladesh-Bhutan-India-Nepal transport agreement)\, are aimed at fostering cohesiveness among member states and achieving prosperity in the region. \nIn this context\, the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies & Analyses (MP-IDSA) intends to host the 15th South Asia Conference titled\, “Prospects of Regional Economic Integration in South Asia” on 14-15 December 2023. A cross-section of experts\, analysts\, and policymakers will be invited to discuss these issues and recommend the way forward. \nThe Conference:\nThe conference seeks to discuss among others the following questions: \n\nWhat is the current state of regional economic integration?\nRole of connectivityin promoting regional economic integration and its current status\nTariff\, Non-tariff and Technical barriers to trade\nEconomic Partnership Agreements in South Asia\nBanking and fiscal policies in the region\nDigital Public Infrastructure (DPI) in India and beyond\nTrade Settlement in Indian Rupee / Regional currencies / UPI/DPI\nFinancial Crisis and Regional Response / Regional crisis management / Impact on Regional Integration\nSub-regional integration – Including and excluding India\nAfghanistan and Myanmar as gateways to promote regional integration beyond South Asia\n\nParticipation in the conference is by invitation only. To participate\, please contact the conference coordinator. \n\nCONFERENCE PROGRAMME\n\n \nContact us\nDr. Anand Kumar\nCo-ordinator\, 15th South Asia Conference\nAssociate Fellow\, South Asia Centre\nManohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\nNew Delhi-110010\nTel (O): +91 11-26717983\nEmail: anandkmrai@gmail.com\, anand_rai@hotmail.com URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/15th-south-asia-conference-achieving-regional-economic-integration-in-south-asia-december-14-15-2023 CATEGORIES:Previous South Asia conference,CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20231212T133000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20231212T223000 DTSTAMP:20261028T034643 CREATED:20231211T231257Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250311T231419Z UID:87568-1702387800-1702420200@idsa.in SUMMARY:Global and Regional developments DESCRIPTION:Dr. Prasanta Kumar Pradhan highlighted the causes and implications of ‘Arab Spring’ during his presentation. It was emphasised that the political turmoil in the Arab World was an event waiting to happen due to the dissatisfaction with the ruling elite. Undemocratic political system\, authoritarian rulers\, human rights violations\, and social and economic equality contributed to the massive level of discontent amongst the people. However\, electoral success of Islamist parties in Egypt and Tunisia has raised the question of whether the region is ready to embrace secular democracy. \nIt was noted that the fear of a protracted conflict in the Arab world has had its own regional and international repercussions. Sectarian discord especially the Shia-Sunni tension has only worsened in recent times and this has been reflected in a strained Saudi-Iran relationship. The biggest beneficiaries of the current crisis have been Saudi Arabia and Turkey and they have tried to play a very active role in the region. However\, there has been no unanimity amongst the major powers (GCC\, Arab league\, China\, Russia or the US) in coming up with a joint action programme to deal with the crisis. \nIt was pointed out that India has huge stakes in the Gulf\, 65% of India’s oil comes from the Gulf and trade accounts for close to $120 bn and 6 million people of Indian origin stay in the region. Therefore what happens in the region will have implications for India as well. India’s response has been in tune with its traditional policy of non-alignment\, non-intervention and allowing the people to shape and choose their own destiny. India has abstained during the UN resolutions on Libya and Syria while at the same time called for a cessation of hostilities and for finding an amicable solution through dialogue. \nMordechai Kedar from BESA discussed the ‘Arab Spring’ as a period of intense instability in the Gulf. Due to concentration of political power in the hands of a few elite\, the ‘state’ was being looked upon as an illegitimate body by majority of citizens in most countries of the region. The history of unrest can be traced back to the era of colonialism wherein political power was divided amongst a select few. He emphasised that there is a distinct possibility of people clamouring for more autonomy in many districts of different countries\, especially in Iraq\, Yemen and Syria. This may even lead to demand for full independence similar to the Kurdistan movement. The rise of Islamic parties in Egypt is not an exception; “Islamization” with major repercussions will be witnessed in the future across the region. It was observed that Islamic parties generally do not adhere to international laws and with the Suez Canal now under the control of a Muslim party\, things can only get worse for Western countries. \nWhile talking about the reported spread of democracy in the Middle East\, Prof. Kedar believed that Israel will be the first country to benefit if real democracy spread across the region\, more so since it has been observed that real democracies do not fight amongst themselves. However\, the probability of real democracy appears bleak in the immediate future. There is an absence of real democratic institutions in the form of equality before law\, rule of law of the state\, religious freedom\, human rights\, minority and women’s rights. Therefore\, the ‘Arab Spring’ will continue to be unpredictable in the future; its repercussions will differ from state to state and acceptance of religious\, ethnic and tribal divides will go a long way in determining the spread of real democracy in the region. It was noted that it is not yet clear as to whether West Asia is heading towards democracy or anarchy. \nEytan Gilboa from BESA highlighted a distinction between short term and long term developments in the region. In the long run\, the spread of democracy is going to benefit not just Israel but also the entire region. But in the short term\, the transition from autocracy to democracy will not be easy and is likely to be a long drawn process. In this context\, the possibility of conflict between nations can not be ruled out. US policy in the Middle East\, the question of Iran\, terrorism and Palestinian negotiations will be the major sources of concern for Israel in the years to come. The recent turmoil is an indication that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is not the most important problem in the region. The main priority for Israel is Iran due to the threat it represents. Negotiation with Palestine is not a priority for Israel. It was further stressed that Iran building a nuclear bomb would imply the absolute failure of the US policy in the region. Arab Spring has created many voids and a nuclear Iran is poised to fill some of them especially at a time when the US is perceived to be on its way out of the Middle East. A nuclear Iran can put pressure and intimidate other Gulf States and introduce radical Islamist influence in the existing Arab governments. \nThe contradiction in the position of major international powers in the region was deliberated upon by the speaker. It was noted that diplomacy has failed and Iran has aptly used the lack of unanimity amongst big international powers to buy time for its nuclear programme sanctions have not worked and on military option the US and Europe do not know what to do. It was pointed out that the irresponsible behaviour of Russia and China in deliberately taking opposite stands to that of the US has further complicated the situation. \nIt was noted that based on the history of Lebanon\, Egypt and others\, the road to democracy in West Asia will be a very complicated one. It was deliberated upon by the speaker that elections should be the last step in a process of democratization. Unlike in Egypt\, democracy is all about initially establishing values\, norms\, democratic infrastructure and evolving institutions before elections are organized. The concern about Islamic regimes (of Muslim Brotherhood) coming into power in Egypt was raised. Such a development will not be in the interest of Israel. Section of Muslim Brotherhood of Egypt has already called for a review of the peace settlement with Israel. It was articulated by the speaker that the peace agreement between Israel and Egypt was never implemented fully as an agreement between two leaders was only ‘cold peace’. It was suggested that the Egypt-Israel Peace Agreement needs to be revisited given the developments still unfolding in Egypt. It was pointed out that the US policy on Egypt is perceived as abandoning of that nation. It was noted that there is a perception that the US is going out of West Asia and if this happens\, Iran will fill this gap. The ineffectiveness of the United Nations was also touched upon by the speaker during the deliberation. \nDr. P. R. Kumaraswamy noted that India can view the region from two angles; a) North Africa\, where India can be indifferent to the events unfolding in distant places like Tunisia\, Libya and to a lesser extent Egypt; and b) the more important Persian Gulf where India has to be extremely careful about any action that it initiates. He identified role of four major powers in the region: Arab League\, Turkey\, Iran and the USA: \n\nArab League: In recent months the League has been very active and assertive. It was due to its assertive role that the UN passed the resolution on Libya. There was consensus on the action to be taken on the issue of Syria. It was noted by the speaker that the general regional consensus on Syria will imply that India cannot afford to be silent on the issue.\nTurkey: The policy of zero problems with its neighbours may not be possible for Turkey to follow. It was articulated that Turkey will find it very difficult to continue an anti-Israel policy in order to just earn a few brownie points. Its influence in the region will be limited to the North African region.\nUSA: It was pointed out that the US still remains the dominant but declining power in Middle East. Greater indecisiveness in its foreign policy approach has resulted in its inability to influence events on the ground. With elections in the US due next year\, the Middle East peace process is off the agenda. There appears to be no uniform US democratic agenda for the Middle East and at present it has only a country-specific plan. Its response in the region has been directionless. However\, there appears to be no major alternative to the US in the region.\nIran: It was pointed out that in case of Iran again the US policy has not been very clear as to whether it wants to engage or disengage Iran. On the issue of sanctions it was noted that in early 1990s the sanctions could have been more effective but the US didn’t do much. In the current context\, sanctions against Iran will not be very effective and military action is not a viable option. The question is whether the US can provide incentives to Iran to roll back the nuclear programme.\n\nWhile talking about India’s Iran policy\, Dr. Kumaraswamy lamented the lack of strategic thinking on Iran. It was noted that there have been no discussions on the possibility of Iran’s missiles being targeted eastwards towards India and the negative consequences of Iran’s weapons programme. Even the presence of an unknown Iranian ship close to Indian coast has failed to elicit any debate amongst the strategic community. India’s Iran dilemma is also linked to India’s nuclear deal with the US in the backdrop of a well chronicled US-Iran conflict. \nHowever\, if forced to make a choice between Israel and Iran\, India will choose Iran due to the vast political and economic leverages that India can get by being associated with Iran. Similarly\, if backed by a strong political leadership\, India can choose Iran over the US on account of the same leverages. However\, if faced with a choice between Iran and the Arab World\, India cannot ignore the Arab nations due to economic\, energy\, strategic\, political and cultural factors. Even though Arab countries are far more important that Iran yet the foreign policy discourse of India has not yet been internalized on its importance. \nDuring the Discussion following important pointes were deliberated upon: \n\nOne of the major points of discussion was the nature of India’s response to Arab countries’ concern on Iran’s nuclear programme. It was felt that India will continue to maintain the current position but will not preach the non proliferation discourse since India itself has gone nuclear. But India will and should be more articulate in expressing its views that a nuclear Iran is not in anyone’s interest.\nOn the question of India’s options in the region\, it was felt that it should recognize the diversity and internal dynamics of the region and be in step with it. Moreover India should also look at the possibility of Iran acting in concert with China.\nOn the question of Pakistan ‘angle’ in India’s Middle East and Gulf policy\, it was felt that since the end of Cold War\, India has deliberately tried to de-link Pakistan from its Middle East policy. India has in fact focussed\, with increasing success\, on convergence and commonality of interests with the countries of the region. The moment Pakistan is brought into the picture\, the project becomes a non-starter.\nIt was felt that the talk about apparent US decline and its withdrawal from the region any time in the future is just a hypothetical case and the US will stay and be a dominant power in the region for years to come. On the question of strengthening its military presence in the region\, an interesting historical fact was presented. Whenever the US has been in doubt about its Middle East policy\, it has sent in its different naval fleets to the region. Maybe this is an indication of the present uncertain American policy in the region.\nOn the question of India’s policy of non-interference in Syria\, it was felt that India needs to be very cautious while articulating its policy. It should not be singled out in the UN general Assembly but should instead adopt a more nuanced public discourse.\nA major discussion took place on the reasons behind Russia and China taking a diametrically opposite stand to the American policies in the region. Some believed that Russia and China are trying to bring down the power and influence of the US and then step into the void left behind. In fact Russia may try to achieve superpower status by playing a more active and influential role in the region while China is working behind the scenes to achieve a peaceful global rise. One participant took recourse to the connecting vessels theory of Physics while referring to the role of Russia and China in the region and in explaining the interconnectedness of events. He felt that collapse of the regime in Syria will antagonize Iran since ‘Syria is the Trojan horse of the revolution into the Arab world through the success of Hezbollah’. Iran will surely act aggressively if the Syrian regime collapses. This in turn will affect Indian workers in the Gulf and oil prices will rise. Moreover\, China which is addicted to Gulf oil will face domestic problems in the form of unemployment which will result in mass migration to Russia’s Far East leading to social tensions in Russia. This possibly explains why Russia and China are at the forefront to prevent any condemnation of Syria in the UN. They are also apprehensive that even mere condemnation will be a license to EU and US to launch a military attack on Syria.\nIn response to the steps that need to be taken to establish effective democracy in the region\, it was felt that democracy building is a time consuming process and formation of interim governments acceptable to all with proportionate sharing of power could be a way ahead. But it may take a generation to have real democracy in the region. But in the meantime the real fear is of a nuclear Iran with superpower influence trying to manipulate moderate Islamists of the Middle East and make them move further away from democracy.\nThe effectiveness of the Arab League was also called into question. The fact that they have never been able to comprehensively deal with any Arab crisis in the past has put in doubt their ability to resolve any major conflict.\nAn interesting discussion took place on whether states like Iran\, Egypt\, Saudi Arabia and others acquiring nuclear weapons will lead to irresponsible behaviour or would they observe restraint? It was felt that even 30 years after the revolution in Iran\, policies of that country continue to be aggressive and extremist and even Lebanon and Hamas are still not moderate. The President of Iran has denied holocaust and threatened to wipe off Israel and a nuclear Iran only complicates matters. Other powers too will seek nuclear weapons to balance each other. However\, the major worry is of nuclear weapons falling into the hands of terrorists whose main goal post 9/11 appear to be destruction and murder. URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/global-and-regional-developments CATEGORIES:CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20230328T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20230329T053000 DTSTAMP:20261028T034643 CREATED:20231223T125347Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250328T011413Z UID:62725-1679981400-1680067800@idsa.in SUMMARY:21st Asian Security Conference: Towards Reformed Multilateralism in the Era of Indo-Pacific DESCRIPTION:Concept Note\n\nThe world is undergoing transformational changes. The ‘engine’ of manufacturing and growth shifted from the West to the East\, primarily to East Asia in the last century. China’s opening up and reform policy led it to emerge as a primary engine of economic growth and the world’s largest trading nation. In recent years\, growth and prosperity have spread to wider regions from East Asia to South East Asia\, South Asia\, and to the dynamic coast of Africa. The construct of Asia-Pacific as a sphere of economic dynamism in the last century has given way to the notion of Indo-Pacific\, which has gained currency due to its inclusive nature\, more reflective of the aspirations of people in a wider arc. Asia is a key plank of the Indo-Pacific and reflects the region’s aspiration for growth and prosperity. The future of the Asian continent is not contingent on the rise of any single great power – rather\, on multiple civilisation and emerging powers that are striving to play a larger global role. \nThe global pandemic revealed the stresses and risks in critical supply chains. It has further fused trade and investment flows to geostrategic competition.  The US and major   European countries have long played a key role in Asia’s trade and economic rise as well as stability. The G20 is a forum most representative of the engagement between the US\, Europe and developing countries not just in Asia but also in Africa and Latin America. \nThe “Asian age” or the “Asian century” in the era of Indo-Pacific is being redefined as a broader concept signalling the inevitable rise of different parts of Asia\, which are home to some of the world’s most ancient civilizations. For the past two decades\, if not more\, Asia has re-emerged to shape global dynamics by involving many stakeholders from the extended neighbourhood of Africa\, West Asia\, Eurasia as well as the great powers that have a long-standing economic and security presence in different parts of Asia. According to McKinsey\, Asia is expected to generate more than 50 per cent of the world’s GDP\, and could account for nearly 40 per cent of global consumption\, ushering in the ‘’Asian age’. \nThe onset of the ‘Asian Century’ —Asianization of world politics —has renewed focus on the continent and the promise it holds for the emerging global political order as Asia remains the main growth engine of the world. After all\, Asia is today home to the world’s second\, third and fifth-largest economies\, and it is\, therefore\, not surprising that the power balance has shifted to Asia. There is\, in fact\, a repositioning of Asia with China and India emerging as dominant actors in global politics. Japan\, as the world’s second-largest developed economy\, is a potent power that is taking increasingly robust positions on defence and security issues. ASEAN too has emerged as one of the most dynamic regions in global economic and security paradigms.  China’s exponential economic growth has aided its geopolitical rise. India has also witnessed sustained economic growth for the last three decades and is poised for an even higher rate of growth. Overall\, post-Covid-19 Asia is on the path of economic recovery and Asia’s average growth stands at 6.9% according to the Asian Development Bank. \nThe continent’s heterogeneity in terms of its diverse culture\, skilled manpower and availability of cheap labour\, has made it a manufacturing hub and demonstrated its economic success. Economic growth has also brought in its own challenges in terms of ensuring macroeconomic stability\, and sustainable growth as trade and investment issues are getting linked to uncertain global supply chains. As the Indo-Pacific countries strive to achieve their Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)\, there is a growing emphasis on climate adaptation initiatives and green growth powered by green energy. However\, the technologies required for energy transition are expensive and the Global South needs to find a way to make the transition sustainable with help from the developed nations. \nAn emerging Asia would prioritise important agendas such as access to drinking water\, securing health\, preserving bio-diversity\, water security and water conservation and exploring opportunities in the blue economy. As climate change impacts agriculture and consequently food security\, countries in the Indo-Pacific region would be compelled to focus on sustainable consumption alongside green transition. \nIn order to advance the SDGs in Asia\, the existing digital divide needs to be bridged through uninterrupted\, resilient and decentralized digital commons. China has taken a lead in offering ‘green infrastructure’ in its programme ‘infrastructure for tomorrow’ through its Asian Infrastructure and Investment Bank. It has an ambitious target of providing ‘cumulative climate finance approvals of USD50 billion by 2030’.Moreover\, competing for investment and market access the rising economies of Asia\, i.e.\, India\, China and Japan\, are keen to invest in mega infrastructural projects as a part of their geo-economic power projection. At the same time\, Asian economies have been vying for greater connectivity in a bid to integrate economies of the region. China’s ambitious and aggressive Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has challenged the status quo. Connectivity has become a core facet of both competition and cooperation.  While originally centred on a Eurasian connectivity construct\, the BRI has pushed its geographical boundaries to incorporate the Arctic\, Africa\, South East Asia and Latin America as well as parts of Oceania.  It has now run into challenges of debt-traps and negative perceptions. Meanwhile\, the US\, EU and Japan are offering more transparent and sustainable alternatives to finance the infrastructure and connectivity deficit in the Indo-Pacific. \nAsian infrastructure needs are estimated to be between US$ 22.6 trillion and US$ 26 trillion until 2030. The BRI is China’s attempt to take advantage of the existing gap in investment in the infrastructure and connectivity sectors thereby accruing strategic gains. This has led Asian economies like Japan to expand their investment in connectivity projects via the Expanded Partnership for Quality Infrastructure (EPQI). India\, through its concept of Security and Growth for All (SAGAR) has joined Japan in building alternatives to the BRI. The US too has launched multilateral ventures like the Blue Dot Network (BDN) and the Group of Seven (G7)-linked connectivity ventures\, the Build Back Better World\, the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) and the Partners in the Blue Pacific with like-minded states. With the launch of its Global Gateway in 2021\, the European Union (EU) has emerged as the latest player entering the infrastructure and connectivity race. \nThe COVID-19 pandemic has generated wide-ranging discussions among major powers on supply chain diversification and the challenges of relying on a single source of supply. As a result\, Australia\, Japan\, and India launched the Supply Chain Resilience Initiative (SCRI) to diversify supply chains and build sustainable networks that are resistant to future shocks. Maritime trading nations such as India\, Australia and Japan remain best placed to take the SCRI forward\, along with the cooperation of the US and Europe. There also exists immense potential for these countries to work with new partners in Africa and ASEAN region. Meanwhile\, China has reintroduced Health Silk Road as part of its vaccine diplomacy. As a manufacturing hub of pharmaceuticals\, India has provided equitable access to vaccines to countries around the world as part of the QUAD Vaccine partnership. \nA multilateral institutional framework for global digital governance architecture is needed with Asian countries as stakeholders. However\, Asia’s representation in the current multilateral organisations continues to be inadequate compared to its growing significance in world politics\, It is pertinent to underline the need to transform global institutions like the United Nations by creating a new framework and reforming the existing multilateral fora to reflect the current international reality. \nAccording to the Asian Development Bank (ADB)\, “by 2030\, the prevalence of extreme poverty in the region [read Asia] is expected to drop below 1% [and the same time] about 25% of the population is projected to achieve at least middle-class status. With the shift of economic power to Asia\, Asian concerns need to be reflected in the global financial order. The dominant international financial institutions such as the IMF and World Bank\, etc.\, need to be sensitive to the requirements of the developing nations that are keen to meet the SDGs. \nOne of the ways developing economies have attempted to address their concerns is to focus on minilateralism. Minilateralism has shaped new cohorts of like-minded nations to focus on micro issues that are considered important for the participating countries. Smaller groupings with similar objectives have emerged as the new and preferred mediums of strategic cooperation to advance national interests. Minilateralism focuses more on shared values and convergent interests. Such cooperation\, including at the regional level\, is likely to reshape the post-pandemic geopolitical order. \nMultilateralism on the other hand would serve the interests of the Asian countries. This would call for the reordering of other UN-affiliated institutions like the World Trade Organisation (WTO)\, World Health Organisation (WHO)\, and International Labour Organization (ILO) to reflect the essential character of the multipolar global order representing diverse interests. In addition\, the reform of the international financial institutions in order to better provide finance for climate change adaptation and mitigation\, infrastructure development and investments in the social sector would no doubt help the developing countries in Asia to meet the rising aspirations of their people as well as contribute responsibly to the global efforts to save the planet. \nIndia has been a strong votary of UN reforms for many years. Speaking at the United Nations\, Foreign Minister\, Dr. S.Jaishankar said\, “We not only need to increase stakeholdership but also enhance the effectiveness and credibility of multilateralism in the eyes of the international community and in the eyes of global public opinion. If this is to happen\, member states from Latin America\, Africa\, Asia\, and the Small Island Developing States should have credible and continuing representation in the Security Council. Decisions about their future can no longer be taken without their participation.” As of now\, a few veto-wielding countries in the Security Council have exercised disproportionate control over the global agenda. This has not served the interest of an equitable and level playing field for all. The current composition of the Council reflects as Dr.Jaishankar stated\, “the inequities and inadequacies of the way the world currently functions”. The undemocratic structure of current multilateral organisations that privileges only a few countries who want to control global political order at the cost of the aspirations of the majority of the countries have given rise to ‘mini-laterals’ that reflect the diverse interests\, which the current global structure is unable to address. India has\, on numerous occasions\, emphasised the need to have an honest conversation on the reform of various multilateral institutions created 75 years ago and has expressed its disappointment over the lack of progress in regard to Security Council reforms. It is also imperative that there should be policy coordination among various multilateral groupings without which it will be difficult to cater to the needs of developing and underdeveloped nations in a cohesive manner. \nOn 1 December 2022\, India has assumed the Presidency of the G20 which represents around 85% of the global GDP\, over 75% of the worldwide trade\, and about two-thirds of the world’s population.  It has emphasized “One Earth\, One Family\, One Future” in the spirit of its ancient philosophy of “Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam”. As the Chairperson of the grouping\, India will champion the cause of the Global South and reforms. As a member of groupings such as BRICS\, ASEAN\, CICA\, SCO\, Quad\, IBSA and CELAC\, India would centre its efforts on ‘reformed multilateralism’ as a part of its endeavour to transform global institutions to suit the changing international power configuration in the context of the rise of the Global South. \nAsia is now increasingly situated in the unfolding paradigms of the Indo-Pacific region. It is clear that regional power politics in Asia as well as their interplay with external powers will be a critical factor in determining the future of the region. In an integrated world\, Asian security issues impact on the wider Indo-Pacific\, and vice versa. Keeping these developments in context\, the 21st Asian Security Conference aims to seek answers to the following questions: \n\nWhy are reforms of multilateral institutions important? Two major developments are transforming the multilateral system. The first is the emergence of a number of key states as influential actors in the global political system. The second is a trend towards multi-polarity that is gaining momentum.\nIn the global power transition\, how is Asia situated in the era of the Indo-Pacific? What role can India play in this evolving paradigm?\nHow are Asian powers responding to the New Supply Chain Resilience Initiative (SCRI)? What will be the impact of SCRI on the evolving geo-economics of Asia?\nWill cooperation on non-traditional issues such as climate adaptability and energy transition strengthen multilateral actions? Can widely agreed-on general rules be formulated to cooperate on managing the global commons and in the provision of global public goods?\nWhat level of policy coordination is required within the complex of global institutions—such as the WHO\, WTO\, and the ILO—and which of these institutions should and can be reformed substantially?\nHow will Bretton Woods’s global financial institutions adapt to the rise of Asia and alternative sources of finance for infrastructure and connectivity?\nWhat would be the role of technology in bridging the digital divide? How to evolve a framework that will help in structuring an uninterrupted and resilient ‘digital commons’ and make technology affordable and accessible?\nWhat mechanisms can like-minded countries in Asia and the G20 devise that will serve as solutions to the threats of an impending recession\, high inflation\, and interrupted supply chains?\n\nThe Conference may be divided into four academic sessions over two days. Each Session may be of two hours duration and may accommodate 4-5 papers keeping the broad theme in mind. \n  \n Programme\nDAY ONE: Tuesday\, 28 March 2023\n\n\n\n\n\n09:00-09:30 hrs \n\nRegistration\n\n\n\n09:30-10:30 hrs \n\nInaugural Session \n\n\n\n09:30-09:45\n09:45-09:57\n09:57-10:25 \n\nIntroductory Address: Amb. Sujan R. Chinoy\nSpecial Remarks: Shri Dammu Ravi\nInaugural Address: Shri Amitabh Kant\n\n\n\n Q&A and Group photo \n\n\n\n\nSESSION – I \n10:30-11:45 hrs\nTowards Reformed Multilateralism: Emerging Power Dynamics and Transforming Global Institutions\nChair:  Amb. Sujan R. Chinoy \n\n\n\n\nSpeakers \n\n\n\n\nDr. C. Raja Mohan\nIndia and the Changing World of Multilateralism\n\n\nDr. Amelia Joan Liwe\nPossibilities and Challenges of Reformed Multilateralism:\nA Comparative-Historical Analysis\n\n\nDr. Alireza Khoda Gholipour\nRevisionism: A Logical Must or A Negative Characteristic?\n\n\nProf. Nagesh Kumar\nReforming Multilateral Trade Rules for Green Transition: Some Proposals for the G-20 Agenda\n\n\n\nQ&A Session\n\n\n11:45-12:00\nTea/Coffee break\n\n\n12:00-13:30 hrs\nSession I (Continuation) \n\n\nDr. Emilio J. Zeca\nInclusive Multipolarity Towards Reformed Multilateralism: Why are Reforms of Multilateral Institutions Important?\n\n\nAmb. Tsogtbaatar Damdin\nA Way to New Multilateralism: from Money-Centrism to Mind-Centrism\n\n\nDr. Hassan Khannenje\nAfrica’s Fate\, Asia’s Rise and the New Geopolitics\n\n\nDr. Surat Horachaikul\nNeed for Reforming and Strengthening the UN: A Thai\nPerspective\n\n\nMr. Tu Anh Tuan\nEvolution of Vietnam’s Multilateral Diplomacy: Lessons and Recommendations\n\n\n\nQ&A Session\n\n\n\n13:30-14:15 hrs \n\nLunch\n\n\n\n  \n\n \n\n\n\nSESSION – II \n14:15-16:15 hrs\nGeo-economics: Reforming Global Financial Institutions\nChair: Prof. Manoj Pant \n\n\n\n\nSpeakers \n\n \n\n\nProf. Masahiro Kawai\nImportance of Geo-economics: Reforming Global Financial Institutions\n\n\nProf. Tkachenko Stanislav\nCrisis of Bretton Woods Two and Political Economy of Contemporary Global Financial Institutions\n\n\nProf. Jayati Srivastava\nThe Crisis of Global Governance and the WTO\n\n\nMs. Manisha Dookhony\nShifting Tides and Ties in Southern Indian Ocean\n\n\nMr. Vova A. Chikanda\nReform of Global Multilateral Institutions and their Impact on Africa and the Developing Countries\n\n\nDr. Samir Elsadek Mahmoudi\nThe Evolution of Multilateral Development Banks’ Missions and Operations\n\n\n\nQ&A Session\n\n\n\n16:15-16:30hrs \n\nTea Break\n\n\n\nSESSION – III \n16:30-18:00 hrs\nConnectivity & Trade\, Investment & Resilient Supply Chain\nChair: Prof. Santosh Mehrotra\n\n\n\nSpeakers\n\n\n\nDr. Dareskedar Taye\nConnectivity and the Emerging Initiatives in Asia: A Conceptual Framework\n\n\nAmb. Chun Beeho\nSouth Korea-India Connectivity and Strategic Partnership\nin the G20 Framework\n\n\nProf. Sanjay Kathuria\nMaking South Asia Count in Global Value Chains\n\n\nProf. Mustafizur Rahman\nBangladesh Perspective on the Evolving Regional Trade and Connectivity\n\n\nDr. Herrick C. Mpuku\nConnectivity And Trade\, Boosting Investment\, Incubating Resilient Supply Chain\n\n\nMr. Yigitaliev\nShukhratjon Mahamadnabievich\nSpecial Role of India in the Interconnectivity\nBetween Central and South Asia: A View from Uzbekistan\n\n\n\nQ&A Session\n\n\n\n\n  \nDAY TWO: Wednesday\, 29 March 2023\n  \n\n\n\n\n09:30-10:00 hrs\nTea\n\n\n\nSESSION – IV \n10:00-12:00 hrs \nMultilateral Approach to Climate Adaptation and Mitigation\nChair: Dr. Uttam Kumar Sinha\n\n\n\nSpeakers\n\n\n\nProf. Huang Yunsong\nGenuine Multilateralism: China’s Approach on Non-Traditional Security Challenges\n\n\nDr. Medha Bisht\nEmerging Agendas of Green Infrastructure and Asian Multilateraliam\n\n\nMr. Jyotiraj Patra\nAddressing Climate-related Security Risks in the Indo-Pacific\n\n\nDr.Anatoly Boyashov\nClimate-Security Nexus at the UN Security Council: Implications for the UN reforms\, Regional Integration\, and State Sovereignty\n\n\nMs.Clara Randrianjara\nMultilateral Approach to Non-Traditional Security Challenges: Climate Adaptation and Mitigation: The Case of Madagascar\n\n\nMr. Felix Wandwe\nDevising Multilateral Approach to Non-Traditional Security Challenges: Climate change\, Mitigation and Governance\n\n\n\nQ&A Session\n\n\n\nSESSION – V\n 12:00-13:30 hrs\nEnsuring Water\, Health\, Food and Energy Security\nChair: Mr. Tapas Paul \n\n\n\nSpeakers\n \n\n\nDr.Vaibhav Chaturvedi\nPathways to India’s Net-Zero Target\n\n\nProf.Umar Ibrahim Gaya\nEnsuring Water\, Health and Food Security: Role of Multilateral STI Ecosystem\n\n\nDr.Sumit Vij(Online)\nDesecuritisation and (Re)politicisation of Transboundary Waters? Ideas from the Brahmaputra River Basin\n\n\nMs. Diana Benoit\nStrengthening Multilateralism for Peace and Sustainable Development\n\n\n\nQ&A Session\n\n\n13:30-14:30 hrs \nLunch \n\n\n \n \n\n\n\nSESSION – VI\n 14:30-16:30 hrs\nThe Digital Future and Emerging Tech\nChair: Lt. Gen. (Dr.) Rajesh Pant (Retd) \n\n\n\nSpeakers\n\n\n\nDr.Melanie Garson (Online)\nIntegrated Internet Internationalism\n\n\nMr.Mohammed Soliman\nIP Wars in an Era of Great Power Competition\n\n\nDr. Gulshan Rai\nEmerging Technologies and Challenges of Cyber Security\n\n\nDr. Hannes Ebert (Online)\nImplementing Global Cyber Confidence-Building Measures\n\n\n\nQ&A Session\n\n\n\nVote of Thanks\n\n\n\n\n\nProfiles of the Participants [PDF] \nRegistration Advertisement\nThe Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA)\, New Delhi is organising the 21st edition of its flagship event\, the Asian Security Conference (ASC)\, on the theme “Towards Reformed Multilateralism in the Era of Indo-Pacific”. This year\, the Conference is focused on developmental themes related to India’s G20 Presidency\, such as reformed multilateralism\, reforming global financial institutions\, trade\, connectivity\, non-traditional security challenges and digital economy. Participation is open to faculty members in Universities\, Students and Researchers in think tanks.\nInterested participants can send us their details i.e.\, Name\, Address\, Educational qualification\, Institutional Affiliation etc. at ascidsa2023@gmail.com. A confirmation mail will be sent after examining the details. Once confirmed\, the participants interested to attend would need to pay a registration fee.\nRegistration fees of Rs 2000/- would cover the costs of lunches and tea. The Fee can be transferred through NEFT to MP-IDSA’s account. The Bank details will be provided with the confirmation mail. \nKindly note the last date for applying for registration is 21 March\, 2023ascidsa2023@gmail.com URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/21st-asian-security-conference-towards-reformed-multilateralism-in-the-era-of-indo-pacific CATEGORIES:CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20230117T133000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20230118T223000 DTSTAMP:20261028T034643 CREATED:20250210T224807Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250327T232219Z UID:84938-1673962200-1674081000@idsa.in SUMMARY:14th South Asia Conference - Think20@G20: Towards a Resilient South Asia DESCRIPTION:Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses is hosting its 14th South Asia Conference in New Delhi. The South Asia Conference\, which the Institute has been organising since 2007 seeks to draw on a cross-section of policy makers\, academics\, civil society actors and young professionals from all countries of the South Asian region\, to examine and discuss issues of common concern and interest. \nThe theme for this year’s conference is “Think20@G20: Towards a Resilient South Asia”. The Conference will be held on 17-18 January 2023 at MP-IDSA. \n\n \nWatch Video | DAY: ONE\n\n \nWatch Video | DAY: TWO\n\n\n  \n\nConcept Note\n\n\nThe Group of Twenty (G20)\, the central forum for international cooperation on financial and economic questions\, has been formulating and implementing policy decisions on the most pressing issues impacting countries across the globe since 1999. Since 2012\, the Think20 (T20) engagement group\, comprising prestigious think tanks and academia from the international community\, has been providing an analytical depth to G20 discussions and assisting the G20 leaders in developing concrete and sustainable policy measures centred around G20 priorities. Each year\, under a new G20 Presidency\, the T20 creates Task Forces to structure their proposals around the most critical issues and drive policy innovation. \nIndia has recently assumed the Presidency of G20 for the year 2022-23. The T20 is the ‘ideas bank’\, formed to provide insightful policy proposals during India’s Presidency. It has created eight task forces to take up issues related to macroeconomics\, trade and livelihoods; to discuss open\, accessible\, and inclusive digital public architecture; to create a mass movement for sustainable consumption; clean and green energy; to reassess the global financial order; to accelerate the sustainable development goals; and to create a roadmap for multilateralism. India is committed to play a significant role as President in the policy formulation in all these areas of tasks undertaken by the G20. \nThe Chair of the T20 engagement group this year is Ambassador Sujan R. Chinoy. He is the Director General of Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA) which is hosting its 14th Annual South Asian Conference in January 2023. This conference is structured\, under his leadership\, as a platform to discuss issues of common interest and concern and to explore areas of convergence. The recommendations that emerge from the collective brainstorming in this conference can be channelised through the T20 to the G20 leadership track. \nSince India is the only South Asian Country in G20\, India’s presidency is an opportune moment not only for India but also for the entire South Asian region. India’s motto in the G20 this year is “One Earth\, One Family\, One Future”\, which is supported by India’s ancient ethos ‘Vasudhaiba Kutumbakam’ (World is One Family) which is the guiding principle for India’s Neighbourhood First policy\, Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR)\, Vaccine Maitri and collaborative approaches in the extended neighbourhood. \nOne of the aims of the T20 this year is to connect scholars and thinkers from the non-G20 members to the G20\, to funnel ideas from the larger global community into the G20 agenda\, and also take the views of those members into consideration who are going to be impacted by the policy decisions of the G20. In this context\, MP-IDSA intends to harvest the views of the South Asian Countries on their expectations from G20 to address the most pressing issues in each of the countries as well as in the region through its flagship event -i.e.\, the South Asia Conference\, proposed to be held in January 2023. \nThe global economic downturn due to the Covid-19 pandemic\, the impact of the Russia-Ukraine war\, and economic challenges in most of the countries in the region have exacerbated economic challenges faced by countries like Sri Lanka and Pakistan. Although the situation in Bangladesh and Nepal is not as grim\, inadequate foreign reserves remain an issue. The Maldivian economy is recovering better in the post-pandemic period\, but there is a concern about high public debt in the country. Bhutan too faces a moderate risk as far as debt sustainability is concerned. Political transition in Afghanistan amidst the global pandemic has led to a significant economic downturn in the country. \nDespite the gradual resumption of economic activities in the post-pandemic period\, the region is likely to face severe food\, energy and inflationary crises due to disruptions and supply side constraints. The economic situation is likely to hamper the achievement of sustainable development and millennium development goals as well as other country-specific economic targets. The susceptibility of most South Asian countries to external shocks and the uncertainties in the global economy underscore the need for resilience in the South Asian region. \nIndia\, the region’s largest and the world’s fastest-growing economy\, has recovered more strongly than the world average\, according to a World Bank overview. The forecast for India’s economic growth is very optimistic. As a responsible regional power\, India has played a crucial role in providing relief and assistance to its neighbours during the pandemic and also stands to be a partner in their economic recovery. Its record as “first responder” in the face of natural disaster is exemplary. \nIn spite of India’s willingness to share its growth and prosperity with its neighbours\, and popular will at the regional level to work together for common wellbeing\, intra-regional economic integration has been minimal compared to other regions around the world. Intra-regional trade accounts for less than five percent of the total trade taking place in the region and efforts at the regional level to boost trade have fallen prey to narrow nationalist perspectives on security and foreign policy. This is primarily due to avoidable historical/legacy issues as well as mistrust among states. Given the problems the region is facing today\, it is imperative that countries work together in regard to effective and sustainable policy formulation\, digitalisation and use of technology to address the macro-economic challenges in the region. Such effective coordination requires a high level of understanding among countries and collaboration between academia and think tanks. \nThe 14th South Asia Conference titled\, “Think20@G20: Towards a Resilient South Asia” will be held on 17-18 January 2023. A cross-section of experts\, analysts\, and policymakers are being invited to discuss the following issues\, particularly the way forward: \n\nWhat are the most pressing economic issues faced by South Asian countries and why?\nHow are the countries dealing with their economic issues and how can India’s presidency of the G20 be leveraged to boost regional integration?\nHow do the regional countries view the role of G20 in their efforts to deal with and address economic problems?\nHow have the G20 policy decisions so far impacted the South Asian economies?\nHow G20 can emerge as a more productive and relevant multilateral platform for South Asian countries and why it should?\nWhat are the recommendations South Asian countries wish to offer for T20’s consideration for its policy recommendations to the G20 leadership track?\nHow can the emerging regional consensus for growth and prosperity be utilised to tap the potential for greater regional economic integration that may contribute to regional peace and development?\n\n\nProgramme\n\n  \n\n\n\n  \nDay One: Tuesday\, 17 January 2023\n \n\n\n0930-1000:\nRegistration \n\n\n1000-1100:\nInaugural Session \nWelcome Address by Amb Sujan R. Chinoy\, T20 Chair of G20 India and Director General\, MP-IDSA\nInaugural Address by Mr Amitabh Kant\, Sherpa\, G20 India\n\n\n1100-1115:\nTea\n\n\n1115-1230:\nWorking Session – I: Introducing T20 and G20\n\n\nChair:\nAmb Sujan R. Chinoy\, Director General\, MP-IDSA & T20 Chair\n\n\nSpeakers:\nAmb Rajiv Bhatia\, Distinguished Fellow\, Gateway House\nDr Sandhya Purecha\, Chair W20\nMr Abhay Thakur\, Additional Secretary & Sous-Sherpa G20\nProf Harsh V. Pant\, ORF\, Co-Chair of T20 Task Force 7 ‘Towards Reformed Multilaterlism’\nMr Rohan Jaitley\, Member of Core Group of T20\nMs Sunaina Kumar\, ORF\, Executive Director\, T20 Secretariat India\n\n\n1230-1300:\nAmbassadors’ Interaction on G20\n\n\nChair:\nAmb Sujan R. Chinoy\, Director General\, MP-IDSA & T20 Chair\n\n\n1300-1345:\nLunch\n\n\n1345-1415:\nSpecial Lecture by Mr Tetsushi Sonobe\, Dean & CEO\, ADBI and Chair Think7 on “T7 Outlook of Japan on G20 Process”\n\n\nChair:\nAmb Sujan R. Chinoy\, Director General\, MP-IDSA & T20 Chair\n\n\n1415-1530:\n Working Session – II: Country Perspectives on Climate\, Economic\, Gender & Energy Concerns\n\n\nChair:\nProf Mahendra P. Lama\, Jawaharlal Nehru University\n\n\nSpeakers:\nDr Sharmind Neelormi\, Professor\, Dept. of Economics\, University of Jahangirnagar\, Bangladesh\nMr Dil Bahadur Rahut\, Senior Research Fellow\, ADBI\nMr Anushka Wijesinha\, Co-founder\, Centre for Smart Future\, Colombo\nDr Zaw Naing\, Managing Director\, Mandalay Technology\, Myanmar\n\n\n1530-1645:\nWorking Session – III: Country Perspectives on Climate\, Economic\, Gender & Energy Concerns\n\n\nChair:\nDr Uttam Sinha\, MP-IDSA\, Co-Chair of T20 Task Force 6 on ‘Accelerating SDGs’\n\n\nSpeakers:\nDr Ajaya Dikshit\, PRI\, Nepal\, adviser\, Institute for Social and Environmental Transition & Policy Research Institute\nMs Ngu Wah Win\, Research Fellow\, Knowledge Circle Foundation\, Myanmar\nDr Ramani Gunatilaka\, Independent Consultant\, Sri Lanka URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/14th-south-asia-conference-think20g20-towards-a-resilient-south-asia CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES,Previous South Asia conference,South Asia Conference,CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20221219T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20221220T053000 DTSTAMP:20261028T034643 CREATED:20231223T125348Z LAST-MODIFIED:20240716T001810Z UID:62726-1671427800-1671514200@idsa.in SUMMARY:Two Day Conference on “International Cooperation for Chemical Disarmament Combating Chemical Terrorism” DESCRIPTION:Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA) and the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) are jointly organising an online conference on “International Cooperation for Chemical Disarmament: Combating Chemical Terrorism”. It is scheduled to take place on the Webex platform on December 19-20\, 2022\, at 1330h (IST). \nThe conference intends to deliberate upon the provisions and procedures embedded in the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC) to be used to the greatest effect for counter-terrorism purposes. Given your interest in the subject\, you are invited to participate in the discussion. URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/two-day-conference-on-international-cooperation-for-chemical-disarmament-combating-chemical-terrorism CATEGORIES:CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20220329T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20220330T053000 DTSTAMP:20261028T034643 CREATED:20231223T125348Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250404T000220Z UID:62727-1648531800-1648618200@idsa.in SUMMARY:5th West Asia Conference - India’s Approach to West Asia: Trends\, Challenges and Possibilities DESCRIPTION:Live Streaming : DAY TWO\n \n\n\n\nLive Streaming : DAY ONE\n \n\n\n Executive Summary The Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA)\, New Delhi\, organised its 5th biennial West Asia Conference on March 29-30\, 2022\, in virtual mode. Speakers from India and abroad participated in the Conference and shared their perspectives on the changing contours of India’s growing engagement with the West Asian region\, response of the countries of the region towards India’s policy\, geopolitics and security situation in West Asia\, challenges for the Indian community in the Gulf during Covid-19 pandemic\, issues of energy security\, and strategic and security cooperation between India and the region. The West Asian region continues to remain in a state of flux even after a decade of the Arab unrest. The situation in Syria\, Yemen and Libya remains fluid. A number of terrorist organisations and non-state actors continue to challenge the security and stability in West Asia. The recent Houthi attacks on the critical infrastructures in Saudi Arabia and the UAE are a major cause of insecurity in the Gulf region. The uncertainty over the ongoing Vienna talks to revive the Iranian nuclear deal\, Israel’s growing engagement with the Arab countries after the signing of the Abraham Accords and perceived weakening of US presence in the region are some of the key geopolitical dynamics which will have severe implications for the region. In such critical circumstances\, India faces a number of challenges to engage with the countries of the region. India shares historical relations with West Asia; and has huge economic\, energy\, political\, security and strategic stakes in the region. In recent years India has strengthened defence\, security and strategic ties with a number of countries in the region. India’s security relations with the Gulf countries go beyond energy and diaspora security and there is an interest from both sides in expanding defence relations. While\, during the last decade\, the Arab unrest brought considerable challenges to India’s policy in the region\, India has persevered in its engagements\, successfully navigating the turbulence in the Arab world. While the COVID-19 pandemic severely affected the nine million strong Indian community in the Gulf\, Prime Minister Narendra Modi reached out to the Gulf leaders appealing to them to look after the Indians who are affected by the pandemic. Finally\, it was suggested by the participants that\, amid the changing regional and great-power geopolitics\, India needs to enhance its engagement as a reliable partner for the key regional actors in West Asia. Rapporteurs’ Report Rapporteurs’ Report [PDF] Concept Note The Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA) has been organising its biennial West Asia Conference (WAC) since 2014. Over the years\, this flagship event has dealt with a number of critical issues facing West Asia and North Africa (WANA) region including the paradigmatic shifts in the region’s geopolitics\, the growing impact of ideological and socio-political movements\, and the global\, regional and intra-regional responses to the regional developments. The Conference has been an important platform for academics\, analysts\, policymakers and government officials to discuss issues of mutual concern and explore newer avenues for cooperation. Invitees\, both institutions and individuals\, stretching the vast expanse of WANA as well as other parts of the world\, participate in the Conference to discuss issues in a free and frank manner. India’s relations with WANA go back to historic times with artefacts found in archaeological sites of Indus Valley\, Harappa and Mesopotamian and the Sumerian civilisation underscoring trade and cultural ties in ancient times. Geographic proximity and maritime connectivity played a significant role in establishing mercantile contacts between the Arabian Peninsula and Indian Subcontinent. Although post-Independence India’s relations with the region were inhibited by ideological considerations\, the post-Cold War recalibration in India’s foreign policy opened avenues for reconnecting with the WANA region. In order to deepen cooperation and engagement with the neighbourhood\, India has adopted the ‘Neighbourhood First’ policy. Engagement with the WANA region is a key component of the ‘Neighbourhood First’ policy and the government has taken a proactive approach towards its neighbourhood. Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi\, since 2014\, India’s relations with WANA have witnessed a qualitative transformation leading to strengthening of bilateral relations with the regional countries. The change has been visible not only in the frequency of political and diplomatic engagements but also in growing cooperation in newer fields including business\, investments\, security and defence. Recent cooperation between India and the countries of the West Asian region to fight the COVID-19 pandemic underlines the strong bonds of friendship. Further\, India’s ‘Think West’ policy focuses on its western neighbourhood with renewed emphasis to accelerate the pace of engagement with these countries. This has been an important pillar in India’s foreign policy in the recent years. The WANA region\, especially the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) States\, is significant for India for a variety of factors\, most importantly for its energy security and as host to millions of Indians who live and earn their livelihood there. There is also a mutuality of interest in maritime security as well as in fighting international terrorism and religious radicalism. Indian interest is also connected to peace and stability in the region because of the natural linkages between South and West Asia regions. India’s bilateral trade with the region is around US$ 200 billion. India imports more than 60 percent of its energy requirements from the region. There are about nine million Indians living in the region whose safety and security is a concern for New Delhi. Any challenge to regional security situation or weakening of the economies in WANA will have a direct impact on the economy and security of India. As a result India has developed strategic partnerships with regional countries\, especially with the United Arab Emirates\, Israel\, Saudi Arabia\, Iran\, Qatar and Oman without ignoring other important regional countries including Egypt\, Turkey\, Jordan\, Syria\, Iraq\, Bahrain and the Palestinian territories. India favours peace and stability in the region and seeks partnerships with all like-minded countries towards economic prosperity for the people of India and the WANA countries. Towards this end India has not hesitated in participating in multilateral fora including most recently\, engaging in a dialogue in October 2021 with the foreign ministers of the UAE\, Israel and the United States with the objective of harnessing the collective resources and expertise for developing economic cooperation. Despite the growing engagement\, India must deal apace with the challenges of existing regional tensions\, social polarisation\, deteriorating humanitarian situation\, terrorism and religious radicalism in the region. Even after a decade of the Arab unrest\, the impact of the regional upheaval on the politics\, security and economy of the region continues to remain high. India has persevered in its engagements\, successfully navigating the turbulence in the Arab world. Against this backdrop\, the MP-IDSA is organising the 5th West Asia Conference on the theme “India’s Approach to West Asia: Trends\, Challenges and Possibilities.” The following key questions\, along with many others\, would be discussed during the conference:What are the changing components of India’s growing engagement with the WANA countries? How have the WANA countries responded to India’s regional policy and what are the expectations in New Delhi? With renewed focus on West Asia\, what would be the possible new political\, security and economic challenges and opportunities for India in the region? \n\nParticipants\n\n\n\n\n\n \nAmb Sujan R. Chinoy\, Director General\, Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\, New Delhi.\n\n\n\n\n\n \nAmb. Dr. Ezzat Saad El Sayed\, Director\, Egyptian Council for Foreign Affairs\, Cairo\, Egypt\n\n\n\n\n\n \nAmb Talmiz Ahmad\,\nFormer Ambassador of India to Saudi Arabia\, UAE and Oman\n\n\n\n\n\n \nAmb. Dore Gold\,\nPresident\, Jerusalem Centre for Public Affairs\, Jerusalem\, Israel\n\n\n\n\n\n \nProf. Gulshan Dietl (Retd.)\nSchool of International Studies\, JNU\, New Delhi\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Andrey Kortunov\,\nDirector General\, Russian International Affairs Council\, Moscow\, Russia\n\n\n\n\n\n \nProf. Mehmet Seyfettin Erol\,\nPresident\, Ankara Centre for Crisis and Policy Studies\, Ankara\, Turkey\n\n\n\n\n\n \nMr. Goor Tsalalyachin\,\nExecutive Director\, The Abba Eban Institute for International Diplomacy\, Reichman University\, Herziliya\, Israel\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Md. Muddassir Quamar\, Ph.D.\nAssociate Fellow\, Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\, New Delhi.\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Meena Singh Roy\, Senior Fellow and Head\, West Asia and Eurasia\, Tillotoma Foundation\, and Distinguished Fellow\, Middle East Institute\, New Delhi\n\n\n\n\n\n \nProf. S. Irudaya Rajan\,\nChairman\, International Institute of Migration and Development\, Thiruvananthapuram\, India\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. H. Arokkiaraj\, Assistant Professor in the Department of Social Work at Rajiv Gandhi National Institute of Youth Development\, Tamil Nadu.\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. N. Janardhan\, Senior Research Fellow\, Anwar Gargash Diplomatic Academy\, Abu Dhabi\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. P K Pradhan\, Associate Fellow and Coordinator\, West Asia Centre\, Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\, New Delhi\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Abdulla Al Abbasi\, Research Fellow\, Bahrain Centre for Strategic\, International  and Energy Studies (Derasat)\, Manama\, Bahrain\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Vrushal T. Ghoble\, Centre for West Asian Studies (CWAS)\, School of International Studies (SIS)\, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU)\, New Delhi.\n\n\n\n\n\n \nProf. Shamir Hasan (Retd.)\, Centre of West Asian Studies\, Aligarh Muslim University\, India.\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Joseph Kechichian\,\nSenior Fellow\, King Faisal Centre for Research and Islamic Studies\, Riyadh\, Saudi Arabia\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Hasan Alhasan\, Research Fellow for Middle East Policy\, The International Institute for Strategic Studies\, London\, UK\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Mandana Tisheyar\,\nAssistant Professor\,\nAllameh Tabataba’i University\, Tehran\, Iran\n\n\n\n\n\n \nProf. P. R. Kumaraswamy\, School of International Studies\, Jawaharlal Nehru University\, New Delhi\, India\n\n\n\n\n\n \nMaj. Gen. (Dr.) Bipin Bakshi\, AVSM\, VSM\, (Retd.)\, Deputy Director General\, Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\, New Delhi\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nProgramme\n\n\nProgramme Schedule [PDF]\n\n\n\n\nConference Coordinator: \nDr. Prasanta Kumar Pradhan\nAssociate Fellow\, IDSA\npk.prasanta@gmail.com URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/5th-west-asia-conference-indias-approach-to-west-asia-trends-challenges-and-possibilities CATEGORIES:Previous West Asia Conference,CONFERENCES,West Asia Conference ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20211216T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20211217T053000 DTSTAMP:20261028T034643 CREATED:20231223T125349Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250403T031422Z UID:62728-1639632600-1639719000@idsa.in SUMMARY:13th SOUTH ASIA CONFERENCE - Return of the Taliban in Afghanistan: Implications and Way Forward DESCRIPTION:Concept Note\n\n\n\n Concept Note Return of the Taliban in Afghanistan: Implications and Way Forward(To be held Online on 16–17 December 2021)Concept Note The Taliban are back in Afghanistan. Amidst deepening humanitarian and economic crises in the country\, the Taliban have announced a caretaker cabinet\, mostly comprised of members blacklisted under the UN sanctions list\, including the prime minister and his cabinet colleagues from the Haqqani Network. The caretaker government barely represents the remarkable social and ethnic diversity that characterises the Afghan polity. Though several countries have directly engaged the Taliban\, they remain circumspect about extending any formal recognition to the Haqqani–Taliban regime in Kabul. The growing friction among various Taliban groups\, particularly between the Taliban and the Haqqani Network\, has also come to the fore. Contrary to the commitments made to the international community by the Doha-based Taliban leadership\, there have been growing instances of summary executions and revenge killings in provinces and vast rural areas\, and enforcement of strict restrictions on women\, youth and media across the country. Though Taliban leaders in their international interactions continue to state that rights of women and ethnic and religious minorities will be protected\, and that there will be a general amnesty for Afghans who have worked with the previous government or the Western coalition\, including members of the erstwhile security establishment\, the situation on the ground suggests otherwise. Whether by design or owing to differences within the rank-and-file\, the Taliban leadership appears to be capitulating under pressure from its notably conservative core cadres. Compared to the 1990s\, the Taliban today have several constituent groups with competing ideas and perceptions about ‘genuine Islamic rule’. With the takeover of Kabul\, the Islamist veneer on the Taliban movement appears to be cracking as factional power-play deepens within the ‘emirate’. Maintaining ambiguity or contradictory messaging on issues of concern caters to managing differing perceptions within the rank-and-file and simultaneously sustaining the façade of a new and changed Taliban\, especially as the Haqqani–Taliban regime seeks international engagement and recognition. The disconnect between sections of the older leadership that sought to convey a relatively moderate image of the ‘emirate’ to the outside world\, and a whole new generation of battle-hardened commanders and overzealous hardliners that predominate the Taliban rank-and-file\, is more than palpable. The leadership also remains strikingly all-Taliban and Haqqanis\, in the absence of non-Taliban or Shia representation in its senior ranks. This is bound to lead to a strong sense of marginalisation and alienation among non-Taliban Pashtuns and various other ethnicities that together form a vast majority of the Afghan population. The UN Security Council and various other forums such as G7\, G20\, SCO and CSTO have thus emphasised the need for the establishment of “an inclusive and representative government” in Afghanistan. While the so-called Taliban 2.0 may have realised the value of public diplomacy and communications strategy\, their ideological and political impulse\, as reflected in their tendency to monopolise and over-centralise power\, appears patently old and familiar. With the Taliban\, who subscribe to the Deobandi-Wahhabi version of Islam taught in Pakistani madrassas\, now at the helm in Kabul\, the theological and ideological divide among various militant Islamist entities\, particularly on matters of jurisprudence\, is likely to gain further traction in the region. Unfortunately\, the decades-old support structures responsible for sustained sectarian violence and cross-border terrorism in Afghanistan and the region remain fully intact. Such threats have also long-disrupted and long-impeded progress on both intra- and inter-regional trade and connectivity. Several reports\, including by the UN\, suggest that international terrorist networks and their regional affiliates of various hue\, including those that are state-sponsored\, who seek to violently impose their obscurantist ideologies on mostly pluralistic societies in the region\, have been regrouping in Afghanistan. Their presence remains a key security concern for countries in the South and Central Asia region\, and beyond. Recent developments in Afghanistan are likely to galvanise them into spectacular action\, provide impetus to drug trafficking and radicalisation among youth\, and thereby sow the seeds of future conflict and socio-political discord in the ‘Heart of Asia’. The UN Security Council Resolutions 2593 (August 2021) and 2596 (September 2021) have emphasised that the territory of Afghanistan should not be used to threaten or attack any country\, to plan or finance terrorist acts\, or to shelter and train terrorists\, and that no Afghan group or individual should support terrorists operating on the territory of any country. The larger international community has for now adopted a policy of ‘wait and watch’ towards the developing situation in Afghanistan. However\, given the growing humanitarian crisis facing the Afghan people and the threat of refugee outflow\, consequent to the collapse of both state machinery and economy\, including the flight of capital and trained manpower from the country\, the regional and international constituency advocating transactional engagement with the Haqqani–Taliban regime is expanding. Against this backdrop\, the MP-IDSA is organising a two-day conference in an online format on 16–17 December 2021\, as part of its Annual South Asia Conference\, inviting a cross-section of experts\, analysts and policymakers to seek answers to the following questions and dwell on the possible way forward on Afghanistan: How is the situation in Afghanistan likely to pan out in the immediate to short-term? Given the growing pulls and pressures\, both within and from outside\, will the Taliban be able to hold itself together and provide a stable and effective national leadership?  How are other Afghan political actors likely to respond to the return of the Taliban in Kabul? How are regional and extra-regional countries looking at the return of the Taliban and its implications for the security landscape in and around the ‘Heart of Asia’?In the absence of national reconciliation\, how effective and sustainable will the economic and political incentives be in transforming the Taliban\, from an armed proxy jihadi network into a moderate\, broad-based and independent governing authority? What does the return of the Taliban bode for Pakistan in the long-run?The Taliban 2.0 (as the new pseudonym goes) is being pushed to an ostensibly more moderate position by the more virulent Islamic State-Khorasan (IS-K) group and its affiliates. In this context\, how is it likely to affect the ideological underpinnings of the Taliban and their unity? What is the way forward\, in terms of available policy options for the region and the wider international community to deal with the developing situation in Afghanistan? Conference Programme 13th MP-IDSA SOUTH ASIA CONFERENCERETURN OF THE TALIBAN IN AFGHANISTAN: IMPLICATIONS AND WAY FORWARDRead More[+] Inaugural Address Inaugural Address at 13th MP-IDSA SOUTH ASIA CONFERENCE Conference Rapporteurs’ Report CONFERENCE RAPPORTEURS’ REPORT Conference Takeaways CONFERENCE TAKEAWAYS Conference Videos 13th MP-IDSA South Asia Conference: Return of Taliban in Afghanistan | Inaugural & First Session 13th MP-IDSA South Asia Conference: Perspectives on Afghanistan | Second Session 13th MP-IDSA South Asia Conference: Regional Perspectives | Third Session 13th MP-IDSA South Asia Conference: Way Forward in Afghanistan | Fourth Session \n\nContact us\nMr Vishal Chandra\nCo-ordinator\, 13th South Asia Conference\nResearch Fellow\, South Asia Centre\nManohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\nNew Delhi-110010\nTel (O): +91 11-26717983\nEmail: sac2021.mpidsa@gmail.com \n  URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/13th-south-asia-conference-return-of-the-taliban-in-afghanistan-implications-and-way-forward CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES,Previous South Asia conference,South Asia Conference,CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20210328T133000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20210328T223000 DTSTAMP:20261028T034643 CREATED:20210303T082150Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250222T082642Z UID:85158-1616938200-1616970600@idsa.in SUMMARY:Opening Remarks by Amb. Sujan R. Chinoy At MP-IDSA & Gusau Institute\, Nigeria Webinar DESCRIPTION:Opening Remarks by Amb. Sujan R. Chinoy\nDirector General\, MP-IDSA\nAt \nMP-IDSA & Gusau Institute\, Nigeria Webinar\n30 March 2021\nLt. Gen. Aliyu Gusau Mohammed\, Founder\, Gusau Institute\,\nAmb Abhay Thakur\, High Commissioner of India to Nigeria\,\nMr. Boss Mustapha\, Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF) & Chairman\, Presidential Task Force on COVID-19\,\nExperts from Gusau Institute\,\nDistinguished participants\,\nGood afternoon\, \nToday\, we have gathered for the first bilateral event\, albeit in virtual mode\, between the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses and the Gusau Institute of Nigeria. We hope we can schedule regular meetings in the future to deepen our friendship and mutual understanding. \nMy Institute has a long history of contributing to India-Africa ties. For many years now\, we have been hosting an annual roundtable dialogue to commemorate Africa Day.\nWhile it is true that the focus of today’s webinar is on India and Nigeria facing the Covid-19 pandemic together\, it is vital that we seize this opportunity to broaden our discussions with the aim of deepening our bilateral ties in diverse sectors.\nToday\, India-Africa relations stand completely transformed under the dynamic leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. India has designated Africa as a ‘top priority of its foreign and economic policy’. Our development partnership remains anchored in the principles of equality\, mutual respect and mutual benefit\, with demand being driven by African priorities. \nFriends\, India and Nigeria share a unique bond. We are both large and populous countries. Our ties predate our political independence. We have sympathised with\, and supported one another\, in the endeavour to realise our true destinies as free nations. \nNigeria is one of India’s key partners in Africa. Our partnership is multifaceted and multidimensional. We have deepened our cooperation in the energy sector and strengthened our people-to-people ties. Defence and strategic cooperation are also gathering momentum. The vast Indian diaspora in Nigeria acts as a bridge for robust bilateral engagement. \nFriends\, the COVID-19 pandemic has taken a toll everywhere\, in terms of human lives and economic setbacks. It has sharpened geostrategic competition. At the same time\, it has also invited the human race to look beyond immediate selfish gains to work together to defeat what is arguably the most difficult challenge in a century. \nEconomic recovery and building resilient supply chains to prevent future disruptions have emerged as major tasks. \nWith the arrival of vaccines\, the world is looking with hope beyond the pandemic. However\, the globalisation of the future should be redefined to ensure that there is inclusive growth. Vulnerable countries in Asia and Africa will have to guard against exploitation of their resources and markets through insidious “debt traps”. \nAs the world’s largest producer and exporter of vaccines\, India’s readiness to ship these to dozens of countries under its Vaccine Maitri (Friendship) initiative to fight COVID-19 is a “good Samaritan” act in consonance with the Indian ethos of Vasudheva Kutumbakam (which in Sanskrit means that ‘the world is one family’). \nHealthcare provides us an opportunity to work together. India and Nigeria should also take the lead in working together in information technology. The Ministry of External Affairs of India has already extended the e-ITEC course on “COVID-19 Pandemic: Prevention and Management Guidelines for Healthcare Professionals” to healthcare workers in Africa. The Aarogya Setu App and the E-Gram Swaraj App for rural areas for mapping COVID-19 are technological achievements that could be useful for Nigeria. \nThe COVID-19 pandemic has also brought to the fore the issue of mental health\, an area that deserves closer attention. \nSince the movement of African students to India\, including from Nigeria\, for higher-education has been disrupted\, India could consider expanding the e-VidyaBharti (tele education) project to establish special virtual programmes between Indian and Nigerian educational institutions. The Indian Institute of Technology in Chennai has devised courses for coastal management for Mauritius and Seychelles; something similar could be considered by Indian Institutes of Technology for Nigerian students. \nThe fury of nature often calls for a coordinated response\, whether in Asia or in Africa. I believe there is scope for Nigeria to work with India in the context of the ‘Coalition for Disaster Resilient Infrastructure’ (CDRI) initiative\, leading to closer bilateral cooperation in this field. \nCollaboration in renewable energy holds great promise with 33 countries from Africa\, including Nigeria\, having joined the International Solar Alliance. Nigeria’s rare earth minerals are a reservoir for the high-tech manufacturing industry\, including equipment required for harnessing renewable energy. \nFriends\, the new US administration has recommitted itself to multilateralism. This augurs well for the UN and other agencies such as the WHO. It also helps the return to the fore of the Paris Climate Change Agreement. We believe that India’s non-permanent membership of the UNSC in 2021-2022 will give it a fresh opportunity to engage others and help strengthen multilateralism. \nToday\, the concept of the Indo-Pacific is gaining wider currency. It is a contemporary and representative term that recognises that economic growth and prosperity is not the sole purvey of a few. Asia and Africa as a whole are showing the same promise that East Asia showed a few decades ago when the world spoke of the “Asia-Pacific”. \nFriends\, our shared maritime interests remain anchored in developing a Blue Economy\, particularly in the context of what Prime Minister Modi has termed SAGAR (Security And Growth For All In The Region). \nWe have shared stakes in ensuring unimpeded commerce and freedom of navigation and over-flight along key sea lanes of communication. \nAs piracy rears its ugly head in the Gulf of Guinea\, India could share with Nigeria its experience of fighting this menace in the Indian Ocean. Maritime Domain Awareness (MDA) has assumed great importance. In addition to its hosting the Information Fusion Centre for the Indian Ocean Region (IFC-IOR)\, India has recently become an observer to the Indian Ocean Commission (COI)\, and the Djibouti Code of Conduct (DCoC) and its 2017 Jeddah Amendment. India is also posting naval liaison officers to the Regional Maritime Information Fusion Centre (RMIFC) in Madagascar\, among other places. In all\, India has concluded white shipping agreements with 21 countries to facilitate the task of cooperating to keep the seas free\, open and safe. Perhaps the two governments could examine the scope for concluding a White Shipping agreement. \nThere is also great potential to engage in fruitful cooperation in cyber security\, counter-terrorism and military training. \nIt is a matter of privilege for India that the Nigerian President H.E. Muhammadu Buhari is an alumnus of the Defence Services Staff College in Wellington (Tamil Nadu) in India. Given India’s rich record of participation in peace-keeping operations in Africa and Nigeria’s own profile in this regard\, it would be to our mutual advantage to strengthen cooperation in peace-keeping. \nOverall\, I am glad to inform you all that India’s defence cooperation with Africa is growing\, as evident in the AFINDEX 2019 field exercise and the MILAN naval exercise. The 1st ever India Africa Defence Ministers’ Conclave held in Lucknow during DEFEXPO on 6 February 2020 and the recent participation of African dignitaries at the AERO INDIA 2021 exhibition in Bangalore have consolidated these links. \nStronger India-Nigeria ties will promote multipolarity and give impetus to developmental partnerships at the global level. \nI am confident that today’s discussions will throw new light on many issues and outline a blueprint for more robust India-Nigeria cooperation in these difficult times. \nI would now request Lt. Gen. Aliyu Gusau Mohammed\, Founder\, Gusau Institute\, to deliver his opening remarks. \nThank you. URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/opening-remarks-by-amb-sujan-r-chinoy-at-mp-idsa-gusau-institute-nigeria-webinar-2 CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES,CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20200520T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20200520T053000 DTSTAMP:20261028T034643 CREATED:20231223T125413Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250312T003057Z UID:62729-1589952600-1589952600@idsa.in SUMMARY:Webinar on India’s Nuclear Doctrine: The Way Forward DESCRIPTION:Chair: Prof Amitabh Mattoo\, President IAIS \nInaugural Remarks: Amb Sujan Chinoy DG\, MP IDSA and Convenor Indian Pugwash Society as the Chief Guest \n Panel of Speakers: \n1. Dr Bharat Karnad\, Research Professor\, Center for Policy Research\n2. Professor Rajesh Rajagopalan\, JNU\n3. Lt. General Balraj Singh Nagal (Retd)\, Former Chief\, Indian Strategic Forces Command\n4. Dr Rajiv Nayan\, Senior Research Associate MP-IDSA and Secretary General\, IAIS \nNote for Participants: \n\nKindly note that registration is mandatory to gain access to the event.\nThe invitation is non-transferable.\nRegistration can be done only on Desktop or Laptop. Registration link    is NOT supported on Mobile devices.\nRegistration is on a first-come-first-served basis. The online platform permits only 200 participants. Hence you are requested to register for the event  well in advance. \nYou are requested to log in with your name.\nKindly join the webinar on time. Doors to the event will be closed after 10 minutes. The registration link will become invalid thereafter.\nParticipants on joining are required to immediately mute their mike to avoid disturbing/distracting the Speaker.\n During the Q&A session\, please type in your questions/comments briefly and precisely in the chat box\, after choosing the ‘Everyone’ option to ensure that your  questions/comments are visible to all participants\, including the Speaker and the Chair.\n\nKindly registered with the below link. Once registered\, you will receive another mail with a link to the seminar. Both these emails will come in the name of the Institute’s Webmaster Mr. Piyush Singh. In case the link is not received\, or if you face any problems with the registration\, kindly contact the Webmaster on webmaster.idsa@nic.in\, or idsa.india@gmail.com \nRegister Here URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/webinar-on-indias-nuclear-doctrine-the-way-forward CATEGORIES:CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20200326T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20200327T053000 DTSTAMP:20261028T034643 CREATED:20231223T125413Z LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T125950Z UID:62730-1585200600-1585287000@idsa.in SUMMARY:5th India-Africa Strategic Dialogue (Postponed) DESCRIPTION:The programme schedule will be updated soon URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/5th-india-africa-strategic-dialogue-postponed CATEGORIES:CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20200312T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20200313T053000 DTSTAMP:20261028T034643 CREATED:20231223T125414Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250324T231315Z UID:62731-1583991000-1584077400@idsa.in SUMMARY:21st Asian Security Conference: National Security and Defence Planning in an Era of Strategic Uncertainty (Postponed) DESCRIPTION:Registration\n\n\nRegistration fees would be Rs 2000/- which will cover the costs of two lunches\, conference papers etc. Please send cheque in name of MP-IDSA\, New Delhi “to the following address along with your details as Name\, Address\, Educational qualification\, Institutional affiliation etc. \n1. Assistant Director (Admin)\nThe Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\n1\, Development Enclave\, (near USI)\nRao Tula Ram Marg\nNew Delhi 110 010 \nAccount Holder: Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA)\nA/C No: 10596550223\nName of Bank: State Bank of India (SBI)\nBranch Address: JNU\, Old Campus\, New Delhi – 110067\, INDIA\nSwift code: SBININBB548 \nAccount Holder: Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA)\nA/C No: 535602010004746\nName of Bank: Union Bank of India (UBI)\nBranch Address: Vasant Vihar Branch\, New Delhi – 110057\, INDIA\nSwift code: UBIN0534463\n\n\n\n\nConcept Note\n\n\nIn a rapidly changing world\, all known paradigms are experiencing stress. This calls for a level of strategic readjustments at multiple levels. At the broadest level\, the inadequacies of the post-World War II international institutions — the United Nations and its Security Council in regard to peace and security\, and the Bretton Woods financial institutions in regard to finance and development — are showing up because of the complexities and uncertainties characterising global politics and economy today. The old consensus is fraying and a new consensus is yet to emerge. \nThe flow of human resources and services are impeded by concerns over loss of jobs and anti-immigrant sentiments. Technology\, the vital pillar of progress\, is open to misuse. The world appears to be on the brink of an intense battle for technological superiority in the age of artificial intelligence (AI) and quantum computing. Power is fracturing along multiple axes\, be it economic\, military or on the technological fronts. States and non-state actors have acquired the means and the skill sets required to overcome asymmetry in the absolute power quotient. No single country is capable of enforcing its writ on all issues at all times. Hedging and multi-alignment are part of every country’s toolkit. \nThere are several facets to this emerging uncertainty. Traditional and non-traditional security threats such as economic and military competition\, climate change\, piracy\, radical ideology\, cyber threats\, drug & human trafficking\, and energy & food security have grown in magnitude. In addition to these\, the spectre of terrorism\, especially cross-border terrorism\, continues to challenge the peace and prosperity to national security. Besides\, the rapid advent of automation and AI in the Industry 4.0 is not without its consequences for disruption in conventional global supply chains. The changing nature of conflict and strategic uncertainties faced by nations regionally have further accelerated Asia’s security outlooks. \nAgainst such a backdrop\, a number of variables impact the defence planning process. Among these are the growing inter-linkages between traditional and non-traditional security challenges\,  competing priorities for the national budget in terms of defence versus development\, inter-service tussle for resource allocation within the armed forces\, the requirements of speed as well as transparency and probity in defence procurement\, the trade-off between human resources and high-tech equipment\, and striking the right balance between the longer-term objective of self-reliance through indigenisation and the urgent induction of world class weapons and equipment to meet operational requirements. These factors combine to make defence planning a dynamic process in which frequent adjustments have to be made along the way. \nDefence planning processes are further tested in an environment of strategic uncertainty\, which — though not unique to our times — has acquired an unprecedented scale and pace today. Countries and national security organisations have to contend with dilemmas and make choices that can alter the very state of their preparedness and effectiveness against threats and challenges. Outcomes of defence planning processes depend on whether we make accurate assessments. A misreading of strategic realities harbour the potential to completely alter the direction of procurements\, training and defence planning. This can lead to grave inadequacies in other future scenarios. \nTechnology is\, undisputedly\, a major factor driving change in the context of issues that have a bearing on defence and security. This is true not only for official state organs but also in regard to private entities that increasingly are playing a role in defence research and development (R&D)\, manufacturing and procurement chains. \nTechnological behemoths — having an international presence — control and shape the direction of technological research and its application. They not only steer the course of technological advancement and research\, but control data representing the new currency of power. The data that resides with these companies provides them the opportunity to manipulate human behaviour and influence decision-making processes in recipient states.   \nIn conflict scenarios\, technology is likely to have an impact on factors with a direct bearing on national decision-making processes. It will influence speed and scope of information-gathering\, analysing it and synthesising derivatives in real time basis\, including weapons platforms. These decisions could relate to target striking\, emergency-based ammunition requests\, among others\, based on real-time consumption patterns\, casualties or refugee movements. In other words\, the role of technology in de-cluttering decision-making in an increasingly complex operating environment will be far more important in the future. If this characterises the current reality of technological advancement\, how much more is it likely to manifest in future conflict scenarios and on issues that impact national security? Even more importantly\, will its role bring a transformative shift in warfighting as a strategic deterrent? This is a question that remains critical for military planners\, particularly those involved in the task of ensuring effective defence planning. \nThese are merely some of the more realistic shifts that are evident in the evolving conflict scenario\, influenced by fast-evolving high-tech conditions. However\, even as shifts take place both in the nature of conflict and the character of technological advancements\, planning procedures for doctrines\, capability-building and contingencies cannot be completely reinvented. They must remain anchored in proven procedures and processes to strengthen national security. \nThe 21st edition of the Asian Security Conference (ASC) of the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA) is aimed at debating the scope of defence planning for countries and organisations in an era of acute regional and global uncertainty. The conference aims to bring together a range of experts\, scholars\, ex-policy makers\, industry leaders and strategic planners to discuss the various facets of conflict\, warfare and conventional and unconventional threats\, by high-lighting implications for defence planning in an era of strategic uncertainty. The conference will examine the linkages between national security\, defence planning and changing nature of conflict in Asia and beyond. \nThe conference is tentatively divided into two days over eight sessions. The details are as follows: \nDay-1 \n Inaugural Session \nSession- I: NATIONAL SECURITY AND GEO-POLITICAL CALCULUS\nSession- II: STRATEGY AND STRATEGIC UNCERTAINTY IN ASIA\nSession- III: ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE AND NATIONAL SECURITY\nSession- IV: NEIGHBOURHOOD CONFLICTS AND FOREIGN POLICY CHOICES \nDay-2 \n Special Address \nSession- V: CHANGING CHARACTER OF WAR & WARFARE\nSession- VI: STRATEGIC TECHNOLOGIES\, DETERRENCE AND WAR-FIGHTING\nSession- VII: DEFENCE PLANNING\, PROCUREMENT AND FISCAL MANAGEMENT\nSession- VIII: DEFENCE INNOVATION AND ASIA’S DEFENCE INDUSTRIAL BASES\nVALEDICTORY ADDRESS \n\n\n\n\nProgramme\n\n\nTentative Programme\n\n\n\n\nChairpersons\n\n\n\n\n\nDr. Arvind Gupta \n Dr. Arvind Gupta is Director\, Vivekananda International Foundation\, New Delhi. During 2014-17\, he was the Deputy National Security Advisor and Secretary\, National Security Council Secretariat (NSCS). During 2012-14\, he was Director-General\, Manohar Parrikar IDSA. He was Lal Bahadur Shastri Chair in Strategic and Defence Studies\, at the Manohar Parrikar IDSA during 2008-2011\, and the Managing Editor of Strategic Analysis\, Manohar Parrikar IDSA’s flagship academic journal. A former diplomat\, he worked at the National Security Council Secretariat as a Joint Secretary on deputation from the Ministry of External Affairs during 1999-2007. He is an Honorary Professor in the Department of Defence and National Security Studies\, Punjab University\, Chandigarh. His book\, How India Manages Its National Security\, was published by Penguin India in 2018. He is the co-editor of the forthcoming book India’s Foreign Policy: Surviving in a Turbulent World\, which is being published by Sage Publications India Pvt Ltd. in 2020. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nAmb. Kanwal Sibal \nAmb. Kanwal Sibal\, with 41 years of experience in diplomacy\, is a former Foreign Secretary\, Government of India. He has been Ambassador to Turkey\, Egypt\, France and Russia\, and Deputy Chief of Mission in Washington DC (with rank of an Ambassador). He was a member of India’s National Security Advisory Board from 2008 to 2010. He was President of the Association of Indian Diplomats in 2011. He is on the Board of the New York-based East-West Institute; member of the Executive Council of the Vivekananda International Foundation; Adviser to the US-India Strategic Partnership Forum; Chairman of the Forum of Strategic and Security Studies; Editorial Consultant to The Indian Defence Review and Foreign Affairs Editor of Force. He is a member of Leaders for Peace\, an international forum established by former French Prime Minister Mr. Raffarin. He has written more than 550 Op-Eds and other articles for major national newspapers and periodicals on international affairs. He is frequently requested to speak on foreign policy and strategic affairs by various institutions and participate in TV debates. He was made a Grand Officier of the Ordre National du Merite by the French President in 2004. In 2017\, he received the Padma Shri from the President of India. In 2017\, he was decorated by the Russian Foreign Minister for Contributions to International Cooperation. His book of poems Snowflakes of Time has been published by Bloomsbury in 2016. \n\n\n\n\n\n\nAmb. (Dr.) T.C. A. Raghavan \nAmb. (Dr.) T.C.A. Raghavan is Director General\, Indian Council of World Affairs (ICWA)\, New Delhi\, since July 24\, 2018. He retired from the Indian Foreign Service in December 2015 after serving as India’s High Commissioner to Pakistan (2013-15). He had earlier served as Deputy High Commissioner in Pakistan (2003-2007) and High Commissioner to Singapore from 2009 to 2013. During his last posting in New Delhi (2007-09) in the Ministry of External Affairs\, he was Joint Secretary dealing with Pakistan\, Afghanistan and Iran. His areas of interest are historical research\, strategic analysis and the diplomatic and intellectual history of modern India. He is the author of History Men- Jadunath Sarkar\, G.S. Sardesai\, Raghubir Sinh and their quest for India’s Past (Harper Collins\, 2020). He was awarded a PhD by the Jawaharlal Nehru University\, New Delhi in 1992. \n  \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nMaj. Gen. B. K. Sharma\, AVSM\, SM** and Bar (Retd.)\n \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nSpeakers\n\n\n\n\n\nDr. Ajey Lele \n A former Indian Air Force officer\, Gp. Capt. (Dr.) Ajey Lele is Senior Fellow at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\, New Delhi\, India. His areas of research include issues related to Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) and Strategic Technologies. He has few publications to his name. He started his professional career as an Indian Air Force Officer but took early retirement to pursue his academic interests. He holds a rank of Group Captain. \nTopic: Disruptive Technologies and Strategic Challenges  \nAbstract: Today\, data is recognized as a strategic commodity and often referred to as the new oil.  The need to leverage the potential of rapidly expanding data led to the evolution of unique techniques and technologies for data storage\, analysis\, and visualization. If analyzed effectively\, this data can assist in finding information that is efficient enough in initiating a change in the patterns of how different models function. Technologies like Additive Manufacturing\, Big Data Analytics\, Cloud Computing\, Smart Factories and IoT (Internet of Things) are defining the fourth Industrial Revolution (Industry 4.0). Such technologies have wider applicability in the defence sector too. They actually have the potential to bring in disruptive changes to the industry in general and the military industrial complex (MIS) in particular. Today\, data is becoming cheaper\, more accessible and available to bring about cost-effective structural changes in various processes across sectors. \nThis paper aims to understand the technology trajectory along with the future of the data and disruptive technology-driven world. The paper also analyses the potential of new technologies like Big Data\, IoT\, 3D Printing and others\, that involve latching together isolated data flows coming from potentially every nook and corner of the world. This development could have critical implications\, specifically between those whose data are included and those whose are excluded\, and between those who have access to the data and those who do not. Alongside these developments\, the maturing of weapons technologies like hypersonic weapons will change the dynamics of the modern-day battlefield.  The future challenges and impact of these technologies are reflected upon in the areas of climate change\, poverty\, population\, geopolitics\, military\, warfare and global governance. The paper ends with a discussion on the need for regulative bodies to get engaged in the optimum and effective utilization of these dual-use technologies and control the misuse of the same. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nDr. Alex Vines \nDr. Alex Vines OBE has been Director of the Africa Programme at Chatham House since 2002 and became Managing Director for Risk\, Ethics and Resilience in 2020. Previously\, at Chatham House\, he held roles as Director for Regional Studies and International Security\, and Director for Area Studies and International Law. He is also an Assistant Professor at Coventry University\, and sits on the Editorial and Advisory Boards of the South African Journal of International Affairs\, Africa Review (journal of the African Studies Association of India)\, and the Journal of Southern African Studies. He chaired the UN Panel of Experts on Côte d’Ivoire from 2005 to 2007 and was a member of the UN Panel of Experts on Liberia from 2001 to 2003. He was also a member of the Commonwealth Observer Group to Mozambique in 2019 (and Ghana in 2016) and worked for ONUMOZ in Mozambique and UNAVEM II in Angola. Dr. Vines was awarded an OBE in 2008 and holds a PhD from Coventry University. \nTopic: Conflict and Human Security in Africa \nAbstract: In 2013\, African leaders vowed “not to bequeath the burden of conflicts to the next generation of Africans” and set a goal of ending all African wars by 2020. This unrealistic goal has failed and this paper will examine how conflicts are changing in Africa and what are the international\, national and local responses. It will illustrate how traditional UN peacekeeping models do not work when enforcement\, counter-terrorism or trans-national operations are needed. In 2002\, the African Union (AU) launched a new institutional framework\, the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA)\, but these have had to be adapted in recent years to include ad hoc regional coalitions to address these new security challenges with limited success. This paper will examine why the AU’s ambition to ‘Silence the Guns’ by 2020 was unrealistic\, and outline how peace making and peacebuilding in Africa could become more successful. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nMr. Amit Cowshish\nMr. Amit Cowshish is a Consultant with the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses and a former officer of the Indian Defence Accounts Service. He served in various capacities in the Defence Accounts Department\, Central Vigilance Commission and the Ministry of Defence during a career spanning thirty-five years. He has experience in handling defence planning\, budget\, procurement\, and other financial matters. He was involved in several reviews of the procurement procedures and delegation of financial powers to the service officers. He was the member-secretary of the Defence Expenditure Review Committee set up in 2008 and a member of the committee constituted in 2016 for raising a Defence Acquisition Organisation. He is associated with the exercise presently underway in the Ministry to review the revenue and capital procurement procedures. He is a Partner with Dua Associates\, Advocates and Solicitors at New Delhi. \nTopic: Financial Management of Defence in India \nAbstract: Financial management is all about securing adequate federal funding\, judicious intra-organizational allocation and efficient utilization of finances for achieving the organizational goals. On all these counts\, financial management of defence poses a big challenge. Mismatch between the projected requirement of funds and budget outlays is endemic. Obligatory expenses dictate intra-organizational allocations\, and utilization of whatever funds are left for modernization and other operational needs after accounting for such exigencies\, is impacted by procedural complexities and tardy decision-making. The problem has persisted largely because of the reluctance to come to terms with the reality that defence funding cannot improve unless there is an exponential spike in the government’s overall budget receipts\, excluding borrowings. Much is expected from the Chief of Defence Staff and the Fifteenth Finance Commission which is likely to recommend some innovative measures –hopefully acceptable to the States –to augment the defence outlay. This may help to some extent in speeding up modernization\, but may not provide a holistic solution if the problem of burgeoning manpower costs –accounting for more than half of the total defence outlay for 2020-21–is left unaddressed. Financial realism is the sine qua non for efficient financial management of defence. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Andrew Scobell \nDr. Andrew Scobell holds the Bren Chair in Non-Western Strategic Thought at the Krulak Center\, Marine Corps University. He is currently on a leave of absence from the RAND Corporation where he has been a Senior Political Scientist since 2010. Dr. Scobell is concurrently Adjunct Professor in the Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University. His publications include: Chairman Xi Remakes the PLA (National Defense University Press\, 2019)\, At the Dawn of Belt and Road (RAND\, 2018)\, PLA Influence on China’s National Security Policymaking (Stanford University Press\, 2015)\, China’s Search for Security (Columbia University Press\, 2012)\, and China’s Use of Military Force (Cambridge University Press\, 2003). Dr. Scobell earned a doctorate in political science from Columbia University. \nTopic:  Front and Center? China’s Place in the U.S. National Security Calculus and Defense Planning \nAbstract:  Where does China fit in the national security calculus and defense planning of the United States in 2020? The administration of Donald J. Trump has identified multiple threats to U.S. national security and set priorities for defense planning. This paper examines China’s place in U.S. national security and national defense \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nLt. Gen. Anil Ahuja (Retd.) \nLt. Gen. Anil Ahuja is a former Deputy Chief of Integrated Defence Staff (Policy Planning and Force Development) and Additional Director General Military Operations.  He commanded the Tezpur based 4 Corps and has been the GOC of the Mountain Division in Bomdilla – Tawang (Kameng Sector) along the Northern borders. He has been the co-chair of India-US DTTI Inter-Agency Task Force (DIATF) for India – US defence cooperation and Member-Secretary of the Defence Acquisition Council (DAC) during 2014-2016. He has been the Defence Attaché to Vietnam\, Cambodia\, Laos and a UN Military Observer in Angola. He is a graduate of the National Defence College and hold an M.Phil in Defence and Strategic Studies. A recipient of PVSM\, UYSM\, AVSM\, SM\, VSM & Bar for distinguished service\, he is presently a Distinguished Fellow at the Vivekananda International Foundation and an Adjunct Fellow at the Delhi Policy Group. \nTopic: Defence Planning and Force Development with Financial Prudence (or Within Financial Constraints)* \n Abstract: \n\nPlanning for defence and security of a nation against all possible threats and challenges is the overriding responsibility of every government\, despite competing socio-economic and developmental priorities. In India\, the government spends nearly 15% funds at its disposal on defence. Also\, for years now\, India has remained one of the largest importers of global arms. Despite this the armed forces remain inadequately equipped to meet the visualized security challenges and lament the deficiency /“hollowness” in arms\, munitions and niche technology. This phenomenon is not peculiar to India and is experienced by most other countries. The process of defence planning and capability development with financial prudence thus remains a perpetual challenge for most governments.\nSome of the aspects that need to be considered to address this challenge are:\n\nVisualization of security threats and mode of manifestation across different domains\, which would be peculiar to each country. \nAllocation of resources to meet these challenges – distribution of responsibilities between Armed forces\, Paramilitary forces\, Police and other agencies. \nEvolution of Security and Defence strategy and visualization of the pattern of operations to combat likely challenges. \nForce structuring and capability development requirements for multi-domain hybrid warfare. Inter se weightage to be accorded would be country / region-specific. \nRoll on defence budget planning for 10-20 years. \nAddressing dilemmas of : size of armed forces to be maintained; terms of engagement of soldiers (pay\, allowances\, perks & privileges\, pensions) with implications on revenue expenditure; imports versus indigenization; alignments/strategic partnerships/alignments versus strategic independence; competing demands for conventional\, strategic and asymmetric threats and for land\, sea\, aerospace and cyber domains. \nBuilding `capacities to budget’ or `budgeting to build capacities’? \n\n\nLike there are no set piece threats faced by nations\, similarly\, there are no template solutions either. The methodology of financial allocation varies from mere “apportioning” of yearly budgets to detailed Parliament-driven planning\, as done in the yearly US “NDAA (National Defense Authorization Act)”. The aim of this paper is to highlight the factors to be considered and to suggest some pointers for defence planning within competing financial demands. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nVice-Admiral Anil Chopra\, PVSM\, AVSM (Retd.)\nVice-Admiral Anil Chopra is a Distinguished Fellow at Gateway House\, Mumbai. Admiral Chopra has been writing and speaking extensively both in India and abroad on diverse geopolitical and maritime issues. He retired in 2015 from Indian Navy after four decades of distinguished service. He had the unique distinction of having been the Commander-in-Chief of both combatant commands of the Navy as well as having been the Director General of the Indian Coast Guard. As Assistant Chief of Naval Staff (Policy and Plans)\, and earlier as Principal Director Naval Plans\, he was associated  with the formulation of the Navy’s Long-Term Force Structure and Force-Mix\, and its Perspective and Financial Planning. He was a member of the Defence Acquisition Council for three years. Admiral Chopra was a Member of the National Security Advisory Board from 2017-2019. He was also a member of the Shekatkar Committee in 2016 to examine measures to enhance the combat capability of the Indian Armed Forces\, and rebalance the defence budget. \nTopic: Force Level Planning for the Indian Navy \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nMr. Apurv Kumar Mishra \nMr. Apurv Kumar Mishra is a Senior Research Fellow at India Foundation (IF)\, where he leads initiatives related to foreign policy. He is a faculty of law at Ashoka University and teaches courses on law at several institutions including Gandhinagar National Law University\, Plaksha Tech Leaders’ Programme and Vedica Scholars’ Programme. He is also the Editor-in-Chief of India Law Journal and leads the Anubhav Lecture Series (ALS) at University of Chicago\, India Centre. He is a founding member of the Robin Hood Army – a voluntary organization of young professionals and students that works to get surplus food from restaurants across to less fortunate people in 100+ cities across 12 countries. He has previously worked with the Albright Stonebridge Group – a Washington-based strategic advisory firm and the corporate law firm\, Amarchand & Mangaldas. \nTopic: Security and Statecraft in the Age of GAFA (Google\, Amazon\, Facebook and Apple) \nAbstract: When Mark Zuckerberg launched his own book club in 2015\, the first book he recommended was The End of Power by Moises Naim. A curious choice for the owner of Facebook because the book’s central claim is that in the 21st century power is “easier to get\, harder to use\, and easier to lose.” Traditional sources of power — government\, big companies\, religious institutions and conventional media — are facing a severe challenge from smaller\, agile competitors\, creating instability in international order and domestically within countries. \nA key factor prompting this fundamental transition in the power structure of societies around the world is the pervasive use of technology in our daily lives. Take the case of India. Even though more than half of our population still does not have access to the internet\, we are already the world’s second largest internet user base (behind China)\, with average monthly data usage matching the levels of developed countries. \nThe data we consume on the internet is increasingly driving our choices in public and private life — from whom we vote for\, products we buy\, news we read\, to the person we marry. Governments now realize that this data generated by citizens is a vital national asset and needs protection against possible misuse by our adversaries. Therefore\, a key policy challenge for our government is to protect the sanctity of the process by which Indians connected to the internet make their most important decisions. \nHowever\, technologists are often unable (or unwilling) to anticipate the broader impact of their technological creations on national security. On the other hand\, software\, hardware\, platforms\, and networks are regulated by sometimes conflicting and overlapping sets of laws and policies. This is complicated by the fact that our lawmakers favour status-quo and are quite slow in adapting to fast-changing technological interventions. \nWhat are the guiding principles to create a regulatory framework for disruptive technologies that balance both risk and benefit? How have our courts and legislators responded to this challenge? The paper seeks to understand how Industry 4.0 is challenging the conventional national security paradigm that has guided India’s strategic establishment for the last three decades. It ends with a preliminary outline of a modified approach to manage India’s national security in an age of accelerating rate of social and technological change. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nProf. Darko Trifunovic\nProf. Darko Trifunovic is a founding member and Director of the Institute for National and International Security. Dr. Trifunovic is an elected guest professor at the Center of American Studies\, Fudan University\, –Shanghai\, China. He is also a Senior Research Fellow with the rank of Associate Professor at Fudan University’s Institute of BRI Strategy and International Security. Additionally\, Dr. Trifunovic is Adjunct Professor and Coordinator for Research at the Shanghai Academy of Social Science. Dr. Darko Trifunovic is also Senior Research Fellow and Lecturer with the Faculty of Security Studies at the University of Belgrade and Senior Adviser at the Research Institute for European and American Studies\, Athens\, Greece. He is a specialist in Security Studies\, Intelligence & Counter Intelligence Studies as well as Counter-Terrorism and National and International Security Studies. He also served as the First Secretary of Bosnia and Herzegovina at the United Nations. \nTopic: Hybrid War\, Technology and Intelligence Sharing in National Security \nAbstract: Every war is conflict but every conflict is not a war. Hybrid operations involve a whole range of activities aimed at achieving a state of information supremacy and attempting to shape the thought of an attacked target in accordance with the attacker’s will and desires. Hybrid or influence operation seeks to influence the opinions and attitudes of the target audience (society\, state\, group)\, using the many benefits of digital media and social networks to spread the data and information they want\, to spread their influence and impose on their own attitudes on others. In these processes\, methods are often used to extract information from the actual context of the event and its placement in a fictional\, targeted\, counterfeit temporal-spatial context\, to make it easier for the attacked public to better accept the placement misinformation without doubting its veracity. Hybrid operations\, which until recently have been known as special operations in armed activities\, have evolved into a dominant form of hybrid threats. Hybrid threats\, as a set of different manifestations of particular hybrid operations\, entail directed and organized action towards an individual audience in order to exploit (foster\, deepen) existing ones and create new vulnerabilities\, foster feelings of division\, insecurity\, defeatism\, powerlessness\, hopelessness\, ambiguity\, suspicion\, disruption and collapse of democratic structures and processes\, attenuations and attempts to control the functioning of the defence system. Together with asymmetrical way of warfare\, hybrid war become an effective element of modern conflicts. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nGen. R. M. Daya Ratnayake\, WWV\, RWP\, RSP\, USP\, NDU\, PSC (Retd.)\nGen. R. M. Daya Ratnayake (Retd.)  is currently the Chairman of the Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA) and was formerly the Commander of the Sri Lanka Army (2013-2015). He was enlisted to the Regular Force of the Sri Lanka Army in 1980. General Daya Ratnayake has held many command appointments and his role as the Commissioner-General of Rehabilitation to rehabilitate 14\,500 more LTTE ex-combatants has been widely acknowledged. His exceptionally unique qualities in many daunting military operations have been well-recognized as a battlefield veteran and he has been decorated with more than twenty-six gallantry and service medals. Currently\, he is pursuing PhD at the General Sir John Kotelawala Defence University\, Colombo. \nTopic: A Study on War\, Warfare and Warfighting: The Sri Lankan Experience \nAbstract: Sri Lanka’s experience in the final successful military operation over the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE)\, offers new insight into warfare and war- fighting. The country’s military offensive ran contrary to an internationally-led peace effort which was seen as the only hope for ending the three decade-long armed conflict. However\, the State’s strategy was to defeat LTTE militarily first and find a solution to the larger conflict while addressing root causes to the conflict\, later.    \n In the midst of several alleged human rights violation charges levelled against the Government of Sri Lanka and the military\, the world has missed the opportunity to analyze the island nation’s armed conflict\, warfighting and warfare with known and invented military concepts and methods. This paper is such an attempt\, and in that\, the author redefines Sri Lanka’s armed conflict and explains the events of the successful military offensive\, connecting age-old military concepts\, methods and doctrines.  \n This paper argues that the Sri Lankan experience was an optimum application of military power with a clear political strategy to resolve an armed conflict with a state-of-the-art guerilla force. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Erica Marat\nDr. Erica Marat is an Associate Professor and Chair at the Regional and Analytical Studies Department of the College of International Security Affairs\, National Defense University\, Washington\, D.C. Her research focuses on violence and mobilization\, security institutions\, and mobilization in Eurasia\, India and Mexico. She has authored three books\, including most recently\, The Politics of Police Reform: Society against the State in Post-Soviet Countries (Oxford University Press 2018). \nTopic: Surveillance Technologies: Chinese and Russian Chronicle in Central Asia \nAbstract: The recent spread of surveillance technologies in Central Asia shows how cities and countries aspire to follow global trends for innovation in the name of public safety and the rule of law. Authorities of all large cities have installed facial-recognition cameras and CCTV systems under the aegis of ‘smart’. But they are also susceptible to the whims of technological giants who are working as part of their countries’ geopolitical ambitions. State-controlled Chinese companies HikVision and Huawei and the Russian company\, Vega dominate the supply side. Given the pervasive absence of legislative oversight\, the countries looking to leapfrog into the digital future are adopting a virtual authoritarianism that risks suppressing political dissent and further marginalizes already disadvantaged groups. Inevitably\, with greater dependence on foreign vendors\, the Central Asian countries are also becoming part of global competition between China\, Russia and the West for data collection for Artificial Intelligence (AI) purposes. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nProf. Feodor Voitolovsky\nProf. Feodor Voitolovsky is Director of the Primakov National Research Institute of World Economy and International Relations\, Russian Academy of Sciences (IMEMO). His research interests include international security\, US foreign and security policy\, Russia-US relations\, US-China relations\, US policy in North-East Asia\, Transatlantic relations\, NATO\, global political prognostics\, global governance and international institutions. He also holds other positions such as Professor at the Department of Political Science\, MGIMO University (of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs)\, head of IMEMO’s teaching and research department at the Far East Federal University (Vladivostok)\, Editorial Board member of the journal World Economy and International Relations and Editorial Board member of the Global Development annual series at the IMEMO. Prof. Voitolovsky has published a monograph and co-authored and co-edited twenty collective monographs. He is also an author of more than 70 articles in journals devoted to international politics and chapters in books including “Global System on the Brink: Pathways Toward a New Normal” (2016)\, “Global Perestroika: Transformations of the World Order” (2015)\, “Misbalances of Pacific Asia” (2015) and others.\n \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Hanbyeol Sohn \nDr. Hanbyeol Sohn is currently an Assistant Professor in the Department of Military Strategy at the Korea National Defense University (KNDU). He graduated from Seoul National University and received a doctorate in military studies from KNDU. From 2002\, Professor Sohn held both commander and staff positions in the field and served as an acting officer in the Strategic Planning Division\, ROK Joint Chiefs of Staff. He also conducted research for the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) and Korea Research Institute for National Security (KRINS). His research areas include the ROK-US Alliance\, non-proliferation policy and nuclear strategy\, and Northeast Asian security. \nTopic:  Defence Innovation and South Korea’s Evolving Military Outlook in Asia \nAbstract:  In a rapidly changing security environment on the Korean Peninsula\, South Korea is pursuing “Defense Reform 2.0.” Its objective is to build an innovative\, creative\, ‘elite and advanced strong force\,’ and it suggests four innovations – military structure\, defence management\, military culture\, and defence industry. Many people preparing for future wars emphasize the “Future of War\,” in terms of\, the emerging military technology changes the face of war. But they must also grapple with the question of “War of the Future”\, which is a continuation of politics by other means. Since the “state-war-technology” triangle has an interdependent nature\, the Military-Technical Revolution (MTR)\, Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA)\, and Revolution in Security Affairs (RSA) have a synergic interaction. Therefore\, South Korea’s Defense Reform 2.0 will determine its success depending on whether military technology\, military strategy and defence innovation can develop together. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Ikboljon Qoraboyev\nDr. Ikboljon Qoraboyev is an Associate Professor of International Relations at the Higher School of Economics of M. Narikbayev KAZGUU in Nur-sultan\, Kazakhstan. Dr Qoraboyev received his PhD in International Law from the University of Toulouse. His research spans across International Law\, International Relations and Comparative Regionalism Studies. His research interests include regionalism in Eurasia\, Belt and Road Initiative from the perspective of comparative regionalism\, great power interactions in Central Asia\, international law in domestic legal systems\, and understanding of sovereignty in Central Asia. \nTopic: Rise of China and global security dynamics: Implications for Central Asia \nAbstract: This paper will elaborate on implications of the rise of China for the Central Asian region. China’s rise as great power is one of the biggest tests and opportunities for global governance. At the same time\, it poses one of the most important challenges to international security. For Central Asians\, it is important to acquire a comprehensive understanding of China’s rise from the perspective of global security dynamics. This paper will begin by providing a summary of the decades-long IR debate on China’s rise as a great power. It will then proceed with analyzing the major contemporary challenges to international order and global security posed by the China factor. It will conclude by highlighting how the consequences of these major international shifts may unfold in Central Asia. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nMr. Jean-Christophe Noël\nMr. Jean-Christophe Noël is Associated Research Fellow at IFRI’s Security Studies Center in Paris. He is a former French Air Force officer. After pursuing a career as a fighter pilot\, he held various staff positions\, dealing with doctrinal or prospective matters. He was also the Deputy Chief of Staff of the French Air Force\, Chief of Staff from 2006 to 2009\, a Military Fellow at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in 2009-2010 in Washington DC\, and had been in charge of politico-military affairs at the Policy Planning Staff of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs from 2012 to 2017. He currently teaches at Sciences Po Paris. He graduated from the French Air Force Academy\, Sciences Po Paris and the French Ecole de Guerre. \nTopic: Will AI revolutionize Warfare? \nAbstract: Although the development of Artificial Intelligence (AI) is still in its early stages\, it has already had an impact on the armed forces. In time\, AI will be able to take into account more wide-ranging and diverse data in order to develop a tactical situation. Besides\, the execution speed of the algorithms that can process and immediately enhance the data received\, will dictate the execution rate of certain tasks. \nThe progress of AI could lead to a true military revolution\, where a new form of automation could gain ground. The soldier of the future could for example\, be the shepherd of a flock of specialized robots. A change in the relationship between humans and war could also happen. By abandoning a part of their security to algorithms\, the citizens of the future could banish war from their horizon and give a very wide-ranging and dangerous autonomy to the institutions responsible for defence. The most pessimistic forecasters envisage apocalyptic scenarios\, but the worst is by no means inevitable. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Jeffrey Becker\nDr. Jeffrey Becker directs the Indo-Pacific Security Affairs Program at CNA. His research focuses on Chinese politics and Chinese foreign policy and security issues\, including China’s military diplomacy\, US-China military engagement\, and the security implications of China’s expanding global presence in the Middle East and the Indian Ocean. Dr. Becker’s recent CNA publications include China’s Presence in the Middle East and Western Indian Ocean: Beyond Belt and Road and China’s Military Support Facility in Djibouti: The Economic and Security Dimensions of China’s First Overseas Base. His peer-reviewed writings have appeared in the Naval War College Review\, the Journal of Chinese Political Science\, and Comparative Political Studies. He has also published articles in East Asia Forum\, The National Interest and The Diplomat. From 2014-2018\, Dr. Becker supported the US Navy with China’s participation in the multilateral “Rim of the Pacific” exercise. As part of these efforts\, he has worked alongside US and Chinese exercise planners\, and has spent time at sea aboard multiple Chinese navy warships. \nTopic: Revision and Continuity in America’s Approach to the Indo-Pacific \nAbstract: The US Department of Defense Indo-Pacific Strategy Report describes the Indo-Pacific as the Department’s “priority theatre” and “the single most consequential region for America’s future.”  \n This renewed focus on the Indo-Pacific comes at a time when the United States and others\, including regional powers such as India\, seek to manage a range of different and complex security challenges that threaten to undermine continued stability and economic growth in the region. From the perspective of the United States\, inter-state rivalry – most notably growing competition with China – remains a primary concern. Additionally\, however\, non-traditional threats\, including terrorism and the rise of extremist ideology\, demand attention from both the United States and US partners and allies. \n This paper seeks to provide an insight into the current US approach to the region. In doing so\, it seeks to examine how the US conception of the Indo-Pacific region has changed over time\, how US security policy towards the region has evolved\, what forces are driving that evolution\, and what that means for the United States\, US partners and allies\, and the region more broadly. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nMs. Kwek Ai Wei\nMs. Kwek Ai Wei is the Special Functions Officer to the Deputy Minister of Defence of Malaysia. In this role\, she advises the Deputy Minister on policy matters\, and was involved in the drafting of the first Malaysian Defence White Paper. Prior to this\, she has worked in various policy advisory and governmental affairs roles for international organizations\, including the United Nations Development Programme and the International Committee of the Red Cross\, and in the diplomatic corps. She holds a Masters in International Studies and Diplomacy from SOAS\, University of London\, and was an alumni of the Young Southeast Asian Leaders’ Initiative (YSEALI) Professional Fellow Program instituted by the US Department of State. \nTopic: Defence Planning and Maritime Disputes in Southeast Asia \nAbstract: Several Southeast Asian nations have published their Defence White Papers in recent years. Malaysia published its inaugural Defence White Paper in 2019. Vietnam published its fourth Defence White Paper in 2019 while Brunei\, Philippines and Indonesia published theirs in 2011\, 2012 and 2015 respectively. \nThese White Papers were drafted amidst intensifying US-China strategic competition\, geopolitical uncertainties and the increasing challenge of non-traditional security threats in the region. As maritime nations\, these states share similar interests and security challenges in the maritime domain\, including territorial maritime disputes with other littoral states\, while also facing a varying degree of inland security threats. As small states\, a looming Chinese influence\, coupled with US-China competition at the global level\, has caused anxiety that the region\, particularly the South China Sea\, which might become a theatre of conflict between the great powers. \nThis paper will discuss the common themes expounded in these Defence White Papers and how the Southeast Asian states perceive their security environment. It will also explore the use of Defence White Paper as planning tools to spur defence reforms and force restructuring\, taking into consideration the difference in domestic and political dynamics of each states. Further\, the paper aims to demonstrate the responses devised by these states in securing their defence interests\, both as individual states but also collectively as ASEAN member states. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Lai Thai Binh\nDr. Lai Thai Binh is Deputy Director-General\, Institute for East Sea Studies\, Diplomatic Academy of Vietnam since December 2019. He has served as a Vietnam-U.S. Relations Desk Officer (2003)\, Deputy Director (2006)\, Director of the North America Division (2007)\, Director of American Research Division (2009)\, Assistant Director-General (2009- 2012) and Deputy Director-General (2013-2016) in the Americas Department\, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Vietnam and was posted as the Deputy Consul-General of Vietnam in Houston\, Texas (2016-2019). Dr. Binh earned his first Bachelors degree in International Economics from the Hanoi Foreign Trade University\, a second Bachelors degree in Law from the Hanoi National University\, a Post-Graduate Diploma in International Management from International Management Institute in New Delhi (India)\, a Master of International Public Policy degree from SAIS\, Johns Hopkins (Washington DC) and a PhD in International Relations from the Diplomatic Academy of Vietnam. \nTopic: Maritime Planning in Vietnam’s National Security Calculus \nAbstract: The sea plays an extremely important role in the development and security of Vietnam. In the context that the regional and international situation continues to unpredictably fluctuate\, Vietnam pays more attention to maritime planning and focuses on major principles that will guide the maritime development for the next 10-20 years. Vietnam’s maritime planning is focused on the following factors: (i) Ensuring maritime economic security in the direction of rapidly developing tourism and marine services\, maritime economy\, oil and gas exploitation and maritime mineral resources\, marine and industrial aquaculture and exploitation\, coastal industries\, renewable energy and new maritime industries; (ii) Developing residential communities in association with regional development and ensure safety and security for fishermen; (iii) Strengthening the capacity of the armed and law enforcement forces to be ready to deal with traditional and non-traditional maritime security threats; persistently building an environment of peace\, stability and legal order at sea; strengthening and expanding foreign relations and contributing to the joint efforts of the international community towards the conservation and sustainable use of seas and oceans. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Laxman Kumar Behera\nDr. Laxman Kumar Behera is Research Fellow at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses. As a member of the Institute’s Defence Economics and Industry Centre\, Dr. Behera specialises on issues related to Arms Procurement\, Defence Offsets\, Defence Industry\, Military Spending\, and Defence Cooperation. He was closely associated with two high-level Committees set up by the Ministry of Defence on Defence Acquisition and Defence Expenditure. He was a Consultant to the Task Force on Self-Reliance and Defence Modernization constituted by the National Security Council Secretariat (NSCS)\, Government of India. Dr. Behera was the Chief Coordinator and Member of two study teams constituted by the Ministry of Defence to examine the Impact of Offsets on the Indian Defence Industrial Base\, and Defence Acquisition: International Best Practices. As part of his responsibilities Dr Behera undertakes policy relevant research besides providing regular inputs to the Ministry of Defence and other ministries and departments of the Government of India. \nTopic: ‘Make in India’ and the Changing Profile of Indian Defence Industry \nAbstract: The ‘Make in India’ programme\, launched by Prime Minister Narendra Modi in September 2014\, has been a guiding force for the Ministry of Defence to usher in many defence industrial reforms. Within a short span of five-and-a-half years\, numerous reform measures have been implemented that were hitherto unheard of. These measures include simplification of industrial licensing\, increase in FDI cap\, articulation of defence export promotion measures\, opening of trial and testing facilities for use by the private sector\, a level-playing field for the domestic private companies\, articulation of an indigenization policy to be followed by the state-owned production entities and reform of the state-owned production entities. The government has also simplified its procurement procedures to provide greater opportunity to domestic industry to participate in mega contracts including that of fighters\, submarines\, helicopters and tanks. While all these measures have been taken to strengthen India’s defence production as a whole\, an inherent undercurrent of the policy reform has been greater participation of the Indian private sector\, which is perceived to be the future of India’s arms production. The paper examines the impact of all the policy reform measures on domestic defence production with special focus on the Indian private sector\, to assess its contribution to India’s self-reliance efforts.   \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Malcolm Davis \nDr. Malcolm Davis joined the Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI) as a Senior Analyst in Defence Strategy and Capability\, in January 2016. Prior to this he was a Post-Doctoral Research Fellow in China-Western Relations at Bond University Queensland\, from March 2012 to January 2016\, and he currently retains an Honorary Assistant Professor’s position in the faculty there. He has worked with the Department of Defense\, both in Navy Headquarters in the Strategy and Force Structure area\, and with the Strategic Policy Division in the Strategic Policy Guidance sections from November 2007 to March 2012. Prior to this appointment he was a Lecturer in Defence Studies with Kings College London at the Joint Services Command and Staff College in Shrivenham\, UK\, from June 2000 to October 2007. He holds a PhD in Strategic Studies from the University of Hull as well as two Masters degrees in Strategic Studies\, including one from the Australian National University’s Strategic and Defence Studies Centre. \nTopic: Artificial Intelligence\, National Security and Modern Warfare: An Australian Perspective \nAbstract: The development of Australia’s future defence capability faces a looming inflection point in military affairs. The balance of advantage in future warfare may be determined by which side can more quickly identify and exploit disruptive innovation\, both in terms of capability development prior to war\, as well as in actual military operations during wartime.  \nAn emphasis on slow\, large\, and expensive acquisition projects based around traditional platforms – warships\, submarines\, armoured fighting vehicles and manned combat aircraft – may prove inadequate in a future where Artificial Intelligence (AI)\, unmanned autonomous systems\, and other new types of military capability are shaping future military innovation cycles. \nThis paper examines how the Australian defence and national security community is dealing with this emerging challenge. It explores the potential application of AI and battlespace robotics\, hypersonics and space capability for the Australian Defence Force (ADF) in the 2020s and beyond. It considers how their introduction might transform our approach to military operations in a multi-domain operational environment. It also considers how these technologies\, and more broadly\, the fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) in defence acquisition\, can ensure Australia can maintain competitive advantage against the rapid pace and scope of military technological change. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Manoj Joshi \nDr. Manoj Joshi is a Distinguished Fellow at the Observer Research Foundation\, New Delhi. A professional journalist\, he is currently a columnist for several Indian newspapers and a commentator on TV. He has had a long-term interest in national security matters. In recent years\, he has focused on the rise of China and his most recent academic publications have been on China’s technology challenge\, its military modernization\, the South China Sea dispute\, the Doklam Crisis and the Belt and Road Initiative and the Wuhan Summit. In 2011\, he was a member of the Task Force on National Security chaired by Mr Naresh Chandra to propose reforms in the national security system. He was also involved in the drafting of a Strategic Defence Review as a member of India’s National Security Council’s Advisory Board. He has co-edited a book on the US and South Asia and authored two books on Kashmir. He holds a PhD from the School of International Studies (SIS)\, Jawaharlal Nehru University\, New Delhi.    \nTopic: Strategic Uncertainty in India’s Neighbourhood \nAbstract: There is a great deal of flux across the world. Old paradigms are shifting\, without new ones in sight. The country that shaped the world order in the wake of World War II\, the US\, now decries the order and is set on demolishing it. As a result\, the international institutions it shaped — the UN\, the World Trade Organization\, or the Climate Change Conferences — are being buffeted by contrary winds. \nThe US has decided that it is in strategic competition with China and is seeking to upend the global trading order which it says has unfairly exploited them. Technology has emerged as the centre point of this contest. Military and economic competition did characterize the old order\, but in the past decade we have seen facets of this change in terms of climate change\, piracy\, the use of non-state actors to push state policy\, cyber threats\, energy and food security and anti-immigrant sentiments. At the beginning of this year\, the outbreak of coronavirus has brought to the fore the enormous challenge of pandemics. Countries must therefore gear up to newer challenges and adjust their defence strategies to cope with them. \nWhat is the scenario in India’s neighbourhood? First and foremost is the rise of China and its growing footprint in the South Asian and Indian Ocean Region (SA-IOR). In terms of resources\, both financial and military\, India has to compete with Beijing. China’s ties with Pakistan have been solidified and its footprint in Nepal and Myanmar is growing. The victory of the Rajapakses in Sri Lanka means that at a minimum\, Beijing faces a positive environment. In the Maldives\, pro-India forces have prevailed\, but for how long is the question. The short issue here is that India lacks a relationship that has institutional depth that can overcome periodic changes in the leaderships of the countries; it is dependent on who wins an election in these countries. \nNo matter how one looks at it\, the issues of SA-IOR cannot be limited to the region. They are intrinsically connected with URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/21st-asian-security-conference-national-security-and-defence-planning-in-an-era-of-strategic-uncertainty-postponed CATEGORIES:Asian Security Conference,CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20200226T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20200227T053000 DTSTAMP:20261028T034643 CREATED:20231223T125415Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250404T001619Z UID:62732-1582695000-1582781400@idsa.in SUMMARY:4th West Asia Conference - Ten Years of Political & Economic Transformation in West Asia: Challenges\, Lessons & Future Trends DESCRIPTION:Event Report Download Event Report [PDF] Concept Note The Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses has been organising its biennial West Asia Conference since 2014. Over the years\, this flagship conference has dealt with a number of critical issues facing West Asia and North Africa (WANA) — such as the paradigmatic shifts in the region’s geopolitical landscape; the growing impact of ideological and socio-political movements on regional and international security and stability; the global\, regional and intra-regional responses to the ongoing multi-vector convulsions in the social\, political\, environmental\, demographic\, trade\, energy and economic domains\, etc. The forum has also discussed the concerns and challenges facing countries\, and organisations\, as well as the prospects of various initiatives and proposals for improved security\, stability and development of the region. The Institute’s West Asia Conference provides an important platform for academics\, policymakers\, semi-government and government officials from participating countries to discuss issues of mutual concern and explore avenues of cooperation. Countries and organisations stretching the vast expanse of WANA participate in the Conference to discuss issues in a free and frank manner. In addition\, participants from other regions and institutions concerned with peace and development in West Asia\, such as from the United States\, Europe\, Russia\, China\, Japan\, Korea\, and Africa\, are regular invitees who make the deliberations comprehensive and productive. As popular protests removed four longstanding regimes across WANA earlier this decade\, the ensuing geopolitical situation grew more complex. The process of transition from authoritarianism to participatory politics has been painful and inconclusive. As a result\, thousands of people have been killed\, millions internally displaced\, while others have become refugees in neighbouring countries in need of humanitarian assistance. Tunisia is probably the only partial success story with elections held to elect representatives and government. The latest wave of popular protests in Algeria\, Sudan\, Egypt\, Lebanon and Iraq are reflective of the fact that the basic aspirations of the youth remain unaddressed. The fact that protests have continued unabated in the face of the severe crackdown by the regimes shows that the fervour for democracy is here to stay. Further\, the situation in Syria\, Libya and Yemen continues to deteriorate with growing sectarian\, ethnic and tribal divisions. The efforts of the UN and other international actors have been ineffective\, as parties to the conflict have remained adamant in their approach. Taking advantage of the continuing chaos\, several terrorist and extremist elements have emerged and entrenched themselves in a number of countries. Al-Qaeda\, its affiliates and a numerous other local terrorist and militia groups continue to present huge challenges for regional and global peace and security. Despite setbacks in WANA\, the ISIS and Al-Qaeda are now focusing their attention on South Asia. The regional geopolitical situation in WANA continues to remain fluid and unexpected. The signing of the Iranian nuclear deal called the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA)\, in July 2015 was believed to be a new opening in the region. But President Donald Trump’s decision to withdraw from the JCPOA has brought back the animosity and heightened tensions in the Gulf. The attacks on the oil tankers and installations inside Saudi Arabia raise fears of escalation. The crisis within the GCC continues to affect regional geopolitics. The boycott of Qatar by Saudi Arabia\, the UAE\, Bahrain and Egypt has led to Qatar coming closer to Iran and Turkey. This is a reflection of change in the existing balance of power in the Gulf region. The emergence of a strong Iran-Turkey-Qatar relationship alters the existing geopolitics and regional security architecture. A power struggle among the key regional players is further complicating the regional security situation. The continuing political instability and armed conflict have severely impacted the economic development in the WANA region. The economic prospects for this region have been grim in recent years. The region has one of the world’s highest unemployment rates as well as the world’s slowest GDP per capita growth rate. The drastic fall in oil prices by around 60 per cent in 2014 had a severe impact on the economies of the oil exporting countries. The economy of the WANA region witnessed stagnation as a result of low oil prices\, prolonged political instability\, terrorist attacks\, spread of violent armed conflicts and civil wars. In 2010\, before the outbreak of the protests\, the World Bank had projected a growth rate of 4.4 per cent for the WANA region. The years of political instability\, conflicts and violence that followed deeply affected economic growth. In 2015\, the World Bank estimated that GDP growth for the region would be around 2.8 per cent. The region’s economic growth now is almost half of what it was before the unrest began in 2011. The World Bank now predicts that the economies of the WANA region would continue at a pace of 1.5 to 3.5 per cent during 2019-2021. Amid the continuing instability and violence\, the issue of energy security has been a key concern for the oil importing countries in Asia\, such as India\, China\, Japan and South Korea. Production and supply of oil has been affected as a result of the conflicts\, leading to revenue losses to the oil producing countries. The emergence of non-OPEC oil suppliers\, such as the US\, also has the potential to affect the present status quo in the oil market. This will certainly affect the oil-based economies of the Gulf region. From India’s perspective the West Asian region is of great importance. India’s bilateral trade with the region is around US$ 200 billion and India imports more than 60 per cent of its energy requirements from the region. There are about nine million Indians living in the region whose safety and security is a concern for New Delhi. Any challenge to regional security or weakening of the economies in WANA will have a direct impact on the economy and security of India. To secure its economic and strategic interests\, India has pursued extremely active diplomacy since 2014. One of the most significant foreign policy initiatives of Prime Minister Narendra Modi has been the importance accorded to further strengthening India’s relationship with its ‘extended neighbourhood’\, particularly in West Asia. Though the region has been going through political and economic turbulence\, India has maintained momentum in its engagements with WANA. There have been substantive improvements in political\, economic\, security and defence relations. India has deepened engagements with a large number of countries of the region on the issue of countering terrorism. The invitation by the OIC to India to participate as the “Guest of Honour” to address the inaugural plenary held in Abu Dhabi in March 2019 is a reflection of growing acceptance of India’s rising international profile\, growing economy and its views and positions\, especially on the issues of terrorism and extremism\, among the countries of the region. The fact that the efforts by countries inimical to India to internationalise issues internal to India including those pertaining to Jammu & Kashmir\, have not received any traction in the region\, is a reflection of strengthening relations and India’s growing engagement with the countries of the region. Further\, India’s principled positions on regional issues have enabled her to articulate her views in a balanced manner while maintaining good relations with all countries. The WANA region has attracted intervention from several regional and extra-regional players in the face of political instability\, socio-economic uncertainty and escalating violence. This further complicates the already complex situation. These crises and challenges necessitate meticulous monitoring\, in-depth analyses and more frequent exchanges among scholars and policy-makers to find ways for lasting regional peace\, stability and security. In that direction\, this conference intends to spur in-depth and open dialogue among scholars and policy-makers from India\, the WANA region and beyond\, in order to analyse the problems and challenges\, draw the right lessons and gain informed solutions for enduring peace and prosperity in the region and further enhance India’s engagement. The following key questions\, among many others\, would be discussed during the conference:What are the key political\, security and economic challenges the region is facing since the beginning of the protests in 2011 and what are the important lessons to be drawn? What are the key links between regional instability and economic development in West Asia? How have been political turbulence and armed conflicts impacting the regional economic development and energy politics? How have the economic and social indicators such as unemployment\, access to education\, social inequality\, ethnic and sectarian divide affected the future course of regional politics and economy?What are the key economic stakes of the important extra-regional powers such as the US\, Russia\, Europe\, China and India? How is India adapting to the new regional security and economic realities in the West Asian region? What could be a possible roadmap for India’s engagement in future to secure its strategic and economic interests? Registration Registration fees would be Rs 2000/- which will cover the costs of two lunches\, conference papers etc. Please send cheque in name of MP-IDSA\, New Delhi “to the following address along with your details as Name\, Address\, Educational qualification\, Institutional affiliation etc. 1. Assistant Director (Admin)The Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses1\, Development Enclave\, (near USI)Rao Tula Ram MargNew Delhi 110 010 Account Holder: Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA)A/C No: 10596550223Name of Bank: State Bank of India (SBI)Branch Address: JNU\, Old Campus\, New Delhi – 110067\, INDIASwift code: SBININBB548 Account Holder: Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA)A/C No: 535602010004746Name of Bank: Union Bank of India (UBI)Branch Address: Vasant Vihar Branch\, New Delhi – 110057\, INDIASwift code: UBIN0534463 Programme ProgrammeDownload [PDF] \n\n\nParticipants Profile\n\n\n\n\n\nAmbassador Sujan R. Chinoy\n Director General\nManohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\, New Delhi \nAmbassador Sujan R. Chinoy is the Director General of Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (Manohar Parrikar IDSA)\, New Delhi. A career diplomat of the Indian Foreign Service from 1981-2018\, he was India’s Ambassador to Japan and Mexico. \n A specialist with over 25 years of experience on China\, East Asia and the Asia-Pacific\, he served in Indian Missions in Hong Kong\, Beijing\, Riyadh\, Shanghai and Sydney. He also served as India’s representative to the First Committee at the United Nations in New York. At Headquarters\, he served as Director (China) as well as Head of the Expert Group of Diplomatic & Military Officials tasked with CBMs and boundary-related issues with China. \n He also served on the Americas Desk and as Officer on Special Duty (Press Relations). On deputation for four years with the National Security Council Secretariat under the Prime Minister’s Office\, he worked on internal and external national security policy and anchored strategic dialogues with key interlocutors around the world. \n He is fluent in English and Chinese (Mandarin)\, and conversant in French\, Spanish\, German\, Japanese\, Arabic\, Urdu and French-Creole. He schooled at the Rajkumar College (Rajkot)\, read English Literature at the Maharaja Sayajirao University in Vadodara and gained his Master of Business Administration from Gujarat University. He has an advanced Diploma in Chinese (Mandarin) from the New Asia Yale-in-China Chinese Language Centre of the Chinese University of Hong Kong. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nMr. Fouad Siniora\n Former Prime Minister of Lebanon \nFouad Siniora is the former Prime Minister of Lebanon (2005-2009) and former head of the Parliamentary Future Block. He has been a member of Lebanese Parliament for around a decade (2009-2018). Fouad Siniora’s government was constitutionally responsible for the presidency of the Republic until President Michel Sleiman took over office on May 25\, 2008.  \nFouad Siniora was born on April 14\, 1943 in Saida/Sidon (45 km south of Beirut) in a Sunni family. He graduated with Master in Business Administration from the American University of Beirut. In 1970s\, he worked with the Citibank and also taught at his alma mater and at the Lebanese University. He joined the Audit Committee of the Lebanese Central Bank in 1977. Later in 1982\, he was he was recruited by the Lebanese-Saudi businessman Rafiq Hariri to manage and further expand his economic empire. At the end of the Lebanese civil war\, Hariri became the Prime Minister and appointed Siniora as his Finance Minister (1992-1998\, 2000-2004). Fouad Siniora was commissioned by President Émile Lahoud on June 30\, 2005 to form the government. It was the first government to be formed after the Syrians left and the first to involve Hezbollah. On July 27\, 2006\, Siniora presented his 7-point plan to end the devastating Lebanese-Israeli conflict. This resulted in a resolution of the UN Security Council on August 12\, 2006\, which led to a permanent ceasefire. Apart from politics and finance\, Fouad Siniora is known for his ardent interest in Arabic literature and poetry. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nProf. Nabil Fahmy\nFormer Foreign Minister of Egypt\nFounding Dean of the School of Global Affairs and Public Policy \nFounding Dean of the School of Global Affairs and Public Policy\, Nabil Fahmy is a career diplomat (1976-2011) and the former Foreign Minister of Egypt (July 2013 – June 2014) during which he steered the course of Egypt’s diplomacy during a time of immense challenge. While Foreign Minister\, he formulated a strategy to reorient Egypt’s Foreign Policy\, ensuring that Egypt had numerous foreign policy options both regionally and globally. \n During his distinguished diplomatic career covering three decades\, Fahmy served as ambassador to the United States (1999-2008) and Japan (1997-1999) as well as held numerous government and international positions. His work has focused on international and regional security\, disarmament and non-proliferation\, conflict resolution and Arab-Israeli diplomacy. He was also the Chairman of the United Nations Advisory Board on Disarmament Matters\, and the Vice Chairman of the United Nations General Assembly’s first committee dealing with disarmament and international security. He was also a member of the Egyptian Delegation to the 1991 Madrid Peace Conference; the Review Conferences of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons; the Committee on Principles in the United Nations Conference on Promoting International Cooperation in the Peaceful Uses of Nuclear Energy and many other multilateral events. \n Nabil Fahmy also founded the School of Global Affairs and Public Policy (GAPP) at The American University in Cairo (AUC) in 2009. Its programs are internationally and domestically accredited. And the school has become an invaluable Middle East voice of stellar caliber on topical issues of Public Affairs\, Law\, Journalism\, as well as studies on the Middle East\, Refugees\, and Gender and American Studies. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Sanjaya Baru\nDistinguished Fellow\nManohar Parrikar IDSA \nDr. Sanjaya Baru is former Media Advisor to Prime Minister and currently Distinguished Fellow\, Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analysis\, New Delhi. He has been editor of India’s major financial newspapers\, The Economic Times\, Financial Express and Business Standard. \n He was Media Advisor to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Director for Geo-economics and Strategy\, International Institute of Strategic Studies\, London. He was professor of economics at University of Hyderabad\, Indian Council for Research on International Economic Relations and the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy\, Singapore. \n He was Secretary-General\, Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce & Industry. He was member of India’s National Security Advisory Board in 1999-2001 and member of the Governing Board of the Centre for Policy Research. \n He is Founder Trustee\, Forum for National Security Studies\, India. He was also member India-ASEAN Eminent Persons Group in 2010. His publications (Books) include The Strategic Consequences of India’s Economic Rise\, India and the World: Essays on Geo-economics and Foreign Policy\, The Accidental Prime Minister: The Making and Unmaking of Manmohan Singh and 1991: How PV Narasimha Rao Made History and The Bombay Plan: A Blueprint for Economic Resurgence (2018). \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Mohammad Hassan Khani\nAssociate Professor of International Relations Imam Sadiq University (ISU)\, Tehran \nDr. Mohammad Hassan KHANI is an Associate Professor of International Relations at Imam Sadiq University (ISU) in Tehran. He received his PhD from Department of Peace Studies from Bradford University\, England. During his academic career he has acted as Head of Department\, Deputy Dean of Faculty\, and Director-General of Research Affairs at ISU. \n He has also been teaching as a guest-lecturer at other Iranian universities including Tehran University and School of International Relations. In 2016\, he joined the Global Challenges Fellowship Program as a Senior Fellow hosted by Institute for Advanced Study at Central European University in Budapest and Global Public Policy Institute in Berlin. He is Member of Editorial Board of Central Asia Review Quarterly and also Member of Editorial Board of Political Knowledge Quarterly. \n He is a founding member of Iranian Political Science Association and also a member of Iranian International Relations Association. His research interests include areas such as Theories of International Relations\, Iranian Politics & Foreign Policy\, International Organizations\, Regional Integration and Regionalism\, Middle East\, and Central Asia. \n He is the author of numerous books\, chapters in books\, and academic papers in Persian and English. His views and analyses on regional and international affairs have been reflected in the form of articles\, and interviews with: Washington Post\, Los Angeles Times\, Reuters\, NPR\, ABC News\, CNN\, BBC\, World\, Russia Today\, China Central TV\, Press TV\, Sahar TV\, Al-Aalam\, Japan Times\, Al-Ahram\, As-Safir\, Hurriyet\, and many Iranian academic journals\, weekly magazines & daily newspapers. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Ebtesam al-Ketbi\nPresident of the Emirates Policy Center\nAbu Dhabi\, the United Arab Emirates \nDr. Ebtesam al-Ketbi is the President of the Emirates Policy Center (EPC)\, which she founded in Abu Dhabi\, the United Arab Emirates in September 2013. \n The EPC undertakes the task of studying and foreseeing future regional and international geopolitical projects and their impact on the Gulf region based on the region’s self-perception of its concerns and interests. The center also focuses on exploring current and future issues that have an impact on the security of the UAE and the region as a whole. The EPC provides strategic analysis and policy papers on these issues that serve the UAE and Gulf governments. The center is considered now as one of the most renowned think tanks in the region. Abu Dhabi Strategic Debate\, which is organized annually by the EPC\, has also become one of the key platforms for dialogue in the world to discuss regional and international security. \n In recognition of her role as a leader of one of the most important think tanks in the Arab world and the great respect she enjoys as part of the distinguished elite\, not in the UAE only\, but also in the Gulf region as a whole\, Dr. Ebtesam al-Ketbi was appointed in 2015 as member of the Consultative Commission of the Cooperation Council of the Arab States of the Gulf (GCC). She was also chosen among 50 Most Influential Women in the Arab World by Arabian Business magazine in its July 2018 issue\, as she is the first woman to lead a think tank in the Arab world. \n Before she founded the EPC\, Dr. Ebtesam al-Ketbi was a professor of political science at the United Arab Emirates University. She has also held several posts\, such as the General Coordinator of the Gulf Development Forum\, has served as member of the Executive Committee of the Arab Association for Political Science\, has been member in the board of trustees in the Center for Arab Unity Studies\, the Arab Thought Foundation\, and in the Arab Anti-Corruption Organization. Dr. Ebtesam al-Ketbi has published a number of research papers on Gulf Security\, US-GCC relations\, and War on Terrorism. She holds a PhD in political science from Cairo University. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nProfessor Girijesh Pant\nNational Fellow of Indian Council of Social Science Research\nSymbiosis International University Pune \nProf. Girijesh Pant is presently National Fellow of Indian Council of Social Science Research at Symbiosis International University\, Pune. \n Former Dean of School of International Studies at Jawaharlal Nehru University\, India\, Prof. Pant has also served as Vice Chancellor at Doon University Uttarakhand and GGD University at Bilaspur. He is also associated with higher academic bodies like University Grant Commission as member of Accreditation Advisory Council\, ICSSR project evaluation committee and Indian Council of World Affairs. \n He has recently been appointed as Member Academic Committee of School of International and Area Studies\, Tsinghua University\, China. His academic interest includes Development Studies with focus on India\, West Asia\, Political Economy of Gulf Countries\, Political Economy of International Energy\, India Energy Security\, India’s Energy Relations and India’s Economic Relations with GCC countries. \n Awarded Lifetime Achievement Award by Venkateshwara University\, Tirupati\, he has been Sr. Fulbright Visiting Scholar\, University of Illinois\, USA. Traveled widely and participated and contributed papers in number of national and International conferences\, journals and books\, he is presently working on energy transition with reference to India. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nSaeid Khatibzadeh\nVice President for Research and Director General\nInstitute for Political and International Studies (IPIS) \nSaeid Khatibzadeh is currently Vice President for Research and Director General of the Institute for Political and International Studies (IPIS). \n He has worked as Senior Adviser to the Deputy Foreign Minister and President of the IPIS (2018-2019)\, Acting Director General of IPIS (2017-2018)\, Head of the IPIS Regional Office in Berlin (2013-2017)\, Director of Publication Department of IPIS (2011-2013) and IPIS Resident Representative in Canada (2007-2011). \n He has been also Editor of the Iranian Journal of International Affairs (2002-2006) and has published and conducted numerous articles and research projects in both Persian and English. He has joined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Iran in 1999. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nPetr Kortunov\nProgram Assistant\nRussian International Affairs Council \nPetr Kortunov is program assistant at the Russian International Affairs Council. His academic interests lie in the Middle Eastern region\, particularly Iran’s international standing and both peaceful and weapon use of nuclear power in the region. \n Born 1994\, he obtained a bachelor’s degree at the MGIMO University in International Law\, specializing in financial law. He earned his Master’s degree in International Financial Law at the MGIMO University and also obtained a Master’s degree in International Commercial Law at the University of Reading. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nAmbassador Niraj Srivastava\nFormer Indian Ambassador Denmark\, Uganda \nNiraj Srivastava is a former Indian diplomat who has been Ambassador of India to several countries including Denmark and Uganda. He joined the Indian Foreign Service in 1983. \n Srivastava was educated in India and abroad. He spent a sabbatical year at Oxford University\, U.K.\, where he studied international relations\, international law\, and international trade and finance. He graduated with honors in 1988. \n During his career spanning about 33 years\, Srivastava has served in Indian missions in several countries around the world\, including Syria\, the United States\, Libya\, Saudi Arabia\, Canada\, Uganda\, and Denmark. He has also held several positions in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in New Delhi. \n Srivastava took another sabbatical year during 2001-02 at Georgetown University\, Washington D.C.\, where he taught a course on international politics of South Asia to Sophomores. He was Associate Faculty at Georgetown. \n Srivastava retired from the Indian Foreign Service in November 2015. He now lives in New Delhi and\, among other things\, writes on issues relating to international affairs. He also appears frequently on television programs. He has written extensively on the war in Syria and US policy in the Middle East. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nProfessor Dlawer Ala’Aldeen\nFounding President\nMiddle East Research Institute (MERI) \nProfessor Dlawer Ala’Aldeen is the Founding President of the Middle East Research Institute (MERI\, www.meri-k.org)\, based in Erbil\, Kurdistan Region of Iraq. He is a former Minister of Higher Education and Scientific Research in the Kurdistan Regional Government (2009-2012) and Professor of Medicine in Nottingham University\, UK. \n Ala’Aldeen has long been engaged in capacity-building and nation-building projects in Iraq\, and published extensively on the political and security dynamics\, governance systems and democratization in the Middle East. \n His most recent books include\, Nation-Building and the System of Governance in Kurdistan Region (2013); and State-Building: A Roadmap for the Rule-of-Law and Institutionalization in Kurdistan Region (2018). \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nProfessor Efraim Inbar\nPresident\nJerusalem Institute for Strategic Studies \nProf. Efraim Inbar is President of the Jerusalem Institute for Strategic Studies (JISS). He was Professor in Political Studies at Bar-Ilan University and the founding Director of the Begin-Sadat (BESA) Center for Strategic Studies. \n Prof. Inbar’s area of specialization is Middle Eastern strategic issues with a special interest in the politics and strategy of Israeli national security. He has written five books and over 100 scholarly articles. \n Prof. Inbar holds a B.A. in Political Science and English literature from the Hebrew University and a M.A and Ph.D. from the University of Chicago. He served as visiting professor at Johns Hopkins University\, Georgetown University\, Boston University\, as visiting scholar at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars\, and the (London) International Institute for Strategic Studies. \n A paratrooper in the Israel Defense Forces (IDF)\, Professor Inbar later served on the IDF Academic Committee of the History Department. He also served as President of the Israel Association of International Studies. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Randa Slim\nSenior Fellow and Director\nProgram on Conflict Resolution\nMiddle East Institute\, Washington DC \nRanda Slim is a Senior Fellow and Director of the Program on Conflict Resolution and Track II Dialogues at the Middle East Institute in Washington DC\, and is a non-resident fellow at the Foreign Policy Institute of the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS). She works and publishes on regional and international issues of the Middle East with an emphasis on Lebanon\, Syria and Iraq. \n A former vice president of the International Institute for Sustained Dialogue\, Slim has also been a senior program advisor at the Rockefeller Brothers Fund\, a guest scholar at the United States Institute of Peace\, a program director at Resolve\, and a program officer at the Kettering Foundation. \n A former member of the Dartmouth Conference US-Russian regional conflicts taskforce\, she was a member of the US-Russia mediator team in the Inter-Tajik Dialogue (1992-2000) and worked on conflict management activities in Tajikistan and the Ferghana Valley (2000-2006). \n Currently\, she organizes the Middle East Dialogue\, a regional track 1.5 initiative focusing on political and security dynamics in the Middle East. She also co-moderates the US-Russia Middle East working group. Slim has also worked on the UN-mediated negotiations in Yemen as a consultant with the office of the UN Special Envoy for Yemen. \n She holds a B.S. and M.A. from the American University of Beirut and a Ph.D. from the University of North Carolina. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Wail Al Batrekhi\nMinister Counsellor\nDeputy Head of Mission\nEmbassy of the State of the Palestine\nNew Delhi \nDr Wail Al Batrekhi is Minister Counsellor and Deputy Head of Mission in the Embassy of the State of Palestine to India since 2016. \n He has been the head of the media department in the Regional and International Organization in Foreign Ministry of the state of Palestine. He was Diplomat (Counsellor) in Embassy of the State of Palestine-Republic of Hungary in 2008-11. \n He was Member of the international committee of World Festival for Youth and Student in (Cuba-1997\, Algeria-2001\, Caracas- 2005) and has been Vice President of world federation of democratic youth representing Palestine and Middle East North Africa region (1997-2007). \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nAmbassador V. P. Haran\nFormer Indian Ambassador to Syria \nFormer ambassador of India to Syrian and Bhutan\, V.P. Haran is currently Independent Director at the Mangalore Refinery and Petrochemicals Ltd. He was Ambassador to Syria from January 2009 to December 2012\, the most critical time that ushered in political tumult and upheaval in that country’s recent history. Thereafter\, he became Indian Ambassador to Bhutan from January 2013 to July 2014. \n V.P. Haran joined the Indian Foreign Service in 1980. He was posted in Moscow\, Afghanistan\, Sri Lanka and Belgium from 1980 to 2000. He was Deputy Permanent Representative of India to the World Trade Organization from 2000-03. He has been Joint Secretary [Administration]\, MEA\, Delhi (2006-09). \n He also worked for six years in TELCO and is presently at Tata Motors\, Jamshedpur in their Accounts and Finance Department. He writes extensively\, participates in seminars and gives lectures on foreign policy issues\, particularly on Syria\, West Asia\, along with India’s neighborhood as well as the country’s trade policy. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nAmbassador Talmiz Ahmad\nFormer Indian Ambassador\nSaudi Arabia\, Oman and the UAE \nTalmiz Ahmad is the former Indian ambassador to Saudi Arabia (2000-03; 2010-11)\, Oman (2003-04) and the UAE (2007-10). After retirement from Foreign Service\, he had a stint of four years in the corporate sector in Dubai. \n He is now a full-time academic and holds the Ram Sathe Chair for International Studies in Symbiosis International University\, Pune. \n He has authored three books including West Asian Politics: Reform in the Arab World (2005); Children of Abraham at War (2010)\, and The Islamist Challenge in West Asia after the Arab Spring (2013). \n He writes regularly in the West Asian and Indian media on West Asian and Indian Ocean politics and economics\, political Islam and energy security issues. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr Al Sheikh Abdullah Saleh Hilal Al Saddi \nStrategic Director Staff\,\nNational Defence College\,\nSultanate of Oman \nHis Excellency Dr Al Sheikh Abdullah Saleh Hilal Al Saddi is the Strategic Director-Staff of the Strategic Director Staff\, Oman. He has been the Sultanate of Oman’s ambassador to People’s Republic of China from 2007 till early 2020. He has also been the Dean of Oman’s diplomatic corps from 2013-20 and has been the Dean of the Council of Arab Ambassadors to China from January 2013-December 2019. \n With diplomatic experience of over 30 years\, Dr Al Sheikh Abdullah Saleh Hilal Al Saddi earned his doctorate degree in International Relations from Shanghai International Studies University in June 2012. He obtained his Master’s Degree from American University of Boston in France in 1995. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nAmbassador Ranjan Mathai\nFormer Foreign Secretary of India \nRanjan Mathai joined the Indian Foreign Service in 1974. He served in Indian Embassies in Vienna\, Colombo\, Washington\, Tehran and Brussels (1976-1994); and held several key positions in the Ministry of External Affairs of the Government of India\, including as Joint Secretary\, heading the Division responsible for India’s relations with Bangladesh\, Myanmar\, Sri Lanka\, and the Maldives (1995-1998). \n Mr. Mathai was Ambassador of India in Israel\, Qatar\, and France (1998- 2011). He was the Foreign Secretary of India for 2 years from August 2011 to July 2013. \n After his retirement he was appointed High Commissioner of India to the United Kingdom (December 2013 to December 2015). Mr. Mathai is an Independent Director on the Board of HDFC Standard Life Ltd. Mr. Mathai completed his education with an M.A. in Political Science from the University of Poona (Pune) in 1974. He is an alumnus of the National Defense College in Delhi (27th Course\, 1987). \n He is an analyst and commentator on international affairs and energy and resource security. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Abdullah Bin Hamad Bin Abdullah Al-Salamah\nDirector General\nPrince Saud Al Faisal Institute for Diplomatic Studies\nKingdom of Saudi Arabia \nDr. Abdullah Bin Hamad Bin Abdullah Al-Salamah is currently the Director General of Prince Saud Al Faisal Institute for Diplomatic Studies. \n He was the Director General of Finance of Royal Commission for Jubail and Yanbu & Economic Advisor for H.H. the Chairman of the Royal Commission for Jubail and Yanbu. He also served as the delegated Deputy of the Royal Commission. He has also been General Supervisor for Royal Commission of college and instates for Jubail and Yanbu. \n Dr. Salamah obtained Ph.D. from the renowned Durham University\, United Kingdom in 1994. His doctoral thesis is Industry Development and Petrochemical Sector in Kingdom of Saudi Arabia\, the role of the governmental policies – the Saudi Arabian Basic Industries Corporation (SABIC) as a study case. He received the Bachelors in Administration Science from King Saud University\, and completed Masters in Economics at the Western Illinois University\, United States of America. \n Dr. Salamah has had a rich and diverse experience spanning 35 years at the Institute for Diplomatic Studies\, Royal Commission and Ministry of Foreign Affairs\, Saudi Arabia. His areas of expertise include strategic planning\, management of industrial cities that specialize in petrochemicals\, hydrocarbons\, oil and gas\, economic management\, corporate management\, educational development\, project management\, budgeting\, planning and scheduling. Dr. Salamah has published many research papers and studies in internationally reputed journals. He has also presented key researches at various conferences\, seminars and discussion panels across the globe. He is a member of Saudi Economy Society\, British Society for Middle East Studies and Southern Economic Association in the United States of America\, Member of Alinma Saudi Government Sukuk ETF Fund 2020. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nAmbassador Navdeep Suri \nDistinguished Fellow & Director\nCentre for New Economic Diplomacy\nObserver Research Foundation\, New Delhi \nNavdeep Suri is Distinguished Fellow and Director\, Centre for New Economic Diplomacy at the Observer Research Foundation. He has recently completed a distinguished 36-year career in the Indian Foreign Service\, having served in India’s diplomatic missions in Cairo\, Damascus\, Washington\, Dar es Salaam and London and as India’s Consul General in Johannesburg. He has also headed the West Africa and Public Diplomacy departments at the Ministry of External Affairs. He was India’s High Commissioner to Australia and Ambassador to Egypt and the UAE. \n In a rare gesture\, the President of UAE conferred on him the Order of Zayed II\, the country’s second-highest civilian award. His innovative use of social media in public diplomacy in 2010 also received extensive recognition and two prestigious awards. \n Proficient in Arabic and French\, he has a Masters in Economics and has written on India’s Africa policy\, on public diplomacy and on the IT outsourcing industry. His English translations of his grandfather Nanak Singh’s classic Punjabi novels have been published by Penguin as ‘The Watchmaker’ and by Harper Collins as ‘A Life Incomplete’ and ‘Khooni Vaisakhi’. \n\n\n\n\n\n\nProfessor Ashwini K. Mohapatra Dean\, School of International Studies (SIS)\,\nChairperson\, Centre for West Asia Studies\,\nJawaharlal Nehru University\, New Delhi \nProfessor  Mohapatra is currently the dean of the School of International Studies (SIS) at JNU. In addition\, he is also the chairperson of Centre for West Asia Studies. His area of interest lies in West Asian affairs\, Peace and Conflict Studies\, and Mediterranean Affairs. Over the span of 20 years in SIS (JNU)\, he has taught numerous students and delivered keynote lectures and addresses in various international platforms. He has been a visiting Professor at the Chou University (Tokyo) in June 2009 and a European Union Visitor to Brussels\, in September 2009. Additionally\, in June-July 2008\, he was a visiting fellow at the Maison Des Sciences De L’Homme (MSH)\, Paris. His other visits abroad include civilian peace-keeping training at the Austrian Peace Research Centre\, Stadtschlaining\, Austria and Institute of International Studies\, Geneva\, participation in the Conflict Resolution Programme in Uppsala University\, Sweden\, and at the Peace Research Institute of Oslo (PRIO)\, Norway\, State Guest of the Republic of Cyprus and Turkey. \nProf Mohapatra has participated in numerous conference\, seminars and published several peer-reviewed articles in reputed journals. He has authored and co-authored books and contributed chapters in several books. A few of his notable publication includes Turkey’s Transition to Liberal Democracy and Its Issue of EU Membership (published in India Quarterly Journal)\, Democratization in the Arab World: Relevance of Turkish Model (International Studies Journal)\, Bridge to Anatolia: An Overview of Indo-Turkish Relations published in The Turkish Yearbook of International Relations (Ankara)\, Arab and Turkish Responses to Globalisation (India Quarterly Journal)\, Radical Islam: Ideology behind Global Terrorism (India Quarterly Journal)\, Turkey’s Search for Regional Role in Central Asia (International Studies Journal)\, among others. \n\n\n\n\n\n\nProfessor P. R. Kumaraswamy Professor\,\nCentre for West Asian Studies\,\nSchool of International Studies\nJawaharlal Nehru University\,\nNew Delhi (India) \nProfessor P. R. Kumaraswamy teaches contemporary Middle East at Jawaharlal Nehru University\, New Delhi since 1999. During 1992-1999 he was a research fellow at the Harry S Truman Research Institute for the Advancement of Peace\, Jerusalem. His publications include Squaring the Circle: Mahatma Gandhi and the Jewish National Home (New Delhi: for ICWA\, 2018); India’s Israel Policy (Columbia University Press\, 2010); Historical Dictionary of the Arab Israeli Conflict (Scarecrow Press\, 2015); India’s Saudi Arabia Policy: Bridge to the Future (Palgrave Macmillan\, 2019\, co-author); and Handbook of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan (Palgrave Macmillan\, 2020\, edited)\, \n Prof. Kumaraswamy is the honorary Director of Middle East Institute\, New Delhi (www.mei.org.in) and edits Persian Gulf: India’s Relations with the Region (Palgrave Macmillan) and Contemporary Review of the Middle East (Sage).\n \n\n\n\n\n\n\nDr. Sami Alfaraj\nPresident\,\nThe Kuwait Centre for Strategic Studies\,\n(Kuwait) \nDr. Sami Alfaraj heads the Kuwait Centre for Strategic Studies\, which he established in 1998 as an independent think tank. A former army officer and a strategic planning and crisis management consultant\, he has received his education in Kuwait\, Cambridge\, Oxford universities\, as well as at the Fletcher School of Law & Diplomacy. \nIn January 2018\, the Kuwaiti Government adopted the vision “A New Kuwait’ (which was drafted by him) as the official state strategy for the early part of the 21st Century.\n \n\n\n\n\n\n\nAmbassador Sanjiv Arora\nFormer Secretary\,\nMinistry of External Affairs\,(India) \nAmbassador Sanjiv Arora joined the Indian Foreign Service in 1984 and served in various capacities in New Delhi and abroad during his career spanning 35 years before his superannuation on 31 July\, 2019. \nBefore joining his last posting at the senior most level as Secretary (Consular\, Passport & Visa and Overseas Indian Affairs) in Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) in New Delhi in Feb’19\, Mr Sanjiv Arora served as Ambassador of India to Lebanon from Dec’16–Feb’19. Earlier\, he was Ambassador to Qatar from Aug’12–Oct’16 and Consul General in Houston\, Texas\, USA from Nov’08–July’12\, where his responsibilities covered Texas and eight other States. \nAmbassador Arora has served at HQS at every level. He dealt with India-Sri Lanka relations in MEA during 1991-94 and also worked as Counsellor (Political & Press) in High Commission of India in Colombo in 1999–2000. \nMr Arora is among the few IFS officers to have been deputed to Ministry of Finance where he served as Director during 2003–2004 and dealt with Development Cooperation and other issues. Before joining the IFS\, Mr Arora worked in the corporate sector and also in the Reserve Bank of India. \nAs Head of United Nations-Political Division in MEA from 2005-2008\, Mr Arora was actively involved in India’s foreign policy at the UN\, dealing with a wide range of issues including counter terrorism; peacekeeping; UN reform; political issues in UNGA and UNSC\, etc. He was involved in the initiative leading to  UNGA’s unanimous adoption of India’s resolution for observance of Mahatma Gandhi’s birthday (2 October) as the International Day of Non-Violence. He functioned as the nodal officer for the participation of India’s official and non-official delegations to UNGA Sessions from 2005-08. He was also in charge of issues related to the Non-Aligned Movement and the Commonwealth. \nDuring his distinguished career\, Ambassador Arora has proactively practiced diplomacy in its various forms and manifestations\, including political; security; economic & commercial; energy; multilateral; consular & diaspora; cultural; media; public diplomacy\, etc. In particular\, Ambassador Arora specialises in Middle Eastern affairs; business & energy issues; multilateral diplomacy; the people-centric area of consular & global diaspora\, including mobility & migration; and public diplomacy.\n \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nBrig. Ashish Chhibbar\nSenior Fellow\nManohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses \nBrig Ashish Chhibbar joined Manohar Parrikar IDSA as Senior Fellow in July 2018. An alumni of National Defence Academy and Defence Services Staff College\, he has had varied command and staff tenures in all terrains and operational areas. \nThe officer has done his ME from Indian Institute of Science\, Bangalore and PhD in Strategic Decision Making from Chaudhary Charan Singh University. \nHis current interests are in disruptive cyber technologies of Blockchain\, Artificial Intelligence and Big Data Analysis. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Meena Singh Roy\nResearch Fellow\nManohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses \nDr Meena Singh Roy is Research Fellow and coordinator of West Asia Centre at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (Manohar Parrikar IDSA). Her areas of specialization are Central Asia and West Asia. Prior to joining Manohar Parrikar IDSA\, she was a senior research scholar in the Department of African Studies\, Delhi University. She was associated with the Institute of Commonwealth Studies\, School of Oriental and African Studies and London School of Economics for her research work. In 2014\, she was a visiting Research Fellow with the German Institute of Global and Area Studies’ (GIGA) Institute of Asian Studies. \n Dr. Roy has published several peer-reviewed articles and papers focused on West Asia and Central Asia. She has also been involved in net assessment reports and strategic gaming on West Asia and Central Asia. \n She has published a monograph titled The Shanghai Cooperation Organization: India Seeking New Role in the Eurasian Regional Mechanism (2014)\, edited books titled International and Regional Security Dynamics: Indian and Iranian Perspectives (July 2009) and Emerging Trends in West Asia: Regional and Global Implications (2014)\,and completed the joint Delhi Policy Group-IDSA Task Force report on West Asia in Transition in 2015. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Adil Rasheed\nResearch Fellow\nManohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses \nDr. Adil Rasheed is Research Fellow at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (Manohar Parrikar IDSA) and is author of the book ISIS: Race to Armageddon (2015). \n He was earlier Researcher at the UAE’s premier think tank Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research (ECSSR) (2006-14)\, and was Senior Research Fellow at the United Service Institute in New Delhi from 2014-16. \n Notable among his peer reviewed papers on counter-radicalization are “Jihadist Radicalisation in India: Internal Challenges\, External Threats” and “Countering the Threat of Radicalisation: Theories\, Programmes and Challenges” published in IDSA’s Journal of Defence Studies. \n Dr Adil Rasheed regularly writes commentaries and articles on geopolitical issues in leading newspapers\, magazines\, journals and news portals in India and abroad. His book ‘Countering the Jihadist Narrative’ is nearing publication. His next project would study the corresponding trends in Political Islam in Middle East and South Asia. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Prasanta Kumar Pradhan \nAssociate Fellow\nManohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses \nDr. Prasanta Kumar Pradhan is an Associate Fellow at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (Manohar Parrikar IDSA)\, New Delhi. He holds a doctorate degree from the School of International Studies\, Jawaharlal Nehru University\, New Delhi. Since joining IDSA in 2008\, he has been researching on foreign policy\, security and strategic issues in West Asia\, and India’s relationship with West Asia and the wider Arab world. He is also working on the implications of Arab uprisings for the region and India. \nDr. Pradhan is the author of the book Arab Spring and Sectarian Faultlines in West Asia: Bahrain\, Yemen and Syria (Pentagon Press\, New Delhi\, 2017) and the monograph India’s Relationship with the Gulf Cooperation Council: Need to Look beyond Business (IDSA\, New Delhi\, 2014). He is also the editor of the book Geopolitical Shifts in West Asia: Trends and Implications (Pentagon Press\, New Delhi\, 2016). \n Dr. Pradhan has published several research articles in reputed journals and has contributed chapters to several edited volumes on security and strategic issues in West Asia and India’s bilateral relations with the region. His current research project is titled “The GCC in Crisis: Implications for the Region and India”. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nMd. Muddassir Quamar\nAssociate Fellow\nManohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses \nMd. Muddassir Quamar is Associate Fellow in the Institute for Defence Studies & Analyses\, New Delhi. He holds a Ph.D. in Middle East studies from Jawaharlal Nehru University. His doctoral thesis examined social developments in Saudi Arabia between 1991 and 2010 within a conceptual framework of Islamic modernism. Dr. Quamar’s areas of interest include Politics & Societies in the Gulf\, Middle East Strategic Affairs\, and Political Islam. His research papers have appeared in leading international journals such as Contemporary Arab Affairs\, Digest of Middle East Studies\, Journal of Arabian Studies and Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies. He has co-edited an anthology titled Contemporary Persian Gulf: Essays in Honour of Gulshan Dietl\, Prakash C. Jain and Girijesh Pant\, contributed chapters to edited volumes and regularly contributes opinion articles on strategic developments in Middle East and India-Gulf relations. Dr. Quamar has been a visiting fellow in King Faisal Center for Research and Islamic Studies\, Riyadh\, and serves as Associate Editor of Contemporary Review of the Middle East (Sage\, India) and Book Review Editor of Strategic Analysis. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nConference Coordinators: \n Dr. Meena Singh Roy\n Coordinator\, West Asia Centre\, IDSAmsinghroy@gmail.com \nDr. Prasanta Kumar Pradhan\nAssociate Fellow\, IDSApk.prasanta@gmail.com URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/4th-west-asia-conference-ten-years-of-political-economic-transformation-in-west-asia-challenges-lessons-future-trends CATEGORIES:Previous West Asia Conference,CONFERENCES,West Asia Conference ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20200128T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20200129T053000 DTSTAMP:20261028T034643 CREATED:20231223T125416Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250312T005111Z UID:62733-1580189400-1580275800@idsa.in SUMMARY:12th South Asia Conference - India’s "Neighbourhood First" Policy: Regional Perceptions DESCRIPTION:Concept Note\n\n\n\nConcept Note\n\nIDSA has been organising the annual South Asia Conference since 2007. Over a decade\, this flagship conference has dealt with a number of important issues\, such as\, economic cooperation for development\, changing political context in India’s neighbourhood\, common challenges of terrorism in South Asia and prospects of regional cooperation\, cooperative security framework for South Asia\, prospects for stability and growth in South Asia\, exploring regional perceptions\, role of media in promoting regional understanding in South Asia\, culture as a factor in regional cooperation\, strengthening connectivity in South Asia\, and non-traditional security challenges in South Asia. The varied themes reflect the different concerns of member countries of South Asia\, which have enabled these countries to pursue respective national interests within the framework of regional cooperation. \nIDSA’s South Asia Conference provides an important platform for academics\, policymakers\, intellectuals\, semi-government and government officials from participating countries to discuss issues of mutual concern and explore avenues of cooperation. All SAARC (South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation) countries and Myanmar participate in the IDSA conference at the Track II level and discuss issues in a free and frank manner. Outside of SAARC\, Myanmar has been a regular invitee as an important member of India’s extended neighbourhood and engagement with it has been very productive. \nOne of the most significant foreign policy initiatives of Prime Minister Narendra Modi has been the importance that has been given to improving India’s relations with its immediate neighbours. This has been conceptualised by the Modi Government as “Neighbourhood First” policy (NFP). It is quite evident in the intensity of engagement that India has had with its neighbours\, not only during Prime Minister Modi’s first term in power\, but also after his re-election. That the Prime Minister chose to invite leaders of the SAARC countries in May 2014 and again leaders of the BIMSTEC (Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation) countries in May 2019 to his swearing-in ceremonies\, indicates his commitment to accord special status to the neighbours in his foreign policy paradigm. Prime Minister Modi has spoken of inclusive growth and development (sabka saath\, sab ka vikas) not only for India but for the region as well. \nThe Modi Government’s “Act East Policy” may be considered a logical extension of the NFP. Both accord priority to India’s immediate geopolitical environment. Myanmar is important in this regard as it becomes the intersecting point where both the components meet. Maldives and Sri Lanka were the first two countries that Prime Minister Modi visited after being re-elected\, which further demonstrated his government’s resolve to strengthen relations with India’s neighbours. Other important policy initiatives like SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the Region) and Project Mausam may be regarded as reinforcing this policy of cooperation with the extended neighbourhood in the maritime sphere. \nBroadly speaking\, the “Neighbourhood First” policy includes expanding and deepening India’s contacts with the neighbouring countries and strengthening cooperation with them\, primarily driven by their development and security needs. Three significant aspects of India’s approach are that it is consultative; it is not based on reciprocity from the neighbours; and it attaches great importance to getting time-bound results. One of the most important areas of focus in the NFP is to bring about greater connectivity? physical\, digital\, people-to-people\, cultural etc.? among the neighbours. A number of initiatives have been taken in this respect\, e.g.\, building energy\, road\, and rail connectivity\, port and waterways transport\, and infrastructure development. High level and frequent visits to all the neighbouring countries\, in some cases after a huge gap\, provided a new momentum to bilateral ties. In this process\, India has successfully resolved some of the protracted issues with its neighbours. \nIndia has expanded the scope and quantum of development cooperation and has tried to improve the pace at which projects are implemented. It has also strengthened wide-ranging ties with neighbours in fields such as agriculture\, education\, culture\, health\, human resource development\, drinking water and sanitation\, disaster relief and rehabilitation\, capacity building\, trade and investments as well as defence and security. Besides\, India has tried to ensure the safety and security of maritime traffic in the region by helping to strengthen skills and logistics of neighbours like Sri Lanka and Maldives. \nThe people of South Asia have a shared history\, culture and aspirations which should help to deepen understanding within the region so that they can move towards achieving the common goal of enhancing economic growth. While there has been progress in India’s relations with its neighbours\, it is constrained by the challenge of cross-border terrorism that impacts India’s vision of a peaceful and prosperous neighbourhood. While Prime Minister Modi visited Lahore in December 2014 in the hope of improving ties with Pakistan that would benefit the entire region\, there was no reciprocation from Islamabad stalling forward movement on the SAARC regional motor vehicles agreement that would have boosted intra-regional connectivity and economic cooperation. Seeing this SAARC initiative fail due to intransigence by one of the partner countries\, there has been a perceptible shift in India towards emphasis on the BIMSTEC as a vehicle to help promote India’s foreign policy priorities of “Neighbourhood First” and “Act East”. Yet\, India continues to strengthen its relations with SAARC member countries and has shown its commitment to SAARC with initiatives such as the South Asia Satellite\, South Asian University\, SAARC Disaster Management Centre\, and the extension of India’s National Knowledge Network. \nThe sentiment of according primacy to the neighbours has been there in India’s foreign policy thinking right from the start and attempts were made by various leaders to cement ties with the countries in the region through unilateral concessions from time to time. However\, it is in the last few years that vigorous implementation of a comprehensive strategy in this regard has become apparent. During 2014-2018\, India completed 7 projects in Afghanistan under the US$2 billion committed for reconstruction. Notable among them is the new Parliament building\, the Afghan-India Friendship Dam\, and the restoration of the Stor Palace. India announced an additional US$ 1 billion assistance under the ‘New Development Partnership’ in 2017. \nThe ratification of the Land Boundary Agreement with Bangladesh by India\, an issue which was unresolved since 1974\, was an important step in improving relations between the two countries. India completed 29 projects in Bangladesh between 2014-2018. It has extended the third Line of Credit to Bangladesh of US$4.5 billion with the total amounting to US$8 billion. Cooperation in transit and connectivity with Bangladesh and the BBIN (Bangladesh-Bhutan-India-Nepal) grouping testify to India’s endeavours to concretise its neighbourhood policy. India has responded promptly in times of disasters. \nDuring 2014-2018\, India completed 62 projects in Bhutan. The Mangdechhu hydropower plant has recently been inaugurated and there is progress on other power projects with Bhutan. India has also announced a grant assistance of INR 4500 Crore towards Bhutan’s 12th Five Year Plan\, and a transitional Trade Support Facility of INR 400 Crore between 2018-2023. Bhutan and India also observed 50 years of diplomatic relations in 2018. \nIndia completed 3 projects in Maldives between 2014-2018. A US$ 800 million Line of Credit Agreement has been signed in March 2019\, for assisting Maldives to achieve sustainable social and economic development. An MoU on Indian Grant Assistance of US$5.5 million for the implementation of High Impact Community Development Projects has also been signed. The Government of India (GoI) also agreed to a cash grant of US $6.9 million for implementation of socio-economic projects. It helped to alleviate the water crisis in Maldives in 2014\, under Operation Neer. The 50th anniversary of India’s establishment of diplomatic relations with Maldives was celebrated in 2015 and Maldives today is pursuing a policy of ‘India First’. \nIn an attempt to assuage any prevalent feelings of neglect\, during his first tenure\, Prime Minister Modi visited Nepal. It was after a gap of 17 years that an Indian Prime Minister visited the country. 7 projects have been completed in Nepal during 2014-2018. The trauma centre in Kathmandu\, the Raxaul-Amlekhgunj petroleum pipeline and construction of Integrated Check Posts on the India-Nepal border highlight Indian development initiatives. Under four Lines of Credit with a total value of over US$ 1.65 billion extended by GoI\, infrastructure projects\, including those to do with post-earthquake reconstruction are being implemented. Under Operation Maitri India provided disaster relief and undertook rehabilitation efforts in Nepal after the earthquake in April 2015. \nThe Kaladan Multimodal Transport Project and the trilateral highway between India\, Myanmar and Thailand are important connectivity initiatives with Myanmar. The Indian Government also responded promptly to Myanmar’s request for assistance following cyclone-Komen in 2015. \nIn order to give a fresh impetus to India’s approach towards its immediate neighbours\, Prime Minister Modi visited Sri Lanka during his first tenure. This assumes significance as it was after a gap of 28 years that an Indian Prime Minister visited the country. India completed 13 projects in Sri Lanka between 2014-2018. The housing project for resettlement of Internally Displaced Persons in Sri Lanka is a major development project undertaken by India. Sri Lanka is a recipient of development credit given by the GoI\, with total commitment of around US$ 2.63 billion. India gave prompt assistance following devastating floods in May 2014 and in June 2017. \nThis year’s South Asia conference puts the spotlight on India’s “Neighbourhood First” policy being pursued by the government since 2014\, not with the purpose of projecting India’s achievements\, but with the purpose of ascertaining how the policy is impacting India’s neighbourhood. In this respect\, any assessment would be incomplete unless we understand the perceptions and reactions of India’s neighbours themselves to such a proactive policy from the Indian side. The conference is therefore intended to have a very candid and in-depth dialogue aimed at analysing India’s “Neighbourhood Policy” taking fully into account the perspectives of the neighbouring countries. \nThe key questions that need to be answered in this regard are: \n\nHow is India’s NFP being perceived in the neighbourhood?\nHow efficiently and effectively is the policy being implemented?\nTo what extent are India’s policies benefitting the neighbouring countries?\nAre there any additional areas of cooperation which the neighbouring countries would like to be emphasised in India’s NFP?\nWhat suggestions neighbouring countries may offer to make this policy more effective?\n\n\n\n\n\nConference Programme\n\nProgramme Schedule [PDF] \n\n\n\n\nDAY 1: Tuesday\, 28 January 2020\n\n\n\n09.15 AM-9.45 AM\nREGISTRATION\n\n\n09.45 AM-10.15 AM\nINAUGURAL SESSION\n\n\nWelcome Address:\nAmbassador Sujan R. Chinoy\, Director General\, IDSA\n\n\nInaugural Address:\nShri Rajnath Singh\, Hon’ble Raksha Mantri\, Government of India & President\, IDSA\n\n\nVote of Thanks:\nVice Admiral Shekhar Sinha (Retd.)\, Member\, Executive Council\, IDSA \n\n\n10.15 AM-10.45 AM   \nTea/Coffee Break \n\n\n10.45 AM-01.00 PM\nSESSION I: CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK OF INDIA’S “NEIGHBOURHOOD FIRST” POLICY\n\n\nChairperson:  \nAmbassador Sujan R. Chinoy (Director General\, IDSA)     \n\n\nSpeakers:\n\n\nAmbassador Kanwal Sibal (Former Foreign Secretary\, Government of India): Conceptual Framework of India’s “Neighbourhood First” Policy \nAmbassador Abdul Ghafoor Mohamed (Foreign Secretary\, Government of the Maldives): Maldivian Perspective on India’s “Neighbourhood First” Policy\nMajor General Vetsop Namgyel (Ambassador of Bhutan to India): Bhutan’s Perception on India’s “Neighbourhood First” Policy\nAmbassador Munshi Faiz Ahmad (Former Chairman\, Bangladesh Institute of International and Strategic Studies\, Dhaka): India’s “Neighbourhood First” Policy: Perspective from Bangladesh\nDr. Shaida Mohammad Abdali (Former Afghan Ambassador to India): Afghanistan’s Perspective on India’s “Neighbourhood First” Policy\n\n\n\n\n02.00 PM-04.00 PM\nSESSION II: ECONOMIC AND DEVELOPMENT COOPERATION \n\n\nChairperson:\nDr. Sanjaya Baru (Former Media Advisor to Prime Minister\, Currently\, Distinguished Fellow\, IDSA)\n\n\nSpeakers:\n\n\nProfessor Sachin Chaturvedi (Director General\, Research and Information System for Developing Countries\, New Delhi): India’s Development Cooperation with its Neighbouring Countries  \nProfessor Bishwambher Pyakuryal (Chairman\, Institute for                                           Strategic and Socio-Economic Research\, Kathmandu): Emerging Trends in India-Nepal Development Cooperation \nAmbassador Sudhir Vyas (Former Secretary\, Government of India\, Former Ambassador to Bhutan): “Neighbourhood First”: Economic and Development Cooperation with Bhutan \nDr. Ganeshan Wignaraja (Executive Director\, Lakshman Kadirgamar Institute of International Relations and Strategic Studies\, Colombo): India’s “Neighbourhood First” Policy and Sri Lanka: Towards ‘Win-Win’ in a Region of Great Power Competition \nMr. Nazir Kabiri (Executive Director\, Biruni Institute\, Kabul): India’s Model of Development Cooperation based on the Principles of South-South Cooperation and Afghanistan’s Perception as a Recipient/Partner Country\n\n\n\n\n04.00 PM-04.15 PM\nTea/Coffee Break \n\n\n04.15 PM-06.00 PM\nSESSION III: CONNECTIVITY INITIATIVES AND INFRASTRUCTURE DEVELOPMENT\n\n\nChairperson:\nAmbassador Leela K. Ponappa (Former Deputy National Security Advisor\, Government of India)\n\n\nSpeakers:\n\n\nProfessor Prabir De (Coordinator\, ASEAN-India Centre\, Research and Information System for Developing Countries\, New Delhi): What Role Should Connectivity Play in Reenergising South Asia?\nProfessor Delwar Hossain (Department of International Relations\, University of Dhaka): Bangladesh-India Relations and the Politics of Connectivity: A New Bilateralism?\nMr. U. Khin Maung Lynn (Joint Secretary-1\, Myanmar Institute of Strategic and International Studies\, Yangon): Myanmar’s Perspective on India’s “Neighbourhood First” Policy\nAmbassador Pinak Ranjan Chakravarty (Former High Commissioner to Bangladesh & Visiting Fellow\, Observer Research Foundation\, New Delhi): Connectivity Initiatives between India and Bangladesh\nDr. Nihar Ranjan Nayak (Research Fellow\, IDSA): Re-linking the Landlocked Countries: India’s Connectivity Initiatives and Options before Nepal and Bhutan\n\n\n\n\n\nDAY 2: Wednesday\, 29 January 2020\n\n\n\n10.00 AM-10.40 AM\nKEYNOTE ADDRESS\n\n\nChairperson:\nAmbassador Sujan R. Chinoy\, Director General\, IDSA\n\n\nKeynote Address:\nShri V. Muraleedharan\, Hon’ble Minister of State for External Affairs\, Government of India\n\n\nVote of Thanks:\nProfessor S.D. Muni\, Member\, Executive Council\, IDSA\n\n\n10.40 AM- 11.00 AM\nTea/Coffee Break\n\n\n11.00 AM- 01.00 PM \nSESSION IV: ENERGY COOPERATION\n\n\nChairperson:\nProfessor Nitya Nanda (Director\, Council for Social Development\, New Delhi)\n\n\nSpeakers:\n\n\nMr. Dinesh Kumar Ghimire (Secretary (Energy)\, Ministry of Energy\, Water Resources and Irrigation\, Government of Nepal): Nepal-India Energy Cooperation\nDasho Sonam Tshering (Former Secretary\, Ministry of Economic Affairs\, Bhutan): Bhutan-India Cooperation in the Hydropower Sector\nMs. Shebonti Ray Dadwal (Consultant\, IDSA): Energy Cooperation between India and Bangladesh\nShri Ajit Pai (OSD to Vice Chairman NITI Aayog\, New Delhi): Strategic Synergies in Financing Cross-Border Energy Projects\nDr. Bhupendra Kumar Singh (Director and Head\, Energy Security\, Confederation of Indian Industry\, New Delhi): Enhancing Cross-Border Power Trade in South Asia: Key Impediments and Policy Interventions\n\n\n\n\n01.00 PM-02.00 PM\nLunch\n\n\n02.00 PM-04.00 PM\nSESSION V: DEFENCE AND SECURITY COOPERATION\n\n\nChairperson:\nMr. Maroof Raza (Consultant & Strategic Affairs Expert\, Times Now\, Mumbai)\n\n\nSpeakers:\n\n\nAdmiral Ravindra C. Wijegunaratne (Retd.) (Former Chief of Defence Staff of Sri Lankan Armed Forces): India-Sri Lanka Defence and Security Nexus: Challenges and Opportunities\nBrigadier General Ibrahim Mohamed Didi (Retd.) (Former Member of Parliament\, the Maldives): Durable India-Maldives Defense and Security Relations Fortify Indian Ocean Security Environment\nDr. Naing Swe Oo (Executive Director\, Thayninga Institute for Strategic Studies\, Yangon): Myanmar as India’s Important Neighbour: The Security Perspectives\nShri Rajiv Jain (Former Director\, Intelligence Bureau\, Government of India): India’s Policy with Regard to Cooperation in Counterterrorism in South Asia \nShri Jayant Misra (Former Director General\, Directorate of Revenue Intelligence\, Government of India & Consultant\, UNODC): India’s Cooperation with South Asian Countries in Curbing Drug Trafficking\n \n\n\n\n\n04.00 PM-04.15 PM \nTea\n\n\n04.15 PM-05.30 PM\nSESSION VI: PANEL DISCUSSION-THE WAY FORWARD\n\n\nChairperson:\nProfessor S.D. Muni (Professor Emeritus\, Jawaharlal Nehru University\, New Delhi & Member\, Executive Council\, IDSA) \n\n\nSpeakers:\n\n\nDr. Ashok Behuria (Senior Fellow\, IDSA) \nDr. Shaida Mohammad Abdali\nAmbassador Munshi Faiz Ahmad\nDasho Sonam Tshering\nBrigadier General Ibrahim Mohamed Didi (Retd.)\nMr. U. Khin Maung Lynn\nProfessor Bishwambher Pyakuryal\nAdmiral Ravindra C. Wijegunaratne (Retd.)\n\n\n\n\n05.30 PM-05.35 PM\nVote of Thanks\n Ms. Sumita Kumar (Senior Research Associate\, IDSA & Conference Coordinator)\n\n\n\n\n\n\nRegistration\n\n\nRegistration is open only for Indian Nationals till 24 January 2020. The fees would be Rs 2000/- which will cover the costs of two lunches\, conference papers etc. Please send cheque in name of “IDSA\, New Delhi “to the following address along with your details as Name\, Address\, Educational qualification\, Institutional affiliation etc. \n1. Assistant Director (Admin)\nThe Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\n1\, Development Enclave\, (near USI)\nRao Tula Ram Marg\nNew Delhi 110 010 \nAccount Holder: Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA)\nA/C No: 10596550223\nName of Bank: State Bank of India (SBI)\nBranch Address: JNU\, Old Campus\, New Delhi – 110067\, INDIA\nSwift code: SBININBB548 \nAccount Holder: Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA)\nA/C No: 535602010004746\nName of Bank: Union Bank of India (UBI)\nBranch Address: Vasant Vihar Branch\, New Delhi – 110057\, INDIA\nSwift code: UBIN0534463\n\n\n\n\nProfiles of Participants & Abstracts\n\nProfiles of Participants & Abstracts \n\n\n\n\nSpeeches\n\n\n\nWelcome Address: Ambassador Sujan R. Chinoy\, Director General\, IDSA\nInaugural Address: Shri Rajnath Singh\, Hon’ble Raksha Mantri\, Government of India & President\, IDSA\nOpening Remarks: Ambassador Sujan R. Chinoy\, Director General\, IDSA\nKeynote Address: Shri V. Muraleedharan\, Hon’ble Minister of State for External Affairs\, Government of India\n\n\n\n\n\nPrevious Conferences\n\nPrevious Conferences\n\n\n\n\nContact us\nSumita Kumar\nCo-ordinator\, 12th South Asia Conference\nSenior Research Associate\, South Asia Centre\nInstitute for Defence Studies and Analyses\nNew Delhi-110010\n(Office) +91 11-26717983 (Extn. 7001)\nEmail Id: cc.idsa@nic.in URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/12th-south-asia-conference-indias-neighbourhood-first-policy-regional-perceptions CATEGORIES:Previous South Asia conference,South Asia Conference,CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20190806T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20190806T053000 DTSTAMP:20261028T034643 CREATED:20231223T125418Z LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T125950Z UID:62734-1565069400-1565069400@idsa.in SUMMARY:Seminar on India’s National Security: Kargil to Present Times DESCRIPTION:Venue: IDSA Auditorium \nProgramme\n\n\n\n\n\n\n0930 – 1000 hrs       :            \n\n\nRegistration \n\n\n\n\n  \n\n\n  \n\n\n\n\n1000 – 1005 hrs       :            \n\n\nWelcome Address  Ambassador Sujan R. Chinoy\, Director General\, IDSA \n\n\n\n\n  \n\n\n  \n\n\n\n\n1005 – 1010 hrs       :            \n\n\nRelease of Special Issue JDS* and Book authored by  Col Vivek Chadha (Retd)  titled “Kargil: Past Perfect\, Future Uncertain?” \nBy Gen V.P. Malik (Retd)\, former Chief of Army Staff and Ambassador Satish Chandra\, former Deputy NSA and Ambassador Sujan R. Chinoy\, Director General IDSA \n\n\n\n\n  \n\n\n  \n\n\n\n\n1010 – 1030 hrs       : \n\n\nSpecial Address by Gen V.P. Malik\, PVSM\, AVSM (Retd)\, Former Chief of Army Staff \n\n\n\n\n1030 – 1050 hrs       : \n\n\nSpecial Address by Ambassador Satish Chandra\, former Deputy NSA \n\n\n\n\n1050 – 1110 hrs       :            \n\n\nInteractive Session \n\n\n\n\n            \n\n\n  \n\n\n\n\n1110 – 1130 hrs       : \n\n\nTea Break \n\n\n\n\n  \n\n\n  \n\n\n\n\n1130 – 1300 hrs       : \n\n\nSession I: Kargil Conflict: Lessons for Future \n\n\n\n\n            \n\n\nChair: Gen V.P. Malik (Retd)\, Former Chief of Army Staff \n\n\n\n\n  \n\n\nShri Shakti Sinha\, Director Nehru Memorial Museum and Library. “Political Decision-Making Considerations: A Perspective” \n\n\n\n\n  \n\n\nAir Marshal R. Nambiar\, PVSM\, AVSM\, VSM and Bar\, ADC\, AOC-in-C\, Western Air Command “Air Force Strategy During Kargil Conflict and Contemporary Challenges \n\n\n\n\n  \n\n\nVishnu Som\, Defence Editor\, NDTV. “Role of Information: Kargil and Beyond” \n\n\n\n\n  \n\n\n  \n\n\n\n\n1300 – 1400 hrs       : \n\n\nLunch \n Venue: Dining Hall/Banquet Hall \n\n\n\n\n  \n\n\n  \n\n\n\n\n1400 – 1530              : \n\n\nSession II: Kargil to Present \n\n\n\n\n  \n\n\nChair: Amb Sujan R. Chinoy\, Director General\, IDSA \n\n\n\n\n                                                  \n\n\nAmb TCA Rangachari\, Distinguished Fellow\, VIF and former Ambassador “Pakistan as a Diplomatic Challenge” \n\n\n\n\n  \n\n\nLt Gen Prakash Menon\, PVSM\, AVSM\, VSM (Retd)  “Limited Conflicts Under Nuclear Overhang” \n\n\n\n\n  \n\n\nLt Gen Satish Dua\, PVSM\, UYSM\, SM\, VSM (Retd) former CIDS\, “Evolution of Joint Structures” \n\n\n\n\n  \n\n\n  \n\n\n\n\n1535 – 1700              : \n\n\nSession III: Leadership Challenges in Combat \n\n\n\n\n                                                \n\n\nChair: Maj Gen Alok Deb\, SM\, VSM (Retd)\, DDG\, IDSA \n\n\n\n\n                                    \n\n\nAir Marshal V.K. Bhatia\, PVSM\, AVSM\, VrC and Bar (Retd) “Leadership Challenges of Air Combat” \n\n\n\n\n  \n\n\nBrig Devinder Singh\, VSM (Retd)\, “Challenges of Leadership Against an Entrenched Enemy” \n\n\n\n\n  \n\n\nRear Admiral S.Y. Shrikhande\, AVSM (Retd) “Educating Future Military Leaders” \n\n\n\n\n  \n\n\n  \n\n\n\n\n1700 – 1705 hrs       : \n\n\nVote of Thanks by Col Vivek Chadha (Retd.) \n\n\n\n\n  \n\n\n  \n\n\n\n\n1705 onwards           :            \n\n\nTea URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/seminar-on-indias-national-security-kargil-to-present-times CATEGORIES:CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20190326T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20190328T053000 DTSTAMP:20261028T034643 CREATED:20231223T125418Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250317T071505Z UID:62735-1553578200-1553751000@idsa.in SUMMARY:20th Asian Security Conference: Multipolarism in Asia: Issues and Challenges DESCRIPTION:DAY ONE\n \nDAY TWO\n \nDAY THREE\n\n\n\nRegistration\n\n\nRegistration will open on the days of the conference at the venue. However\, we would encourage you to avail a discount offer open till 20 March 2019 with the fees being Rs 1000/- for Indian nationals and $ 100 for foreign nationals. From 21 March 2019 the registration fee would be Rs 2000/- for Indian nationals and $ 200 for foreign nationals. The fee is to cover costs of meals\, conference papers etc. Students are exempted from registration to enable their participation in maximum numbers. They are requested to bring their university identity cards along. \n1. Please send cheque in name of “IDSA\, New Delhi” to the following address along with your details as Name\, Address\, Educational qualification\, Institutional affiliation etc. \nAssistant Director (Admin)\n The Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\n 1\, Development Enclave\, (near USI)\n Rao Tula Ram Marg\n New Delhi 110 010 \n2. From outside India\, money transfer can be done to IDSA bank account whose particulars are below: \nAccount Holder: IDSA\n A/C No: 10596550223\n Name of Bank: State Bank of India (SBI)\n Branch Address: JNU\, Old Campus\, New Delhi – 110 067\, INDIA\n Swift code: SBININBB548 \nIFSC Code: SBIN0001624 \n\n\n\n\nConcept Note\n\n\nThe Asian continent\, home to sixty per cent of humanity\, high economic growth rates and a burgeoning middle class and markets\, with some of the highest military expenditures in the world\, is in a state of flux. Territorial and maritime disputes have the potential to cast a shadow on peace and stability. \nThe Asian landmass straddles the Indo-Pacific. Asia is increasingly being defined in the broader geographical context of the Pacific and Indian Oceans through which pass the key SLOCs for energy\, raw materials and trade. Freedom of navigation\, over-flight and commerce are of growing significance. \nThe economic fulcrum has shifted towards Asia in recent years. China’s economic growth is being replicated in varying degrees by others in Asia over extended periods. India has now emerged as one of the fastest-growing economies in the world. Asia\, however\, has fallen short in building a credible security architecture. Trade mechanisms such as the CPTTP and the RCEP that straddle the region have revealed new frictions. Infrastructure and connectivity initiatives are increasingly shaping the economic and political discourse in Asia\, with renewed debate on finance to meet strategic ends. \nAmidst these changes\, regional transformation is leading to speculation about the future of power distribution in Asia. The “Asian Century” appears inevitable but the question remains if it will be unipolar or bipolar or multipolar in character. What future will countries such as China\, India and Japan opt for? What role will other regional countries play? What are the key interests of external powers that have a traditional presence or alliances in the region? \nPower in Asia remains fractured at various levels\, marked by a lack of consensus. A ‘multipolar Asia’ essentially presupposes the presence of multiple powers with significant capabilities and influence\, equipped to take on responsibilities and respond to emerging challenges and threats with a degree of strategic autonomy. The US is reassessing its presence and commitment to Asia at a time when China has expanded its footprint\, including in the maritime space. Trade frictions between US and China and their divergent visions for the future of the region have encouraged hedging by other regional actors. \nTraditional and non-traditional security challenges such as economic and military competition\, climate change\, cyber threats\, terrorism and energy security confront the region and act as drivers for the development of interdependent collaborative structures promoting pluralism. Multilateral fora such as G20\, BRICS\, AIIB and the SCO\, with cross-cutting membership\, are also helping to shape a multipolar regional order. \nIdentifying and understanding the various points of convergence and divergence will pave the way for the creation of interdependent and institutionalised dialogue mechanisms that prevent differences from becoming disputes and competition from leading to conflict. \nThe 20th Asian Security Conference (ASC) organised by the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA) on the theme of “Multipolarism in Asia: Issues and Challenges”\, is expected to delve into these issues. The debates and perspectives presented at the ASC will provide valuable insights into the decision-making processes that contribute to policy formulation on issues of peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific. \nThe Conference is tentatively structured as follows: \nSession I: DEBATING A MULTIPOLAR ASIA\nSession II: MULTIPOLARISM AND POWER DYNAMICS IN ASIA\nSession III: RECONSTRUCTING THE REGIONAL ARCHITECTURE\nSession IV: INFRASTRUCTURE\, CONNECTIVITY AND CAPACITY BUILDING IN ASIA\nSession V: THE EVOLVING INDO-PACIFIC ORDER\nSession VI: MANAGING CONTESTS AND SECURITY CONCERNS IN ASIA\nSession VII: ENERGY\, GEO-POLITICS AND MARITIME DIMENSIONS\nSession VIII: DIFFERENCES & DISPUTES IN ASIA\nSession IX: A BRICS MULTIPOLAR ORDER?\nSession X: SPECIAL SUMMING UP PANELTo attend the Conference you can reach us at – idsaasc2019@gmail.com \n\n\n\n\nProgramme\n\nPorgramme Schedule [PDF]\n\n\n\n\nSpeakers\n\n\nCommodore Abhay K. Singh \n \nBio: Cmde. Abhay K. Singh is a Research Fellow at the Military Affairs Centre in the IDSA\, New Delhi. He is an Indian Navy veteran with extensive command and staff experience spanning 27 years. A surface warfare officer with a specialisation in Missile and Gunnery Warfare\, he has commanded various naval platforms which include frontline frigate\, submarine rescue & deep diving vessel\, and fleet auxiliary. He has also served as Director (Military Affairs) in the Disarmament and International Security Division of the Ministry of External Affairs. Cmde. Singh is an alumnus of the Naval Academy\, Defence Services Staff Course and Naval War College. His publications can be found in the Journal Maritime Affairs and various IDSA Commentaries. \n Abstract: \nIndia and the Idea of Indo-Pacific – A Hesitant Embrace? \n Even though the geopolitics of the Indo-Pacific concept has historical roots\, the contemporary discourse in the policy circles got momentum with Prime Minister Abe’s articulation about ‘Confluence of the two Seas’ in his address to Indian Parliament in August 2007. While India’s ‘Look East Policy’ had led to enhancement of her economic and strategic engagements beyond the Indian Ocean\, there exists perceptible hesitation in embracing the ‘Indo-Pacific’ terminology in India’s policy articulation. The sources of this ambivalence can be discerned through wider strategic discourse in India around the geopolitical construct of the Indo-Pacific. Proponents argue that the embracement of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ is a logical extension of India’s ‘Look East Policy’. Sceptics\, on the other hand\, caution against India’s strategic overextension on peripheral regional security issues\, identifying too closely with the United States\, and receiving potential backlash from China. The paper therefore aims to thread both sides of the strategic debate around the relevance of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ geopolitical construct for India. It argues that the ‘Indo-Pacific’ regional construct provides the Indian policymakers a larger canvas to maximise India’s strategic gains. \n  \nMr. Akira Igata \n \nBio: Mr. Akira Igata is currently a Visiting Professor at Center for Rule-making Strategies (CRS)\, Tama University\, Japan. He is also a Senior Consultant at EY Advisory & Consulting and an Adjunct Fellow at Pacific Forum\, a Honolulu-based think tank. He oversees the Economic Statecraft Program and takes part in the Cyber Security Program at CRS. He received his undergraduate training at Georgetown University (one-year exchange program\, Heiwa Nakajima Foundation scholar) and International Christian University (Chris-Wada scholar). He subsequently received his MA in political science from Columbia University (Japanese government fellowship scholar). He was awarded the Aoi Global Research Award to study at the Faculty of Asian and Middle Eastern Studies\, Cambridge University in 2016. His research interests include: Japanese security and foreign policies; Japan-U.S. alliance; Economic statecraft; and International politics in the Indo-Pacific. \nAbstract: \nEast China Sea Dispute and Japan \nThe dispute surrounding the Senkaku (Diaoyu / Diaoyutai) islands has been described as a potential flash point in the East China Sea. How did these small uninhabited islands become a prominent international issue that involve world’s three largest economies? This paper first summarizes the history of how these islands rose to becoming a high-profile issue after decades of relative quiescence. Second\, it reviews the claims and interests of each country and studies the latest developments surrounding the dispute. Third\, the author analyzes how the dispute is related to and has an impact on the larger changing international environment\, especially its impact on the increasing strategic competition between US and China. Lastly\, the paper concludes with potential future scenarios and ways forward for mitigating the possibility of further conflict. \n  \nDr. Alice Ekman \n \nBio: Dr. Alice Ekman is the head of China research at IFRI’s Center for Asian Studies. She is also an Associate Professor at Sciences Po in Paris. She specializes in China’s domestic and foreign policy\, Taiwan and the Korean peninsula. Her research interests also include global governance\, forum diplomacy and the evolution of think tanks.. Dr. Ekman was formerly a Visiting Scholar at Tsinghua University (Beijing)\, at National Taiwan Normal University (Taipei)\, and more recently at the Asan Institute for Policy Studies (Seoul). She is currently a member of the EU committee of the Council for Security Cooperation in the Asia Pacific (CSCAP) and provides China expertise to the European Union Institute for Security Studies (EUISS). She holds a PhD from Sciences Po in International Relations and Master from the London School of Economics in International Relations\, Economics\, and Anthropology (China focus). \n Abstract: \nChina and the New Economic and Security Architecture in Asia: The 2025 Scenario \n Xi Jinping’s coming into office marks an acceleration of initiatives regarding both regional economic and security governance. Hu Jintao (2002-2012) had already started to shape the framework of a neighborhood policy\, to consolidate China’s participation in various existing multilateral regional mechanisms and position China as an active contributor to global governance reform in general terms. But China’s ambitions to reshape the regional and international order have never been as high as under President Xi Jinping’s leadership. Beijing seeks to significantly restructure the regional economic and security architecture\, and sees the coming years as a key period to achieve results. According to China\, the Asia-pacific region should not be based on any formal alliance system – and certainly not the US one\, which it considers illegitimate. Of course\, Chinese officials are fully aware that such restructuring can only be a long-term process\, given the US’ overwhelming presence and influence in the region today\, and China’s limited security ties with countries in the region so far. Still\, the ultimate aim is to replace the US-led alliance system by a new structure which China sees more in line with its interests\, and that has already been created. The paper will analyze this new structure in detail and assess its potential development and regional impact by 2025. \n  \nProf. Amancio Jorge Silva Nunes de Oliveira \n \nBio: Prof. Amancio Jorge Silva Nunes de Oliveira is a Full Professor at the Institute of International Relations of the University of São Paulo (IRI-USP)\, and the scientific coordinator of CAENI (Center of Studies of International Negotiations). He was a public policy scholar at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars\, vice-dean of the Institute of International Relations/USP and member of Institutional Advisory Committee of USP/IPSA Summer School on Methods.  \n Abstract: \nReorientation of Brazil’s Foreign Policy: Impact on BRICS \nThe pendulum of Brazilian foreign policy oscillated\, in a period of only five years (2014-2019)\, from one extreme to the other. The pendulum movement began under the government of Dilma Rousseff (2014-2015)\, passed through the center-right government of Michel Temer (2016-2018) until arriving at a liberal-conservative government – Jair Bolsonaro (2019). The structural conditions of the international market\, and thus the preference of the Brazilian private sector\, did not change considerably. however\, from the perspective of the Brazilian government\, BRICS gradually lost the status of a revisionist coalition of global governance. The same thing happened\, albeit in an even more pronounced way\, with India-Brazil-South Africa (IBSA). The expected consequence is a misalignment between discourses of the private sector\, government and the international coalition itself. The purpose of this article is to analyze the compatibility between the narratives of the Brazilian governmental and the private sector and to verify\, from this convergence\, the BRICS perspective. Conceptually\, the three broad views on BRICS can be identified as optimistic\, pragmatic and skeptical. The paper will use public opinion surveys of the general public and the private sector to provide an empirical basis for the analysis. \n  \nDr Ashok K Behuria \n \nBio: Dr Ashok K Behuria is a Senior Fellow and Coordinator of the South Asia Centre at IDSA. He is a Ph. D. in International Relations from the Jawaharlal Nehru University\, New Delhi\, India. He joined IDSA in 2003 and before that he was working as Assistant Director at International Centre for Peace Studies\, New Delhi. Dr Behuria has also been Editor of International Studies\, the prestigious research journal from Jawaharlal Nehru University and has been on the Editorial Boards of Journal of Peace Studies and Strategic Analysis. He has taught at the University of Delhi and Jamia Millia Islamia\, New Delhi. He is a recipient of the prestigious K Subrahmanyam Award for excellence in strategic studies for his work on Pakistan in 2009. He has published many research articles on strategic issues related to South Asian security environment in Indian and foreign journals and has edited several books on South Asia. \nAbstract: \nThe Future of India-Pakistan Ties \n The comprehensive dialogue process between India and Pakistan has been in a state of suspended animation for more than a decade now. It has been difficult to restart this process that had a reasonably successful run during 2004-2007. Indian analysts have argued that it has been primarily due to a series of spoiler-acts allegedly by non-state actors from the Pakistani side\, beginning with the 26/11 Mumbai attacks and extending till the attacks in Uri and continuing ceasefire violations along the LoC and IB in Jammu and Kashmir. On the Pakistani side\, the narrative is that India has stonewalled all attempts by Pakistan to restart dialogue and has not shown any serious intent to engage Pakistan meaningfully. Against this backdrop\, the proposed paper will make an attempt to contextualise these separate arguments\, trace the patterns that define India-Pakistan relationship\, and analyse the reasons behind discontinuation of the earlier round of dialogues as well as failure to relaunch the process of engagement. Based on these analyses\, the paper would build some scenarios about the state of India-Pakistan relations in the future. \nProf. Brahma Chellaney \n \nBio: Prof. Brahma Chellaney is presently Professor of Strategic Studies at the Center for Policy Research in New Delhi; a Richard von Weizsäcker Fellow of the Robert Bosch Academy in Berlin; and an affiliate with the International Centre for the Study of Radicalization at King’s College London. He has served as a member of the Policy Advisory Group headed by the foreign minister of India. Before that\, he was an adviser to India’s National Security Council\, serving as convener of the External Security Group of the National Security Advisory Board. He also sits on a number of international organizational boards\, including the academic council of The Henry Jackson Society\, London\, and the advisory boards of Worldcoo\, Barcelona\, and the European Centre for Energy and Resource Security (EUCERS) at the King’s College London. He is the author of nine books\, including an international bestseller\, Asian Juggernaut: The Rise of China\, India\, and Japan (Harper Paperbacks\, New York\, 2010). \n Abstract: \nMultipolarism: The Asian Debate \n Security dynamics are changing rapidly in Asia. The region is home not only to the world’s fastest-growing economies\, but also to the fastest-increasing military expenditures and naval capabilities\, the fiercest competition over natural resources\, and the most dangerous hot spots. The main driver of the changing security dynamics is China. However\, just as European security over centuries was shaped by the equations among the powers of Europe\, Asia has historically been a multipolar region. This reality has not fundamentally changed\, for example\, China\, Japan and India constitute a major strategic triangle in Asia. In this scalene triangle with three unequal sides\, China represents the longest side\, Side A\, Japan Side B and India Side C. In this triangle\, if B and C join forces\, A cannot hope to gain pre-eminence in Asia. In this light\, how does China’s foreign-policy goal to make the mythical Middle Kingdom real square with Asia’s innate multipolarism? Asian powers like Japan\, South Korea\, Indonesia and India remain committed to multipolarism. Can the U.S.-led strategy for a “free and open Indo-Pacific\,” help shore up Asian multipolarism? Is strategic equilibrium in Asia possible in the near term? Also\, what will it take to build an inclusive\, rules- based Asian order? \nDr. Brendon Cannon \n \nBio: Dr. Brendon Cannon is an Assistant Professor of International Security at the Institute of International & Civil Security\, Khalifa University of Science & Technology in Abu Dhabi\, UAE. He earned a Ph.D. in Political Science with an emphasis on International Relations at the University of Utah\, USA (2009). His research interests include contextualizing domestic\, regional and international relations in eastern Africa\, regional security in the Gulf and western Indian Ocean region\, the political economy of ports\, bases and airports\, as well as the Indo-Pacific strategy of India\, Japan\, the US and Australia in contrast with China’s BRI. He is the author of multiple articles and books\, with publications appearing in African Security\, Terrorism and Political Violence\, The Journal of Strategic Security\, and African Security Review. \nAbstract: \nOil\, Ports and Hard Power: Shifting Balance of Power in the Gulf and Horn of Africa \n The Straits of Hormuz and Bab el-Mandeb form major maritime chokepoints for Gulf Oil and the shipment of vital goods to much of the globe. They are increasingly of interest to states such as India and China\, where fast-growing economies are fueled\, in part\, by a steady supply of hydrocarbons from the Gulf. The strategic geographies stretching from Addis Ababa in the West to Tehran in the East have been the scenes of conflict in recent years such as the proxy struggle in Yemen between Iran and the Saudi-led coalition; the anti-piracy operations in the Gulf of Aden; as well as the scene of scrambling for economic and political resources. These security threats coupled with fast-growing economies\, particularly in the Gulf and the Horn of Africa\, as well as domestic political developments have led various states such as the UAE\, Turkey\, Iran and others to sign agreements around critical strategic infrastructure such as ports\, airports and bases. The resulting military build-up\, fueled by generous dollops of hydrocarbon aid\, demonstrates shifting balances of power across the vast region spanning Western Asia and the Horn of Africa. While these developments have\, until now\, been largely positive\, the possibility of future conflict\, is a clear and present danger. \n  \nDr. Elena Boykova \n \nBio: Dr. Elena Boykova is a Senior researcher\, Institute for Oriental Studies\, Russian Academy of Sciences. She specializes in Modern History and cultural development of Mongolia\, Russian-Mongolian relations\, Mongolia’s foreign policy\, problems of security in North-East Asia. She graduated from the Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO)\, Ministry of Foreign Affairs. She holds Ph.D. (Hist.) from the Institute for Oriental Studies\, RAS. She is the author of three books\, more than 100 articles in Russian\, Mongolian\, English and Japanese\, editor-in-chief of more than 10 books. She is a member of the International Association for Mongol Studies\, of the Permanent International Altaistic Conference (PIAC)\, of the Mongolia Society (USA)\, of the China-Mongolia-Russia Think Tank “China-Mongolia-Russia Economic Corridor”\, a member of the Presidium of the Russian Society of Mongolists. Dr. Boykova received the Polar Star Decoration (highest award for non-Mongol citizen) in 2016 and an Honorary Doctorate Degree from the Institute of International Affairs of the Mongolian Academy of Sciences in 2018. \n Abstract: \nThe Russian Vision of BRICS in the Context of a Multipolar Order in Asia \n Creation of BRICS has become one of the most significant geopolitical events of the beginning of the 21st century. Rather shortly\, this association turned to the factor that seriously influences political and economic life of the world. BRICS is essentially a new approach to reforming the system of world regulation\, which in the course of time can become another pole of political influence. Russia regards this association as an important platform for discussing international politics and world economy and considers strengthening of its position in the world as one of important goals. Currently\, BRICS represents a dialogue format that provides the five countries with the opportunity to cooperate in different fields\, at the same time maintaining “freedom of action” for them. The possibility of turning BRICS to a political union or an economic organization is not considered yet. At the same time\, Russia regards it is expedient to formalize the BRICS group by way of creating a virtual secretariat\, and subsequently — a permanent secretariat with headquarters in one of the member countries. In the situation of serious complexities in Russia’s relations with the West\, strengthening of the anti-Russian sanctions policy\, our country is interested in expanding interaction and closer integration with the BRICS countries. Participation in BRICS gives Russia an opportunity to strengthen its position on the world stage. \nMr. Endy Bayuni \n \nBio: Mr. Endy Bayuni is the senior editor of the English-language daily newspaper The Jakarta Post. A 35-year veteran in journalism\, he was the editor-in-chief of the newspaper from 2004-2010 and from 2016-2018. He has also had stints with Reuters and Agence France Presse as their Indonesia correspondent. His opinion columns\, including those on Indonesia’s foreign policy\, have regularly appeared in national as well as international media outlets\, including The Jakarta Post\, Strait Times of Singapore and New York Times. He is a recipient of the East West Center senior fellowship in Washington DC (2010)\, the Nieman Fellowship at Harvard University (2004) and the Jefferson Fellowship at the East West Center in Honolulu (1999). \n Abstract: \nIndonesia’s Rise: with or without BRICS \n Indonesia\, which has risen to the rank of a middle power in the last 20 years\, will be the obvious first candidate to join BRICS if and when it expands its membership. The growing economy is the world’s fourth most populous nation. If BRICS is about pushing for global reforms\, Indonesia’s inclusion will strengthen its hand. Indonesia brings in another factor when it comes to civilizational dialogues: Islam. The country with the largest Muslim population has proven that Islam and democracy are complimentary. Indonesia has a long track record in diplomatic achievements\, dating back to the Bandung Conference of 1955\, which later led to the establishment of the Non-Aligned Movement in 1961. Indonesia hosted the long negotiations to end the war in Cambodia before the warring factions signed the peace deal in Paris in 1991. As the largest member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)\, Indonesia is staking its claim as a maritime power and a key player in the emerging Indo-Pacific regional architecture. With or without BRICS\, Indonesia is building its strength and reputation\, engaging in multilateral organizations like ASEAN\, G-20\, APEC\, OIC\, IORA and MIKTA. Indonesia has a chance to show its diplomatic mettle as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council in 2019-2020. \n Dr. Ha Anh Tuan \n \nBio: Dr. Ha Anh Tuan is a Senior Researcher and Director of Center for Policy Analysis of Bien Dong Maritime Institute\, the Diplomatic Academy of Vietnam. Dr. Tuan’s research interests include international security of the Asia-Pacific\, with special focus on maritime security and international relations in the South China Sea. He has authored or co-authored a number of researches\, including Vietnam’s South China Sea Policy since 2007 in Le Hong Hiep and Anton Tsvetov (ed.)\, Vietnam’s Foreign Policy under Doi Moi\, 2018; & Vietnam’s Regional Security Challenges in Abhijit Singh (ed.) Line in the waters: The South China Sea dispute and its implications to Asia\, 2016; Navigating through troubled waters: A Vietnamese Perspective on Sino-Vietnamese relations in the South China Sea\, 2016; The tragedy of Vietnamese fishermen: The forgotten faces of territorial disputes in the South China Sea\, 2013; ASEAN and the disputes in the South China Sea in Dang D. Quy (ed.)\, Disputes over the South China Sea: Law\, geopolitics\, and international cooperation\, 2012. He is also a frequent media commentator. \nAbstract: \nFuture of South China Sea Dispute: A Vietnamese Perspective \n With many maritime security challenges remain unresolved\, the future of the South China Sea is uncertain. Sovereignty disputes over structures in the Paracels and the Spatlys and overlapping claims of sovereign rights over bodies of waters in the South China Sea among litoral states are still the fundamental and root causes of disputes in the region. Emerging issues such as major powers’ competition – most notably between China and the US\, maritime environmental degradation\, and rapid fish stock depletion have added more burden to regional governments. Technological advancements will also bring about diversed implications in the South China Sea. On the one hand\, regional maritime domain awareness is significantly improved\, allowing litoral states and other stakeholders to better understand of maritime situation in real time. On the other hand\, states’ improved capabilities would make the South China Sea narrower and increase the frequency of encouters between actors from different countries\, thus raise the risk of conflicts in the region. A common understanding between regional countries about rule-based order must be developed in order to effectively manage disputes in the South China Sea. \n  \n Mr. Hekmat Khalil Karzai \n \nBio: Mr. Hekmat Khalil Karzai became the Chairman of the Centre for Conflict and Peace Studies in January 2019. He served as the Deputy Foreign Minister of Afghanistan from January 2015 to October 2018. At the Ministry of Foreign Affairs\, he chaired several national and international processes/forums including Heart of Asia – Istanbul Process\, Regional Economic Cooperation Conference for Afghanistan (RECCA)\, and International Contact Group (ICG) amongst others. He led the Afghan delegation in the first face-to-face talks with the Taliban in July 2015 and at the Quadrilateral Coordination Group meetings\, creating an enabling environment for the Afghan peace process. In 2006\, Mr Karzai founded the Centre for Conflict and Peace Studies (CAPS)\, one of the first think tanks in Afghanistan. He also serves as non- resident Senior Fellow at the East West Institute in Brussels. In the past\, he has served as an International Fellow at the Edmund Walsh School of Foreign Service\, Georgetown University and the Head of the Political Department at the Embassy of Afghanistan in Washington\, DC. \n  \n Prof. Hideshi Tokuchi \n \nBio: Prof. Hideshi Tokuchi joined the Defense Agency (the predecessor of the Ministry of Defense) of Japan in 1979 and served as the nation’s first Vice-Minister of Defense for International Affairs from July 2014 until he retired from the Government in October 2015. In the Ministry of Defense he served as the Director-General of four bureaus: Operations; Personnel and Education; Finance and Equipment; and Defense Policy. He taught Japan’s national security policy as a visiting professor at National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS) from 2002 to 2015. He is a Senior Fellow of the Institute\, and also a Visiting Professor of National Defense Academy now. Professor Tokuchi was born in 1955. He received his Bachelor of Laws degree from the University of Tokyo in 1979\, and his Master of Arts in Law and Diplomacy (M.A.L.D.) degree from the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy in 1986. \nAbstract: \nAchieving a Free and Open Indo-Pacific through the Quad Framework: A Japanese Perspective \n The Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) is not an institution but a strategic concept\, one that is only just emerging. Therefore\, the scope of Indo-Pacific – both in geographical and policy terms – remains different; depending on which country is promoting the concept. The first point of the paper concerns the strategic and geopolitical facets of FOIP and its importance in maintaining the rules-based liberal regional order\, as seen from a Japanese perspective. The second point relates to the significance of Quad in operationalizing the vision of FOIP. FOIP is a tool of both competition and cooperation in relation with countries of different visions and regimes\, such as China\, even in regional security terms. Finding the right balance of competition and cooperation is a serious challenge to all in the region. In this regard\, how can Quad fit into the overall picture of FOIP? Could the minilateral framework of Quad have a possibility to become a promising foundation of a wider multilateral framework (a Quad-plus?) to make the order robust and stable? The paper tries to explore the possibility of such an enlargement in the FOIP context. \n  \n Dr. Hu Xiaowen \n \nBio: Dr. Hu Xiaowen is an Associate Professor in the Institute of Indian Studies\, Yunnan University. She worked in Yunnan Academy of Social Sciences from 2010 to 2018. She got her PhD degree from the Centre for East Asian Studies of Jawaharlal Nehru University in September 2017\, and currently is the China India Scholar-Leader Fellow at India China Institute of The New School\, New York\, US. Her research focuses on Indian foreign policy\, Indian think tanks\, BCIM and China-India Relations. She is the co-editor of the volume One Belt One Road: China’s Global Outreach\, Pentagon Press\, New Delhi\, 2017. Her works have been published in Global Review\, Academic Forum\, Chinese Social Sciences Weekly\, Southeast and South Asian Studies\, etc. \n Abstract: \nChina’s BRICS Vision and the Asian Order \n When the concept of BRICS was created in 2001 by Jim O’Neill\, it endowed BRICS a sub-government characteristic. BRICS now has expanded from an economic-centric dialogue to a pragmatic and comprehensive multi-national cooperative mechanism. It is important not only because it includes the main driving forces of global economic development\, but because it promotes “inclusive improvement” of the current global governance system. With the establishment of BRICS Development Bank and the Contingent Reserve Arrangement\, the institutionalization of BRICS cooperation has grown and helped the association legitimize its rise and promote international and regional cooperation. \nFrom China’s perspective\, the BRICS does not aim to challenge the current international regime\, instead its objective is to adjust the international regime in a non-confrontational way. It is trying to reform the system of governance gradually in the context of accepting the existing rules. Furthermore\, BRICS aims to forge a bigger global voice on economic issues for the group. It is necessary to build up an institutional framework based on mutual cooperation\, and urge the existing international institutions to make changes favouring the emerging economies. Thus\, it can be understood that BRICS cooperation mechanism is a useful supplement to the existing international regime which can drive Asia towards a multipolar world order. \n Prof. J Mohan Malik \n \nBio: Prof. J Mohan Malik is Professor of Asian Security at the Daniel K. Inouye Asia–Pacific Center for Security Studies in Honolulu. His areas of expertise are Asian geopolitics\, China and great power competition\, nuclear and maritime security. He is the author and/or editor of several books\, most recently Maritime Security in the Indo-Pacific (2014) and China and India: Great Power Rivals (2011). Dr Malik has contributed numerous book chapters and published nearly 200 articles in journals such as Asian Affairs\, Asian Survey\, Arms Control\, China Quarterly\, China Brief\, Jane’s Intelligence Review\, Journal of Contemporary China\, Orbis\, Pacific Affairs\, The American Interest\, and World Policy Journal. His op-eds have appeared in Wall Street Journal\, International Herald Tribune and The Diplomat. Dr Malik has testified before the U.S.–China Economic and Security Review Commission\, and done consultancy work for the Australian Department of Defence and Booze Allen Hamilton. \n Abstract: \nMaritime Security in Indo Pacific: An American Perception \n The coming years in the Indo-Pacific are fraught with risks—this is where some powerful states are forging new alliances\, arms racing\, pursuing mercantilist policies\, extracting resources\, and engaging in containment of peer competitors. New strategic balances will emerge as partnerships among states shift. Faced with an aggressive China\, Asia’s major maritime powers—Japan\, Australia and India—have come together to work in synchronized manner with the United States. They enjoy the support of middle powers—to varying degrees—to defend a rules-based order that does not advantage powerful nations at the expense of weak states. A complex web of security relationships is beginning to emerge – in trilateral\, quadrilateral and multilateral formats. China’s investments in littorals under its Maritime Silk Road are more about Beijing’s desire to establish itself as a “resident power” in the Indian Ocean. Ironically\, China’s quest for resources\, markets\, and bases (RMB) and attempts to establish an empire of “exclusive economic enclaves” run by Chinese conglomerates to usher in the age of Pax Sinica is now bringing former European imperial powers back in the Indo-Pacific oceans to maintain a rules-based order. This paper argues that the Quad\, still in its embryonic stage\, may need to be made an iQuad (“inclusive Quad”) or “Quad Plus” and further reinforced with a Concert of Democracies (COD) comprising Canada and the European Union. \n Dr. Jagannath Panda \n \nBio: Dr. Jagannath Panda is a Research Fellow and Coordinator of the East Asia Centre at IDSA\, New Delhi. He is in charge of East Asia Centre’s academic and administrative activities\, including Track-II and Track 1.5 dialogues with Chinese\, Japanese and Korean think-tanks/institutes. He is a recipient of the V. K. Krishna Menon Memorial Gold Medal (2000) from the Indian Society of International Law & Diplomacy in New Delhi. Dr. Panda is the author of India-China Relations: Politics of Resources\, Identity and Authority in a Multipolar World Order (2017)\, China’s Path to Power: Party\, Military and the Politics of State Transition (2010). He has edited two volumes: China’s Transition under Xi Jinping (2016)\, India-Taiwan Relations in Asia and Beyond: The Future (2016)\, and have co-edited two volumes Towards a New Asian Order (2012)\, Revisiting Contemporary South Asia: Politics\, Economics and Security (2012). Dr. Panda is a Member of the Editorial Board of the Journal of Asian Public Policy (Routledge). He is a non-Resident Fellow (honorary) at the Institute for Security and Development Policy (ISDP)\, Sweden\, and also affiliated (honorary) to the Institute of Transnational Studies (ITS)\, Germany/Italy. \n Abstract: \nWhy AIIB\, and Why Not BRI? Understanding India’s Perspective on a China-envisioned Regional Construct \n Clarity still lacks in the public domain as to why India agreed to become a founding member of the Chinese-backed Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB)\, but did not support Beijing’s flagship Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) given that both are China-centred international economic initiatives. India’s differing standpoint becomes more perplexing when the Chinese leadership advocates the AIIB and the BRI in the context of reshaping a new international order and building a “community of shared future”\, a popular “diplospeak” of Xi Jinping. The Indian perspective is rather straightforward: the AIIB is a multilateral economic initiative which India promotes; while the BRI is a state-sponsored global economic strategy that challenges India’s national security interests in the neighbourhood. While this assertion is certainly pertinent\, India’s approach to China-backed initiatives is in the broader and deeper context associated with the emerging powers narrative of India-China relations – it signifies a stance that is fast evolving with regard to Chinese assertion and China-envisioned regional construct. A careful appraisal of India’s approach towards it rather elucidates an Indian standpoint on the Chinese envisioned regional construct that is associated to their post-Cold War emerging power trajectory. This paper examines India’s stance on China-backed connectivity initiatives by analysing New Delhi’s differing approach towards “China-centred” grand initiatives – the AIIB and the BRI\, and if it has changed over time. \n Admiral (Dr.) Jayanath Colombage \n \nBio: Admiral (Dr.) Jayanath Colombage is a former chief of Sri Lanka navy who retired after an active service of 37 years as a four-star Admiral. He is currently the Director of the Centre for Indo – Lanka Initiatives of the Pathfinder Foundation\, Colombo. He is also a Fellow of Nautical Institute\, London\, UK and a Guest Professor at Sichuan University and Leshan Normal University in China. He is a highly decorated officer for gallantry and distinguished service. He is a graduate of Defense Services Staff College in India and Royal College of Defense Studies\, UK. He holds a PhD from General Sir John Kotelawala Defense University\, Colombo. He also holds an MSc in defense and strategic studies from Madras University and MA on International Studies from Kings College\, London. He was the former Chairman of Sri Lanka Shipping Corporation and an adviser to the President of Sri Lanka on maritime affairs. \n Abstract: \nSri Lanka and Maritime Security Order in the Indian Ocean \n The Indian Ocean is the third largest ocean in the world and has become a major strategic attraction in the 21st century. This is also a region of geo-strategic competition with major naval powers focusing their attention to this region\, leading it to become heavily militarized. The main reason for this renewed attention is the rise of China\, economically and militarily. China has made large investments through its Belt and Road Initiative across the Indian Ocean. Sri Lanka is blessed with deep water ports and is located in close proximity to the busiest east-west sea lane of communication across the Indian Ocean. Since the nearly three decade long armed conflict ended in May 2009\, the country has been put on a fast-track for development. To accomplish this\, there was a need to build highways\, roads\, ports\, airports and power plants. China thus became the main development partner even as it faced accusations of having strategic and military expansionist objectives. There are many strategic initiatives for Indian Ocean and Sri Lanka is sandwiched in the midst these initiatives. In the light of these developments\, this paper will look at how Sri Lanka can play a role in maintaining a rules-based maritime order. \n Dr. Ji Yeon-jung \n \nBio: Dr. Ji Yeon-jung\, Ph.D.\, is a lecturer at Hankuk University of Foreign Studies\, Seoul\, and a visiting fellow at the Institute of Indian Studies\, Seoul. She is a former assistant secretary of the Korean Society for Indian Studies and Stanton Nuclear Security postdoctoral fellow at the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs\, Harvard University. She studies nuclear proliferation and weapons programs in South Asia. \n Abstract: \nDenuclearization on Alert: Reshaping Security Order in the Korean Peninsula \n This paper deals with key questions concerning North Korea’s denuclearization process and its implications for regional security order. For the last three decades\, Pyongyang’s nuclear weapons program has been one of the most challenging issues faced by the nuclear non-proliferation regime. The ongoing debates on denuclearizing Pyongyang appear to be determining a new pattern of political bargaining that not only calls for at-one-go denuclearization but also aims to reshape the security order in the Korean Peninsula\, including the end-of-war declaration. With a more practical approach than before\, the key players—the U.S.\, South Korea\, and North Korea—have started anew to work toward a deal. Before a mechanism to hold all members in more stringent compliance can be determined\, three questions must be examined: First\, what technological barriers do the contracting parties need to consider? Second\, how long will the process take? Third\, what other factors relevant to reshaping the security order might follow? This paper suggests some of the possibilities that would facilitate the bargaining process. \n  \n Dr. Jingdong Yuan\n \nBio: Dr. Jingdong Yuan is an Associate Professor and Chair of the Department of Government and International Relations\, University of Sydney. Dr. Yuan’s research focuses on Indo–Pacific security\, Chinese foreign policy\, Sino–Indian relations\, and nuclear arms control and non-proliferation. He has held visiting appointments at the National University of Singapore\, University of Macau\, East–West Center\, National Cheng-chi University\, Mercator Institute for China Studies\, Fudan University\, and Berlin Social Sciences Centre (WZB). He is the co-author of Chinese Cruise Missiles: A Quiet Force-Multiplier (2014) and China and India: Cooperation or Conflict? (2003)\, and co-editor of Australia and China at 40 (2012). His publications have appeared in Asian Survey\, Australian Journal of International Affairs\, Contemporary Security Policy\, International Affairs\, International Journal\, Journal of Contemporary China\, Journal of International Affairs\, Nonproliferation Review\, Washington Quarterly\, and in many edited volumes. He is currently working on a book manuscript on China–South Asian relations. \n Abstract: \nBeijing’s Vision of the Asian Order: Promoting a Community of Shared Future \nBeijing is promoting a post-Cold War Asian order advocating multipolarity and inclusiveness. China under Xi Jinping has presented an Asian order of cooperative security\, common security\, comprehensive security\, and sustainable security. It has argued that future Asian security architecture requires the participation of all concerned\, must be based on consensus and mutual trust\, and provide security and benefits for all. This order emphasizes the importance of economic cooperation and integration as conducive to the development of a community of common destiny. It advocates multipolarism and calls for dialogue in addressing security issues and non-traditional security challenges. It promotes a new Asian security architecture that is inclusive\, cooperative\, and win-win\, with states—big and small—in the region encouraged to engage in dialogues in pursuit of a new type of international relations. By promoting a different security discourse\, that places less emphasis on military alliances and security against potential adversaries\, Beijing’s vision of ‘Asian order’ is built on a new security concept that is both more comprehensive in its content (economic as well as security issues) and its format (partnerships and diversity). \n Dr. John Hemmings\n \nBio: Dr. John Hemmings is Director of the Asia Studies Centre and Deputy Director of Research at the Henry Jackson Society and an Adjunct Fellow at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies. Prior to his doctoral studies\, he was a visiting fellow at Pacific Forum and a research analyst at the Royal United Services Institute in Whitehall. He regularly provides briefings to a number of government departments and contributes political analysis to various media from time to time\, including the BBC\, the Telegraph\, Fox News\, CNN among others. He has also published academic work in International Affairs\, the RUSI Journal and International Politics Review\, and was a Deputy Editor at the LSE’s flagship Millennium Journal of International Studies between 2013 and 2014. Dr. Hemmings completed his doctoral thesis in International Relations at the London School of Economics. \nAbstract: \nUnited Kingdom’s Foreign Policy and Indo Pacific Security \n While it is true that Brexit will present the UK with many challenges\, it is also a unique opportunity to recast its place in the world. While Britain will remain committed to their NATO allies in order to defend Europe from Russian revanchism\, it will be better suited to adapt to global trends and challenges. The Global Britain policy has characterized UK foreign policy since the Brexit Referendum\, and it guides UK foreign policy-making bureaucracy in Whitehall in the FCO\, MOD\, and DIT. So\, how does this policy connect with changes in the Asian region? The global trade is going to Asia\, and if Britain is to react to this shift in geo-economics and geopolitics\, it will have to enhance its presence in the region. The global middle class is expected to grow by 40-50 per cent\, with 80 per cent taking place in China and India. However\, it should be noted that going to the Indo-Pacific at this time presents Global Britain with challenges in the geopolitical sphere\, as Asian powers like China seek to change the rules arbitrarily. While it is clear that rising power changes mean that the rules must be re-written\, they should be done collectively\, without excluding rising powers like India. Therefore\, Britain looks to India\, Australia\, Japan\, and other regional powers in ASEAN – as well as China. Britain is at the cusp of redefining its relationship with the world\, but it must settle whether it will adopt a policy that incorporates UK values\, with its national interests in the security and trade spheres. \n Mr. Mandla Rametsi\n \nBio: Mr. Mandla Rametsi joined the Department of International Relations and Cooperation in 2007 and was placed in the Policy\, Research and Analysis Unit. From 2011 to 2015\, he was the Vice Consul General of South Africa in Lubumbashi\, Katanga\, the Democratic Republic of Congo. In 2016 he returned to the Head Office to focus on global governance issues related to counter-terrorism\, UNSC as well as Transnational Organised Crime. In 2019 he was appointed Counsellor Political\, Multilateral and Economic Diplomacy in the South African High Commission to focus on BRICS\, IBSA\, IORA\, G20 and other multilateral institutions. Mr. Rametsi is currently pursuing his PhD with the University of Witwatersrand in Johannesburg\, South Africa. He speaks French and Swahili fluently. \n Abstract: \nThe Future of BRICS: A South African Perspective \nThe 10th BRICS Summit in Johannesburg occurred with significant domestic economic and political changes among the BRICS countries’ national interests. This year Brazil is hosting the BRICS; it has a new government\, that has assumed office at the same time South Africa handed over the BRICS presidency. As Brazil’s political class has become embroiled in the 2014 Lava Jato (car wash) investigation\, Brasilia’s interest in the BRICS over the past years has gradually waned. However\, as Brazil is preparing to host the second regional centre of the New Development Bank (NDB)\, the new government may use the BRICS as an opportunity to establish itself as an important Southern power. \nThe BRICS so far have been able to focus largely on their converging interests – intra-BRICS economic cooperation; harnessing the dividends of the Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR); and maintaining a peaceful and prosperous global order. Shaping a more just\, equitable and stable global order will continue to bind the BRICS. As growing nationalism and protectionism in developed countries threaten to derail the post-WWII order\, ensuring that global governance institutions such as the International Monetary Fund\, the World Bank\, the United Nations and the World Trade Organization reform themselves is important for their longer-term efficacy. As their share of global economic and political power has increased\, so too has their interest in how the global system shapes up. Coordinated BRICS positions within these institutions will be essential if there is to be meaningful reform.\n \n  \n Dr. Manoj Joshi\n \n \nBio: Dr. Manoj Joshi is a Distinguished Fellow at the Observer Research Foundation. He is a journalist who has specialised in foreign and security policy in the years he has worked with The Times of India\, The Hindu\, The Hindustan Times and the India Today Group. He is a regular columnist and commentator in the Indian media. In 2011 he was appointed by the Government of India to the Task Force on National Security chaired by Mr Naresh Chandra to propose reforms in the national security system of the country. He has been a member of India’s National Security Advisory Board and has authored two books on Kashmir as well as several papers and chapters in scholarly works on South and South-east Asia. He is a PhD from the School of International Studies (SIS)\, JNU and has held visiting appointments in several universities. He is a regular speaker at defence institutions in India as well as think tanks in India and abroad. \n Abstract: \nIndia and the terrorism-military nexus in South Asia \nThis relates principally to Pakistan. From the outset\, Pakistan has sought “effective” parity with India. We say “effective” because India is nearly four times larger in size\, has a population more than six times larger and a GDP which is 9 times higher. To this end\, Pakistan has used four strategies—first\, it has spent a larger proportion of its national resources on defence. In the 2003-2017 period\, while India’s expenditure amounted to roughly 2.5 per cent of its GDP\, Pakistani figures hovered half a percentage point if not more higher. In the 1988-2002 period\, while India’s expenditures were around 3 per cent\, Pakistan’s were 5.5 per cent or so. Second\, Islamabad has cultivated foreign alliances. That with the US\, for example\, enabled it to have a force profile of sufficient strength to challenge India in 1965. Third\, Pakistan has developed nuclear weapons. Popular belief is that the Pakistani programme reacted to that of India\, but there is enough evidence to show that it had autonomous indigenous drivers. Fourth\, Pakistan has used and continues to use the instrumentality of terrorism to destabilize India. It is this last instrumentality that is of interest in this presentation. As can be seen\, all four strategies relate to the military. It is not surprising that they are\, indeed\, driven by the military which has assumed the lead role in the Pakistani state.\n \n  \n Prof. Mirzokhid Rakhimov\n \nBio: Prof. Mirzokhid Rakhimov is the head of the Social-humanities branch of Academy of Sciences in Uzbekistan. He is also the director of Contemporary History Center. His scholarly interests cover contemporary history\, regional and international relations in post-Soviet Central Asia. His recent selected publications include: Contemporary Central Asia: Balancing Between Chinese and trans-Asian Silk Road Diplomacy (2018)\, 25 Years of Independence—Uzbekistan (2017)\, Central Asia\, Issues\, Problems and Perspectives (with S. Jonboboev and R. Seidelmann\, 2015) and South and Central Asia: Insights and Commentaries (with A. Sengupta\, 2015). \n Abstract: \nShanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) and the Future of Regional Integration in Central Asia \n Regional cooperation and integration are among the most important trends in contemporary international relations. In the post-Soviet period\, there are challenges\, similarities and contradiction of multilateral relations in Central Asia. These are reflected in the numerous organisations such as Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS)\, Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO)\, Eurasian Economic Union (EEU)\, Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO)\, Economic belt of Silk Road\, C5+1\, the EU strategy\, Central Asia plus Japan\, Central Asia – Republic of Korea and others. Among them\, SCO has gone through institutional transformations and is presently one of the active initiatives in Central Asia. But in analysis\, regional institutions must take into account particular local and regional situations\, the internal and regional economies\, cultures\, and politics of the region. This is important because current and future Central Asian transformation will be prompted by interlinking local\, regional\, trans-regional and global issues and challenges. \n  \n Ambassador (Dr.) Mohan Kumar\n \nBio: Ambassador (Dr.) Mohan Kumar is the Chairman of Research and Information System for Developing Countries (RIS) since June 2018. He also teaches at the Jindal School of International Affairs and is Vice-Dean & Professor of Diplomatic Practice. He has had an outstanding career in the Indian Foreign Service lasting 36 years which culminated in his being India’s Ambassador to France. Under his watch\, the Indo-French strategic partnership was strengthened in spheres such as defense\, space\, solar energy\, smart cities and investment. Earlier\, Mohan Kumar was India’s Ambassador to the Kingdom of Bahrain where he witnessed and dealt with a strategically complex region characterized by events such as the “Arab Spring” Ambassador Kumar has enormous expertise in the area of international trade – he was India’s lead negotiator first at the GATT (General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade) and then at the WTO (World Trade Organization). He was a leading member of India’s delegation at the WTO Ministerial Conferences held in Marrakesh (1994)\, Seattle (1999) and Doha (2001). Ambassador Kumar is author of a book titled Negotiation Dynamics of the WTO: An Insider’s Account (2018). \n Abstract: \nFree Trade Agreements (FTAs) and Asia’s Multipolarism \n There is something profound that has happened in the world of international trade over the last decades. This period has seen the exponential rise in FTAs or what in the GATT/WTO parlance is known as Free Trade Areas or Free Trade Agreements. As the economic centre of gravity has shifted to the East (read Asia) it was but natural that the key players of Asia should also enter into FTAs. The lead in this regard was taken by ASEAN and then Japan\, who now has now got a large network of FTAs\, including with the European Union. Moreover\, it is now spearheading the revised TPP Agreement as well. China\, not to be left behind\, has also done a series of FTAs especially with ASEAN\, Korea and Australia\, totalling as many as 24 FTAs. Where does all this leave India? India has FTAs with ASEAN\, Korea and Japan\, but the experience has been mixed. With the RCEP\, Asian FTAs could well encounter a major turning point. The million dollar question is when the RCEP will be concluded\, what implications it will finally have for India\, China and more crucially for Asia. \n  \n Prof. Peter Drysdale\n \nBio: Prof. Peter Drysdale is Emeritus Professor of Economics in the Crawford School of Public Policy\, Australian National University. He is widely acknowledged as the intellectual architect of APEC. He was the founding head of the Australia-Japan Research Centre. He is the author of many books and papers on international economic policy in East Asia and the Pacific\, including the prize- winning\, International Economic Pluralism: Economic Policy in East Asia and the Pacific. He advised on the Australian Government’s Australia in the Asian Century White Paper. He is recipient of the Asia Pacific Prize\, the Weary Dunlop Award\, the Japanese Order of the Rising Sun with Gold Rays and Neck Ribbon\, the Australian Centenary Medal\, the Japan Foundation Prize\, the Asian Cosmopolitan Prize among others and an Officer of the Order of Australia. He is Editor-in-Chief of East Asia Forum and Head of the East Asian Bureau of Economic Research. \nAbstract: \nAustralia\, the Indo-Pacific Idea and a Multipolar Order \nGetting foreign policy right at this point in world diplomatic history has never been more difficult. Wedged between its alliance relationship with the United States — vastly complicated as it has been by the advent of President Donald Trump — and its hugely important economic relationship with China\, this is especially so for Australia. Just over a year ago the Australian Government’s Foreign Affairs White Paper adopted the Indo-Pacific idea but neither tested nor defined it\, except geographically\, although the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade afterwards reorganised itself around a core Indo-Pacific Group. It is difficult to see that the structural reorganisation has had any significant impact on foreign policy strategy in the year since it was initiated. The understanding of what the Indo Pacific idea meant and how it was supposed to re-shape Australian diplomacy in the White Paper has yet to be resolved. There remains deep co URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/20th-asian-security-conference-multipolarism-in-asia-issues-and-challenges CATEGORIES:Asian Security Conference,Previous ASC,CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20181218T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20181219T053000 DTSTAMP:20261028T034643 CREATED:20231223T125418Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250120T223938Z UID:62736-1545111000-1545197400@idsa.in SUMMARY:11th South Asia Conference - Non-traditional Security Challenges in South Asia: Agenda for Cooperation DESCRIPTION:Concept Note\n\n\n\nConcept Note\n\n\nNon-traditional Security Challenges in South Asia: Agenda for Cooperation\n\nIt is a truism to say that cooperation on hard security issues among countries in South Asia is a non-starter\, given the lack of mutual trust and confidence in the region. The official efforts at enabling economic cooperation for last 33 years\, through a regional organisation– South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC)– have remained hostage to inter-state rivalries inhibiting generation of the much-needed consensus to move forward. This has often led strategic analysts to pessimistic conclusions about the prospects of regional cooperation even in other areas of mutual interest. However\, in recent years\, there has been an uptick in the efforts at the civil society level to identify non-traditional security (NTS) areas where the countries have minimal level of difference and a shared interest in cooperation. Generating popular consensus at track II level for effective regional cooperation in these areas requires regular exchanges of views and concerns about the costs of non-cooperation. There is a need for evolution of actionable plans and programmes to turn this idea into reality. \n The concept of security has witnessed significant modification in recent decades following the end of the Cold War. Its scope has been widened to cover issues like food\, energy\, information (cyber)\, demography\, ecology (climate change)\, natural disasters\, human and drug-trafficking\, migration\, economy\, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction\, transnational terrorism and even pandemics. Most of these issues are not regarded as hard security issues and hence they are less emotive in nature. Nevertheless\, the security import of these issues should not be underplayed. The world has lost more men and resources to crises around no-traditional security issues than to wars during the last century. By some estimates\, South Asian states have lost nearly half a million lives and resources worth $59 billion during last two and half decades to natural disasters and ecological hazards alone. Given the trans-boundary nature of these challenges\, they cannot be effectively handled by any state alone. This is where the argument in favour of regional cooperation to deal with these issues kicks in. \n The South Asian region flaunts diverse geographical features with the Himalayas in the north to the Indian Ocean in the south and substantial part of the plain land watered by rivers flowing from the northern mountain ranges. This geo-physical feature has made India vulnerable to frequent floods\, cyclones\, earthquakes\, and droughts. Their frequency and severity have increased under the impact of climate changes due to anthropogenic pressure on natural resources. All this have had severe impact on the availability of food and water. The geographical expanse from the Hindu Kush region of Afghanistan till the island countries of Sri Lanka and Maldives in the Indian Ocean are impacted by the trans-border dimension of the problems that accompany these issues. Frequent natural calamities have resulted in displacement of population internally and also across state frontiers. The massive earthquake in Nepal\, frequent flooding in the region\, rise of sea level that threatens low-lying countries of the region are some of the examples here. As per official claims\, about 30 million Bangladeshis would risk becoming climate migrants by 2050. Man-made security challenges like communicable diseases\, religious extremism\, refugees\, internal migration\, energy scarcity and cyber-attacks are equally challenging. \n The effect of these threats is amplified by the under-preparedness of the states to evolve cooperative mechanisms to deal with the situation. It is further aggravated by the fact that out of eight South Asian countries\, four are LDCs. The region is home to 40 percent of the world’s poor and some 51 percent of the population is categorized as food and energy deficient. A recent World Bank report indicates that almost half of South Asia’s population lives in vulnerable areas. Due to falling agricultural yields\, lower labour productivity or related health impacts\, the people of this region would suffer from declining living standards and this will constrain the capacity of the state to cope with such stress. \n The region is also confronted with the challenge of securing continued supply of energy to sustain sound economic growth. All most all countries of the region are dependent on external sources to meet their energy demands. \n In the last 15 years\, South Asia has experienced the most number of terrorist related incidents that have threatened the stability of several states. The US Department of State Country Reports on Terrorism 2015 & 2016 say that South Asian countries are on frontline of terror attacks\, after Iraq. Four out of the top ten countries experiencing the most number of terrorist attacks are in Southern Asia— Iraq\, Afghanistan\, Pakistan\, India\, Nigeria\, Egypt\, Philippines\, Bangladesh\, Libya\, and Syria. Around 3967 attacks took place in these four countries in 2015. \n Similarly issues like cyber security\, water scarcity\, pandemics and Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HADR) have been acknowledged as pan-South Asian problems that demand concerted and cooperative multilateral action\, which is not as intense as it should be given the lack of awareness about the issues on the one hand and the absence of the habit of inter-state cooperation in these areas on the other. \n There is a belief gaining ground in the region that it is easier for states to work together to address these challenges in a cooperative manner\, and this is likely to generate the necessary impulse for collective action in future in areas hitherto considered sensitive and critical in the region. \nObjectives\n Against this backdrop the proposed conference would deliberate on the challenges posed by NTS; the means and ways in which they can be handled; explore whether the states in the region are prepared to meet these challenges collectively; the experience of the existing regional cooperation mechanisms in dealing with some of these issues so far; and the way forward. \n This conference is an annual calendar event organised every year by the South Asia Centre\, where the main objective is to identify and deliberate on various challenges the region is confronted with and to identify mechanisms to meet such challenges. As outlines above\, in this year’s conference\, we have identified NTS challenges and prospects of regional cooperation as an important area of enquiry. \nThe conference would discuss the following research questions \n\n\nWhat are the main NTS challenges in the region? \nWhat kind of mechanisms are available– at bilateral\, sub-regional and regional levels– to mitigate these challenges? \nIs it easier to generate regional consensus around the need for collective action to address common NTS challenges\, and has there been any effort to bring the states together on these issues?\nWhat are the potential inhibitors of cooperative action? \nDoes the region require collective security efforts to mitigate these common challenges? \nIs there any prescription for future (the way ahead)?\n\n\n\n\n\nProgramme Schedule\n\n\n\n\n\nProgramme\n\n\n\n\nDecember 18\, 2018 (DAY ONE)\n\n\n\n0930h–1000h: \nRegistration\n\n\n1000h–1030h: \nInaugural Session\n\n\n \n‘Welcome Address’\, – Maj Gen Alok Deb\, SM\, VSM\, (Retd)\, Deputy Director General\, IDSA\n\n\n \n‘Contextualising the Conference’\, – Dr Ashok K Behuria\, Coordinator\, South Asia Center\, IDSA \n\n\n1030h–1045h: Tea Break \n\n\n1045h–1300h: \nSession I: Contemporary Debate on NTS in South Asia\n\n\n \nChair: Amb. Swashpawan Singh\, Member\, Executive Council\, IDSA (20 minutes per speaker) \n\n\n \n\n\nPaper 1 – Rebalancing State vs Human Security in the 21st Century– Dr Uttam Kumar Sinha\, Senior Fellow\, NMML\, India.\nPaper 2 – Technology\, State and Human security and Non-Traditional Security Challenges– Dr K R Srinivas\, Consultant\, RIS\, India.\nPaper 3 – The Spread of Terrorism in South and South East Asia Region – Dr. Naing Swe Oo\, Founder and Executive Director\, ThayNinGa Institute for Strategic Studies\, Myanmar.\nPaper 4 – Regional Approach to NTS: Sri Lankan Perspective– Asanga Abeyagoonasekera\, Director General\, INSSSL\, Sri Lanka.\n\n\n\n\n1300h–1400h: Lunch\n\n\n1400h–1545h: \nSession II: Climate Change Resilience and Disaster Risk Reduction \n\n\n \nChair: Mr. Kamal Kishore\, Member\, National Disaster Management Authority\, India. (20 minutes per speaker) \n\n\n \n\n\nPaper 1- Impact of Climate Change on Permafrost with Special Reference to Ladakh- Dr Joseph Thsetan Gergan\, Retired Glaciologist\, Wadia Institute of Himalayan Geology\, India.\nPaper2- Sharing Bengal Bay Blue Economy Benefits- Christopher M Tilakasiri Dharmakirti\, Advisor on climate change initiatives\, Government of Sri Lanka.\nPaper 3- Climate Change and Mobile Vulnerabilities: Interstate Migrant Waste Pickers from West Bengal in Bengaluru- Dr Kavya Michael\, Associate Fellow\, TERI\, India.\nPaper 4-– Environment and Changing Livelihood Pattern in the Himalayas– Ms. Purna Maya Gurung\, Research Officer- Climate & Water\, Bhutan.\n\n\n\n\n1545h–1600h: Tea Break\n\n\n1600h–1745h: \nSession III: Water Governance in South Asia: Mechanisms\, Rules and Conventions\n\n\n \nChair: Dr D V Thareja\, Former Indus Commissioner (20 minutes per speaker)\n\n\n \n\n\nPaper 1- Rethinking Water Challenges in the context of 1.5 Degrees by 2030 – Dr Ajaya Dixit\, Executive Director\, ISET\, Nepal.\nPaper 2- Trans-Boundary Navigation: Stimulus and Engine of Sustainable and Inclusive Growth in South Asia- Sanjay Gupta\, Strategy and Policy Advisor\, India.\nPaper 3-“Stop Water Campaign”: Decoding the Compensation Enigma under the Gandak Agreement\, 1964 – Sidiqui Shawahiq\, Advocate\, Supreme Court of India/ Founding Partner\, Indian Environment Law Organization\, India. \nPaper 4- Hydro Politics: Challenges for Trans-boundary Cooperation in the Indus Basin – Dr Rashid Aftab\, Director Riphah Institute of Public Policy\, Pakistan. (Skype)\n\n\n\n\nDecember 19\, 2018 (DAY TWO)\n\n\n0930h–1100h:\n Session IV: Religious Extremism/ Terrorism and Cross Border Cooperation \n\n\n \nChair: Rana Banerji\, Special Secretary (Retd)\, Cabinet Secretariat\, GOI\, India (20 minutes per speaker)\n\n\n \n\n\nPaper 1- Combating Terrorism and Insurgency in South Asia: Revisiting Militarized Policing Theory- ASM Ali Ashraf\, Associate Professor\, Department of IR\, University of Dhaka\, Bangladesh.\nPaper 2- Small Arms Proliferation and Political Violence in South Asia: The Imperatives of Regional Cooperation- Dr Smruti Pattanaik\, Research Fellow\, IDSA\, India.\nPaper 3- Identity\, Statelessness and Violence- Khin Zaw Win\, Director\, Tampadipa Institute\, Myanmar.\nPaper 4- Religious Radicalism: The case of Taliban – Dr Omar Sadr\, Senior Researcher\, Afghan Institute for Strategic Studies\, Afghanistan.\nPaper 5— Cyberspace and South Asia: Key Security Challenges- Munish Sharma\, Consultant\, IDSA\, India. \n\n\n\n\n1115h–1300h: \nSession V: Energy Security and Cross border Energy Cooperation \n\n\n \nChair: Dr Rajat Kathuria\, Director and Chief Executive\, ICRIER\, India.(20 minutes per speaker)\n\n\n \n\n\nPaper 1- Prospects of Renewable Energy Cooperation in South Asia – Dr Shaheen Afroze\, Research Director\, BIISS\, Bangladesh.\nPaper 2- Energy Integration in South Asia: Challenges and Prospects –Shebonti Ray Dadwal\, Senior fellow\, IDSA\, India.\nPaper 3- Connectivity and Economic Cooperation in South Asia – Pratim Ranjan Bose\, Chief of Bureau\, The Hindu Business Line\, Kolkata\, India. \nPaper 4- Energy Security Issues and Transforming to Cleaner Energy in Nepal- Prof. Amrit Man Nakarmi\, Center for Energy Studies/IOE-Tribhuvan University\, Nepal. \n\n\n\n\n1300h–1400h: Lunch\n\n\n1400h–1615h:\n Session VI: Regional Cooperation Mechanisms and NTS Issues\n\n\n \nChair: Prof S D Muni\, Professor Emeritus\, JNU\, India (20 minutes per speaker)\n\n\n \n\n\nPaper 1- Limitations of Intelligence Cooperation in Security Concerns of the Region- Rana Banerji\, Special Secretary (Retd)\, Cabinet Secretariat\, GOI\, India. \nPaper 2- Radicalism and Terrorism: Explained through the Fragility Lens- Dr Moeed Yusuf (Pakistan)\, Associate Vice President\, Asia Center at the United States Institute of Peace\, US.\nPaper 3- Disaster Management Experience of Nepal- Maj Gen Purna B Silwal (Retd)\, Retired Major General\, Nepalese Army\, Nepal.\nPaper 4- Beyond SAARC: Reenergizing Sub-Regional Cooperation in South Asia-Dr Bharti Chhibber\, Assistant Professor\, University of Delhi\, India.\n\n\n\n\n1615h–1800h:\n Session VII: Way Forward: Actionable Plans and Implementation\n\n\n \nChair: Maj Gen Alok Deb\, SM\, VSM\, (Retd)\, Deputy Director General\, IDSA\, New Delhi\n-Panel Discussion (senior participants of the region)\n\n\n \nVote of Thanks by Conference Coordinator\, Dr Nihar Nayak \n\n\n\n\n\n\nPrevious Conferences\n\nPrevious Conferences\n\n\n\n\nContact us\nNihar R Nayak\nCo-ordinator\, 11th South Asia Conference\nResearch Fellow\, South Asia Centre\nInstitute for Defence Studies and Analyses\nNew Delhi-110010\n(Office) +91 11-26717983 Extn 7202\nMobile- 9971418969.\nEmail: southasiaconference.idsa[at]gmail.comzakhter.idsa[AT]gov.in URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/11th-south-asia-conference-non-traditional-security-challenges-in-south-asia-agenda-for-cooperation CATEGORIES:Previous South Asia conference,South Asia Conference,CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20181207T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20181207T053000 DTSTAMP:20261028T034643 CREATED:20231223T125418Z LAST-MODIFIED:20240307T050813Z UID:62737-1544160600-1544160600@idsa.in SUMMARY:Conference on India-Japan Cooperation in Indo-Pacific and Beyond 2025: Corridors\, Connectivity and Contours DESCRIPTION:Venue: Auditorium\, IDSA \nProgramme [PDF]\n \n \nConcept Note\nFocus of the Conference\nThis conference aims to examine the scope and potential of India-Japan cooperation in key infrastructural connectivity and corridors projects\, which will have a lasting strategic impact in the Indo-Pacific region and beyond by the year 2025. It will examine the bilateral\, trilateral and multilateral undertakings of India-Japan cooperation. \nThe Context\nA striking feature of India-Japan relations is their co-envisioned “free\, open and prosperous” Indo-Pacific region. Under their “Special Strategic and Global Partnership”\, the two countries outlined “Vision 2025” on 12 December 2015. The major characteristic of this vision was to enhance a “deep\, broad-based and action-oriented” partnership within a global framework while investing in India-Japan future-oriented partnership with a demand for peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific region. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Japan in November 2016 and October 2018 and Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s visit to India in September 2017 further endorsed this pledge. \nWhat does this “free\, open and prosperous” Indo-Pacific mean in context of India-Japan special and global relations? A number of bilateral understandings and agreements\, from economic to political to strategic\, have been the crucial pillars of India-Japan relations that have started complementing Vision 2025 in Indo-Pacific\, especially their pledge to develop quality infrastructure across the region. Regionally and globally\, an enhanced understanding is currently unfolding between the two countries to strengthen a rule-based international order with focus on people-to-people contacts\, connectivity and plan to develop corridors while reinforcing their bilateral security and defence cooperation. Pledging a “partnership for prosperity”\, the two countries intend to establish a stronger regional and global partnership through collaborative connectivity and corridor projects. \nTheir common pledge to have a “partnership for prosperity” is however not free from challenges. China’s emergence as a stronger power\, its unilateral infrastructural initiatives in the Indo-Pacific region\, especially Xi Jinping’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)\, come as a challenge to India’s and Japan’s strategic interests in the region. Donald Trump’s bilateral-oriented approach towards Asia under an “America First” approach and\, notably\, the United States’ withdrawal from multilateral trade negotiation contacts have posed a number of challenges for the countries in the region. Though struggling for a conclusion currently\, the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) negotiation process promises to change the economic fortunes of the Indo-Pacific region with emphasis on free trade and serious economic collaboration. Smaller actors are increasingly aiming to play a critical role through trilateral and multilateral chain of contacts and configurations. \nTaking these developments into account\, a number of strategic contours\, bilaterally and regionally\, impact and influence the India-Japan future relationship. This conference aims to review and evaluate India-Japan relationship in the current and future contexts with focus on their future-oriented partnership\, mainly beyond the Vision 2025. This conference will not only review\, scrutinize and analyse their ongoing cooperative partnerships in key connectivity and corridors projects but foresee the scope of this cooperation beyond 2025. \nStructure of the Conference\nThe conference will have four sessions. Each session will have three presenters. \nSession I: Connectivity and Corridors: The Foreign Policy Context \nThis session will focus on how infrastructural connectivity and corridors constitute the principal foreign policy contours of the major actors in Indo-Pacific. It will focus on Indian\, Japanese\, Chinese and American foreign policy focus on infrastructural connectivity and corridors initiatives in Indo-Pacific. It will analyse the following questions: How do the Indian\, Japanese\, Chinese and the American foreign policy trajectories point to their cooperative and contending perspectives on infrastructural connectivity and corridors projects in Indo-Pacific/Asia-Pacific? How can India-Japan cooperation in the areas of connectivity and corridors be strengthened by 2025 and beyond? \nSession II: Financing Projects and Policies: The Economic Context \nThis session will analyse key energy connectivity and corridors projects in Indo-Pacific and their financing patterns. In particular\, it will examine how key institutions such as the Asian Development Bank (ADB)\, the Asian Infrastructural Development Bank (AIIB) and other global institutions will finance key corridors and connectivity projects\, including energy projects\, in Indo-Pacific. It will analyse the following questions: How is the ADB enhancing key infrastructure projects in the Indo-Pacific? How is the AIIB shaping the infrastructure connectivity and corridors projects? How is India-Japan Indo-Pacific infrastructural vision complemented or contended by these financing institutions? How will RCEP impact the future of Indo-Pacific infrastructure? \nSession III: Maritime Ports and Military Projections: The Security Context\nThis session will critically analyse the security components of India-Japan cooperation in Indo-Pacific with emphasis on key maritime ports and military projections. It will examine main maritime ports and points in the Bay of Bengal as well as in broader Indian Ocean Region (IOR). The session will address the following questions: What are the principal maritime ports and projects in the Bay of Bengal that India and Japan could possibly cooperate with in the future? What are the prospects of the Asia-Africa Growth Corridor (AAGC) in IOR? How will the military projections of major powers shape India-Japan partnership in times to come? \nSession IV: Interests\, Investments and Infrastructure: The Bilateral Context \nThis session will analyse the scope of India-Japan economic cooperation\, in terms of their strategic interests and infrastructural investments. It will assess how India’s and Japan’s economic growth trajectory will shape their Indo-Pacific vision beyond 2025 in contrast to China’s emergence as an economic power house in the region. It will address the following questions: What would be the economic growth trajectory of India\, Japan and China in 2025 and beyond? What would be the prospects of India-Japan\, India-China and China-Japan economic contacts over the next decade or so? How will it impact the prospects of Indo-Pacific? \nScope of the Conference\nThis conference is being co-organized by the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA) and the Japan Foundation in New Delhi. Its scope is purely bilateral\, involving Indian and Japanese subject experts and policy analysts. A number of experts from Japan will participate and present their paper. On the Indian side\, experts from IDSA and mainstream think-tanks and universities will participate. \nDate and Venue\nThe date of the conference is 7 December 2018\, Friday. The venue is IDSA Auditorium. \nPaper Presentation and Outcome\nEach speaker will present a paper of 5000-8000 words. After the conference\, each presenter will be asked to revise and resubmit their paper for publication for an edited volume. URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/conference-on-india-japan-cooperation-in-indo-pacific-and-beyond-2025-corridors-connectivity-and-contours CATEGORIES:CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20181205T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20181207T053000 DTSTAMP:20261028T034643 CREATED:20231223T125419Z LAST-MODIFIED:20240307T051425Z UID:62738-1543987800-1544160600@idsa.in SUMMARY:IDSA-BIMSTEC Workshop on Cyber Security Cooperation DESCRIPTION:Download Conference Report [PDF]\n \n \n\n\n\nProgramme\n\n\n\n\nDay 1: 5 December 2018\n\n\n\n9:30 – 10:00\nRegistration\n\n\n10:00-10:45\nSession I: Inaugural Session \n\nWelcome Address by Maj. Gen (Retd.). Alok Deb\, Deputy Director General\, IDSA\nIntroductory Address by Mr. Pankaj Hazarika\, Director (CS)\, BIMSTEC Secretariat\, Dhaka\nInaugural Address by Shri. Rajinder Khanna\, Dy. National Security Advisor\, Government of India\n\n\n\n\n10:45-11:00\nTea/Coffee Break (High-Tea)\n\n\n11:00-11:15\nSpecial Address by Dr. Gulshan Rai\, National Cyber Security Coordinator (NCSC)\, Government of India\n\n\n1115-13:00\nSession II: Cyber Security Preparedness and National Approaches of the BIMSTEC countries to secure cyberspace \nChair: Dr. Ajeet Bajpai\, Director General\, National Critical Information Infrastructure Protection Centre (NCIIPC);Co-Chair: Dr. Ajey Lele\, IDSA \n\nBangladesh perspective by M.D. Sakhawat Hossain Superintendent of Police (SP)\, Special Branch\, Bangladesh Police\, Bangladesh\nBhutan: Cybersecurity Initiatives\, Challenges and Issues by Ms. Sonam Choki\, Sr. ICT Officer\, Bhutan CIRT\nIndia perspective by Dr. Sanjay Bahl\, DG\, CERT-In \nMyanmar perspective by Mr. Soe Naing Oo\, Police Brigadier General\, Criminal Investigation Department\, Myanmar\nCyber Security in Nepal by Rabin Basnyat\, Chief of Digital Forensics\, CID\, Nepal Police\nSri Lanka perspective by Rohana Chaminda Akmeemana Palliyaguru\, Director-Operations\, Sri Lanka CERT|CC\, Colombo\nThailand perspective by Ms. Rawinnipa Karin\, Plan and Policy Analyst\, Directorate of Countering\, Transnational Threats\, Office of the National Security Council (NSC)\, Thailand\n\n\n\n\n13:00-14:00\nLunch Break\n\n\n14:00-15:45\nSession III– Regional Challenges in Cyber Security and Cyber Crime in BIMSTEC countries \n Chair: Dr. Madan Oberoi\, ICT Advisor\, MHA/ Shri Janardhan Singh\, JD\, MHA \nSpeakers: \n\nMs. Sangay Choden\, ICT Officer\, Infrastructure Division\, Department of IT and Telecom\, Ministry of Information and Communications\, Bhutan \nMs. Papakorn Vorasathit\, Plan and Policy Analyst\, Professional Level\, Office of the National Security Council (NSC)\, Thailand \nBrig. Ashish Chibbar\, IDSA\nRep. from Fireye \nRep. from Kaspersky\nRep. from Microsoft\nRep. from Tech Mahindra/ McAfee\n\n\n\n\n15:45-16:00\nTea Break\n\n\n16:00-17:15\nSession IV: Panel Discussion on International Cyber Politics and Governance – Opportunities and Challenges.  \n Chair: Upender Singh Rawat\, JS (Cyber Diplomacy) Ministry of External Affairs (MEA)Co-Chair: Soe Naing Oo\, Police Brigadier General\, Criminal Investigation Department\, Myanmar \nSpeakers: \n\nShri Hemant H. Kotalwar\, JS\, NSCS\nShri Rahul Gosain\, Director\, MeitY\nMr. Pankaj Hazarika\, Director (CS)\, BIMSTEC Secretariat\, Dhaka\nMs. Rehana Parvin\, Assistant Secretary (BIMSTEC)\, Ministry of Foreign Affairs\, Bangladesh\nMr. Munish Sharma\, IDSA\n\n\n\n\n17:15 -onwards \nVisit to DSCI Annual Summit at Hotel Leela\, Gurugram\, followed by Dinner (By invitation only)\n\n\n\nDay 2: December 6\, 2018\n\n\n\n 10:00-11:30\nSession V: Developing Cyber Security Capacity – Technical and Institutional Challenges \nChair: Joint Secretary\, Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology;Co-Chair: Mr. Werachai Prayoonpruk\, Deputy Director\, Office of Cybersecurity\, ETDA\, Thailand \n\nRep of MeitY\nRep MHA \nMr. Amit Sharma\, Additional Director (R&D) Defence Research & Development Organisation (DRDO)\nR. Ananthalakshmi Ammal\, Centre for Development of Advanced Computing\, Trivandrum – New Challenges of Digital Forensics\nDr. Cherian Samuel\, Research Fellow\, IDSA\n\n\n\n\n11:30-11:45\nTea Break\n\n\n 11:45-13:00\nSession VI : Panel Discussion on BIMSTEC Cooperation in the Area of Cyber Security \nChair: Ms. Prabha Rao\, Ex-Special Secretary\, Cabinet Secretariat;Co-Chair: Dr. Sanjay Bahl\, DG\, CERT-In \nSpeakers: \n\nShri Narendra Nath\, DDG Security\, DoT\nMr. Pankaj Phukan\, US (Cyber Diplomacy)\, MEA\nDr. S K Pal\, Director (IT & CS)\, DRDO \nMr. Sachin Burman\, Deputy Director General\, NCIIPC\nShri Anoop Yadav\, Dy. Legal Advisor\, IS-II\, MHA \n\n\n\n\n13:00-14:00\nLunch\n\n\n 14:00-15:00\nSession VII: Concluding Session \nChair: Maj. Gen. Alok Deb\,  DDG\, IDSA;Co-Chair: Mr. Pankaj Hazarika\, Director (CS)\, BIMSTEC Secretariat\, Dhaka \n\nConcluding Remarks by Shri Piyush Srivastava\, JS (BIMSTEC)\, MEA \nConcluding Address by Dr. Gulshan Rai\, NCSC – Roadmap for BIMSTEC Cooperation\n\n\n\n\n 19:30-21:00\nDinner at Le Meridien hosted by Dy. NSA\, Government of India (By invitation only) URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/idsa-bimstec-workshop-on-cyber-security-cooperation CATEGORIES:CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20181112T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20181112T053000 DTSTAMP:20261028T034643 CREATED:20231223T125423Z LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T125951Z UID:62739-1542000600-1542000600@idsa.in SUMMARY:Korea-India Conference DESCRIPTION: URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/korea-india-conference CATEGORIES:CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20180905T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20180906T053000 DTSTAMP:20261028T034643 CREATED:20231223T125423Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250404T003727Z UID:62740-1536125400-1536211800@idsa.in SUMMARY:3rd West Asia Conference - Changing Security Paradigm in West Asia: Regional and International Responses DESCRIPTION:Watch Videos\nPhotographs\nPRESS RELEASE: West Asia should not “outsource security”\, says M.J. Akbar\, September 05\, 2018\nRapporteur’s Report\n\n\n\n Concept Note The states of West Asia and North Africa (WANA) continue to grapple with dramatic changes taking place in the domestic and regional environment. Security has emerged as a significant concern. The political upheavals\, civil strife\, sectarian violence\, and terrorism in the area have implications for the regional and global order. As the region grapples with myriad socio-economic problems\, many extra-regional players and non-state actors\, and a few regional ones\, are attempting to carve out their own areas of influence. These developments across WANA demand constant monitoring\, careful analyses and more frequent exchanges among the members of the strategic community to chart a course towards enduring regional and global security.The breakdown of the central authority in states such as Syria\, Iraq\, Yemen and Libya followed by tumultuous civil wars underscores the volatility that post-‘Arab Spring’ West Asian states suffer from. Further\, the transnational nature of ‘third generation’ Islamist terrorism\, its regional potency and global reach underline the fragility WANA endures. The 2003 United States attack on Iraq and the security vacuum it created in the country were filled by sectarian militias that took advantage of the 2011 uprising in the neighbouring countries and expanded their activities\, especially taking control of territories in Syria and Iraq. Islamist terrorism has become a potent and destructive regional threat that stands against all global\, regional and local players. The terrorists\, in their most gory manifestation\, have regrouped as the Islamic State (IS) or Da’esh\, which in 2014-15 threatened to reorient regional boundaries and established a khilafah in the Levant. Though militarily defeated\, the ISIS remains a potent threat. Its ability to continue inspiring lone-wolf attacks and attract youth from across the globe continues to be a major security threat for all countries. More importantly\, the ISIS has metamorphosed into a ‘cyber-Caliphate’ through which it inspired lone-wolf attacks in Europe\, the United States and other parts of the world The present state of regional disarray has led to a new power dynamic\, whereby the role of the United States as the predominant force for security and stability is being challenged by a combination of other powers — a renascent Russia\, a resurgent Iran\, and economically influential China. The reluctance of the Obama administration to fight regional wars and its indecisiveness in dealing with emergent situations\, especially in Syria and Iraq\, created a void. The Trump administration has promised to change the American policy but a clear picture remains elusive. Russia and Iran have backed the Syrian regime which has reassured and strengthened its position\, but has undermined the role of many regional players\, especially the Gulf monarchies led by Saudi Arabia and Turkey. Likewise\, it has made Israel uncomfortable due to its extreme sensitivity of Iranian rise and its national security. This has created a complex web of alignments and realignments between regional\, international and non-state actors\, including fissures among the Gulf Cooperation Council States. For one\, Turkey under Erdogan has locked horns with the United States over the latter’s policy to continue supporting Syrian Kurds and is seen to be courting Russia. Similarly\, the concern over growing Iranian influence in the region has brought Arab Gulf states and Israel closer without any formal acknowledgement. Egypt\, while continuing to face internal disturbances\, has engaged with both the United States and Russia to contain the effects of the Libyan crisis from spilling over to the whole of Maghreb. The impact of terrorism and the refugee crisis in Europe\, both originating from WANA\, and the response by European society and leadership to these threats\, open newer dynamics in global and regional politics and threatens to revive older fault lines between Turkey and Europe. With civil wars in Iraq\, Syria\, Yemen\, and Libya emerging major theatres of conflict\, the entire region has been adversely affected by the regional tumult. The Russian involvement in Syria and ability to alter the power dynamics back in favour of the regime has made it a de facto regional player. Regional heavyweights in Iran\, Israel\, Saudi Arabia\, Turkey and Egypt have been playing major roles in conflicts in more than one country. While the entry of Russia is notable\, the rise of the Kurds and a resurgent Kurdish nationalism\, especially in Iraq and Syria and its impact on regional politics is significant. The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in Iraq is weighing its chances about pushing for larger autonomy while Syrian Kurds have received significant United States backing in carving out a de facto autonomous region of Rojava in northern Syria. Kurdish militias have proved to be a major force in fighting the ISIS and in return are looking to claim stakes for the establishment of an autonomous Kurdish region in Syria. This has unnerved Turkey which is struggling with a resurgent PKK (Kurdish: Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan) at home and hence has intervened militarily in northern Syria to prevent Syrian Kurds from achieving Iraq like autonomy. Iran and Saudi Arabia are locked in rivalry. Iran has significantly enhanced its footprints through allies and powerful non-state actors such as Hezbollah\, Hamas\, Ansarallah (Houthi militia in Yemen) and Shia militias in Iraq and Syria. On the other hand\, Saudi Arabia has been vocal in condemning Iran for regional turmoil. The formation of the Islamic Military Alliance to Fight Terrorism (IMAFT)\, an intergovernmental counter-terrorist alliance of 41 Sunni countries led by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia\, is a significant development with possibly far-reaching implications. Among some independent observers\, this Sunni grouping of militaries is viewed to be as much a front against terrorist groups like ISIS and al-Qaeda\, as it is against the growing Shiite ascendance in the region\, led by Iran. The mainly geopolitical rivalry has been punctuated by deeply entrenched sectarian animosity\, through proxies in Syria\, Iraq and Yemen. Though the Trump administration is yet to unveil any comprehensive foreign policy\, its focus on the Middle East peace process and the choice of Saudi Arabia and Israel for President Trump’s first foreign trip gives indications about its priorities. It would nevertheless require a significant effort to be able to deliver even a partial resolution. But the fact that the Trump administration is focusing on the issue underlines the significance it attaches to it. In the given circumstances\, one does not see any major breakthrough in the foreseeable future. However\, global efforts towards resumption of the talks might yield some results. A lot will also depend on the Russian moves and its ability to sustain its current level of involvement in a complex region without getting drained and entangled in the convoluted regional conflicts. Amidst these developments\, the role of militaries and their relations with various regimes has been crucial in determining the stability and integrity of several states and is an important facet of regional security that necessitates deeper analyses and insight. Similarly\, the role of international and regional organizations such as the United Nations\, UNHCR\, Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC)\, the Arab League\, the International Red Cross\, etc. goes largely unnoticed. The conflict-ridden areas of WANA from Syria\, Iraq\, and Libya to Yemen have put a strain on these organizations in working constructively for conflict resolution and crisis mitigating therein. India has expressed its concerns about recent developments taking place in the region. The spread of IS remains a major worry with some Indian youths having joined the IS. The execution of some Indian citizens by the ISIS in Iraq is also a matter of concern for India. It has huge stakes in the region because of its energy dependence\, increasing trade and commerce\, as also the safety of around 8.5 million Indian expatriates and workers. With the large Indian expatriate population in the GCC alone\, deep human links exist between the two sides. The sovereign wealth funds of these countries are already investing in India’s infrastructure sector. Trade relations and security partnerships particularly in counter terrorism are other facets of cooperation between India and several states of the region. However\, there is ample scope for strengthening ties and taking relations to higher levels\, even as India walks a diplomatic tightrope in a highly fractious regional setting. Predominantly\, India has links with the Gulf but rising security concerns have created a situation where it cannot remain indifferent. Hence\, India has intensified its engagements with the region and has kept a neutral stance on complex regional issues while being sensitive to threats emanating from terrorism. In the light of the foregoing\, IDSA proposes to organise the Third West Asia Conference in September 2018 to deliberate upon the above mentioned issues and emerging trends. An important reason for organising this international conference is to get the views of experts\, officials and researchers from the region\, which is also a part of the Institute’s outreach activity with the think tanks based in the WANA region. The conference proposes to discuss\, and analyse the emergent security dynamics in the region\, the responses of the regional and international players\, and its implication for global politics. The challenges likely to be faced by India due to the plausible political\, economic\, and security scenarios in the region\, and India’s priorities and lessons for its foreign policy will be discussed during the conference along with the likely future trends and prospects for the region\, security challenges\, and their possible solutions. Some of the questions to be addressed in the three-day conference include the following:What are the emergent security dynamics in the West Asia & North Africa region and what are their regional and global implications?What are the challenges emerging from major security threats\, namely Islamist terrorism and its future\, and the raging civil wars and conflicts and their possible resolution?What has been the role of militaries in regime security and how does this impact the regional and international responses? How have regional and international players and organisations responded to the changing regional security dynamics?What are India’s stakes\, what has been its response\, and what are the lessons to be learnt in formulating its policy towards the region? Session Themes Day – I September 5\, 201810:00– 11:00hrs Inaugural and KeynoteThe first session will reflect on the theme of the conference. 11:15 – 12:00hrs Session I: Changing Regional Dynamics in West Asia and North Africa: An Overview The session will closely examine the changing security paradigm in West Asia and North Africa and discuss the developments in regional dynamics and its future implications. The session will outline the framework for deliberations over the next two days. 12:00 – 13:30hrs Sessions II:  The Challenges of Transnational Terrorism: Origin\, Developments and Prognosis The most significant security threat engulfing the region and threatening the whole world is the rise of terrorism. It has not only destabilised the region but has spread its tentacles to the whole world with serious security implications America\, Europe\, Asia and the Pacific. The sessions will reflect on the phenomenon of radicalisation\, extremism and the rise of global terrorism. 13:30-14:30hrs Lunch Session III – Confrontation and Conflicts in West Asia: Role of Regional Powers Confrontation and conflicts in many parts of the region has caused serious instability\, loss of lives\, and humanitarian crisis.  Regional and international efforts towards finding a solution have been ineffective. The session will reflect on role of the regional powers and deliberate on the causes\, courses\, and possible resolutions of these conflicts. Divided into two parts\, the session will discuss the roles of regional players including Iran\, Saudi Arabia\, Israel\, Turkey and Egypt. 14:30 -16:00hrs Part – A: Iran\, Saudi Arabia and Egypt 16:15 – 17:45hrs Part –B: Israel\, Turkey and Others Day – II September 6\, 201810:00-11:30hrs. Session IV: Role of Big Powers: United States\, Russia and Europe As international players seek to expand their influence and extend their interests\, they inadvertently step on the sovereignty of others. The WANA region has been a victim of extra-regional involvement and global power dynamics. It continues to suffer from the problem as extra-regional players jostle to preserve and extend their spheres of influence\, in the process worsening the security situation. This session will examine the emerging United States approach to the West Asian region\, Russia’s re-entry in the region\, and European perception and its role 11:45-13:30hrs Session V:  Emerging Socio-Economic Challenges This session seeks to closely examine the implication of fall of oil prices and development of new economic policies by the producing countries. The regional countries are confronted with major socio-economic challenges. To address these new challenges\, each country is responding by introducing their distinct visions and plans for the future. The session will attempt to explore whether in this context\, West Asia is moving towards a ‘new social contract’? 13:30-14:30 Lunch 14:30 -16:00hrs Session VI: India and WANA: Building Partnerships and Managing Challenges India has significant stakes in the region. Despite maintaining a safe-distance from the crises\, it has been directly affected because of the security threats emanating from the region. This has made it impossible for it to maintain a “hands-off” policy\, reflected currently in New Delhi’s intensification of engagements with regional powers. The session will consider India’s stakes in the region\, policy choices and the lessons learnt from the evolving situation and its future. 16:00-17:50hrs Session VII: Panel Discussion: Security and Stability in WANA: The Way Forward The final session will round up the takeaways from the conference\, providing policy recommendations for future. Programme Schedule Programme ScheduleTentative ProgrammeDay – I: September 5\, 201809:30 – 10:00Registration10:00 – 11:00Inaugural SessionWelcome Remarks: Maj Gen Alok Deb\, SM\, VSM (Retired)\, Deputy Director General\, IDSAKeynote Address: Shri M. J. Akbar\, Hon’ble Minister of State for External Affairs\, Government of India.Vote of Thanks: Dr. Meena Singh Roy\, Research Fellow\, Coordinator West Asia Centre\, IDSA11:00 – 11:15 Tea Break11:15 – 12:30Session I- Changing Regional Dynamics in West Asia and North AfricaChair: Ambassador Swashpawan Singh\, Former Secretary to the Vice President of India and Member EC\, IDSASpeakers: Ambassador Talmiz Ahmed\, Former Ambassador of India to Saudi Arabia\, Oman and the UAE\, Regional Geopolitical DynamicsH. E. Amine Gemayel\, Former President of Lebanon\, Transnational Terrorism and its FutureDr. Seyed Kazem Sajjadpour\, President\, Institute for Political and International Studies\, Tehran\, Iran and the Region12:30 – 13:30 Sessions II- Challenges of Transnational Terrorism: Origin\, Developments and PrognosisChair: Ambassador Rajiv Sikri\, Former Secretary (East)\, MEA\, IndiaSpeakers: Prof. Mohammed Benhammou\, President\, Moroccan Centre for Strategic Studies (CMES)\, Rabat\, New Security Challenges in North Africa and Sahel Region: A Moroccan ApproachDr. Abdelhamid Abdeljaber\, Lecturer\, Department of Political Science\, Rutgers University\, US\, United Nations and the Question of Palestine: The Sustained Conflict and Security in the Middle EastDr. Nada M. Ibrahim Al-jubouri\, Former Member of Parliament\, Iraq\, Iraq after ISIS13:30 – 14:30Lunch14:30 – 15:30Session III – Confrontation and Conflicts in West Asia: Role of Regional Powers (Part A)Chair: Dr. Arvind Gupta\, Director General\, Vivekananda International Foundation\, IndiaSpeakers: Ambassador Seyed Hossein Mousavian\, Former Diplomat and Visiting Research Scholar\, Princeton University\, Conflict between Iran and Saudi and the Way ForwardDr. Awadh Al-Badi\, King Faisal Centre for Research and Islamic Studies\, Riyadh\, Troubled West Asia: A Saudi PerspectiveDr. Badra Gaaloul\, President International Center for Strategic\, Security and Military Studies\, Tunisia\, Immigration of Da’aesh Elements/Fighters after their Defeat in Iraq and Syria15:30 – 15:45Tea Break15:45 – 17:30Session IV –   Confrontation and Conflicts in West Asia: Role of Regional Powers (Part B)Chair: Ambassador Sanjay Singh\, Former Secretary (East)\, MEA\, IndiaSpeakers: Prof. Dan Schueftan\, Chairman\, National Security Studies Center and Professor\, School of Political Science\, University of Haifa\, Hopelessness in the Middle EastProf. Mustafa Aydin\, Professor\, Kadir Has University\, Department of International Relations\, Istanbul\, Turkey\, Turkey’s Middle East Policies: Challenges and OpportunitiesDr. Jin Liangxiang\, Shanghai Institute for International Studies\, China\, The Rising of Regional Powers and the Future Middle East OrderDay – II: September 6\, 201810:00 – 12:00 Session V – Role of Big Powers: United States\, Russia\, and EuropeChair: Ambassador Ranjit Gupta\, IFS (Retd)Speakers: Jeffrey S. Payne\, Manager of Academic Affairs\, Near East South Asia (NESA) Center for Strategic Studies\, Department of Defense\, Washington\, Changing Dynamics of Maritime Security in the Middle East: an Evaluation of the United States Approach (Skype)Dr. Elena Suponina\, Advisor\, Institute for Strategic Studies\, Moscow\, Russia and the Middle EastDr. Gidon Windecker\, Former Regional Representative to the Gulf States with the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung\, Germany\, The EU and the Middle EastProfessor P. R. Kumaraswamy\, School of International Studies\, Jawaharlal Nehru University\, New Delhi\, Great Powers Challenge Modi’s Middle East Strategy12:00 – 13:30 Session VI –  Emerging Socioeconomic ChallengesChair: Professor Girijesh Pant\, Former Dean\, School of International Studies\, Jawaharlal Nehru University\, New DelhiSpeakers: H. E. Dr. Shaikh Abdulla bin Ahmed Al Khalifa\, Chairman\, Bahrain Center for Strategic\, International & Energy Studies\, Bahrain\, Instability in Iraq and Yemen: Common Roots\, and Potential RemediesDr. Elsayed Abofarha\, Assistant Professor\, Banisuef University\, Cairo\, Egypt\, The Qualitative Transformation of the Terrorism Phenomenon in the Arab Region & the Expiration of Nation State: Egypt’s Role in the ConfrontationDr. P. K. Pradhan\, Associate Fellow\, IDSA\, Protracted Transition in West Asia13:30 –14:30Lunch14:30 – 16:00Session VII – India and WANA: Building Partnerships and Managing ChallengesChair: Dr. B. Bala Bhaskar\, JS (WANA)\, Ministry of External Affairs\, IndiaSpeakers: Dr. Meena Singh Roy\, Research Fellow\, Coordinator West Asia Centre\, IDSA\, Securing India’s Strategic Interests in the Changing Regional Order in West AsiaKhalid Hamad Al Gailani\, Deputy Chief of Mission in the Embassy of Sultanate of Oman\, India-Oman RelationsAmb. Michael Ronen\, Head of India and South East Asia Bureau\, Ministry of Foreign Affairs\, Israel\, India-Israel RelationsDr. Haytham Mouzahem\, Director\, Beirut Center for Middle East Studies\, Beyond ISIS: Will the Terror Survive?16:00– 16:15Tea Break16:15 – 17:30Session VIII – Panel Discussion: Security and Stability in WANA: The Way ForwardChair: Ambassador Talmiz AhmadSpeakers: Ruchita Beri\, Senior Research Associate\, IDSADr. Awadh Al-Badi\, King Faisal Centre for Research and Islamic Studies\, RiyadhAmb. Seyed Hossein Mousavian\, Former Diplomat and Visiting Research Scholar\, Princeton UniversityDr. Wael Batterkhi\, Minister Counsellor\, Deputy Head of Mission\, Embassy of the State of Palestine\, New DelhiVote of Thanks: Dr. Md. Muddassir Quamar\, Associate Fellow and Co-Convenor\, Third West Asia Conference\, IDSA\n\nSpeakers\n\n\n\n\n\nAmbassador Talmiz Ahmad \nTalmiz Ahmad joined the Indian Foreign Service in 1974. Early in his career\, he was posted in a number of West Asian countries such as Kuwait\, Iraq and Yemen and later. From 1987-90\, he was Consul General in Jeddah. He also held positions in the Indian missions in New York\, London and Pretoria. He was Joint Secretary for Gulf and Hajj in 1998-2000. \nHe served as Indian Ambassador to Saudi Arabia twice (2000-03; 2010-11); Oman (2003-04)\, and the UAE (2007-10). He was also Additional Secretary for International Cooperation in the Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas in 2004-06\, and Director General of the Indian Council of World Affairs (ICWA)\, New Delhi\, in 2006-07. In July 2011\, the Saudi Government conferred on him the King Abdul Aziz Medal First Class for his contribution to the promotion of Indo – Saudi relations. \nAfter retirement from Foreign Service in 2011\, he worked in the corporate sector in Dubai for four years. He is now a full-time academic and holds the Ram Sathe Chair in International Studies\, Symbiosis International University\, Pune. \nHe has published three books: Reform in the Arab World: External Influences and Regional Debates (2005)\, Children of Abraham at War: The Clash of Messianic Militarisms (2010) and The Islamist Challenge in West Asia: Doctrinal and Political Competitions after the Arab Spring (2013). He writes regularly in the Indian and West Asian media and lectures on political Islam\, the politics of West Asia and the Indian Ocean\, and energy security issues.\n\n\nH. E. President Amine Gemayel \nAmine Gemayel served as president of the Lebanese Republic between 1982 and 1988. He obtained a law degree from the French Faculty of Law at Saint Joseph University in 1965. In 1970 he was elected as a member of the National Assembly and served as MP till his election to the presidency. \nApart from his political activities\, President Amine Gemayel established in 1975 the French daily “Le Réveil” and in 1976 La “Maison du Futur” (MdF)\, a think tank with focus on Lebanese and Middle Eastern issues including the Arab Israeli conflict. He still the chairman and ceo of MdF. \nAfter his term in office ended in September 23rd 1988\, he joined the Center for International Affairs (Harvard University) till 1991. He afterward lectured at universities\, research centers and political clubs on various topics tackling problems of contemporary societies. \nFrom 1999 till 2000\, he joined the University of Maryland\, College Park as distinguished visiting professor. Between 2001 and 2004 he joined Jean Monet faculty at Paris XI   University as professor. In 2005 he was elected president for the Kataëb Party. In 2012 he was elected as vice President of the International Centrist Democratic Parties (IDC- CDI). In 2017 he joined the Council of Arabic and International Relations\, based in Kuwait. His publications include “Peace and Unity”\, (Colin and Smythe\, 1986)\, “L’Offense et le Pardon”\, (Gallimard\, 1988)\, “Al-Rihan al-kabir”\, (Dar Annahar\, 1988)\, “Meditations d’espoir”\, (Jean Claude Lattès\, 1990)\, “Rebuilding Lebanon” Published in English\, Arabic and French (Harvard University Press\, 1992)\n\n\nDr. Seyed Kazem Sajjadpour \nDr Seyed Mohammad Kazem Sajjadpour was Ambassador and Deputy Permanent Representative for the Islamic Republic of Iran to the United Nations. Prior to this\, he was the Director of the Institute for Political and International Studies\, the research branch of Iran’s foreign ministry. Dr Sajjadpour received his PhD in political science from George Washington University and was a post-doctoral fellow at Harvard. He has taught at the College of International Relations of Tehran University\, Azad University and Iran’s National Defense University. He was a Professor of International Relations and the Chairman of the Department of Diplomacy and International Organizations of School of International Relations. He acted as Editor in Chief of Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs and was President of Iranian Political Science Association. He has been Advisor to the Minister Foreign Affairs on Strategic Issues\, 2013-2016\, Ambassador of Iran to the United Nation in Geneva\, 2003-2004\, Director General of Institute for Political & International Studies (IPIS)\, 1999-2003.\n\n\nDr. Haytham Mouzahem \nDr. Mouzahem is the Director of Beirut Center for Middle East Studies and Editor in Chief of The Levant News site. He is also an analyst and researcher in Middle East and Islamic affairs and has written six books and several articles and chapters. He worked as a researcher at the Center for Strategic Studies and Research and Documentation in Beirut (1992-1998) he then worked as an editor writer and correspondent for Beirut’s al-Mustaqbal newspaper (1999-2005) before moving to the Emirati al-Bayan newspaper (2005-2006) as editor writer and correspondent. In the Spring of 2006 he joined the Ministry of Presidential Affairs where he worked as a researcher and analyst in the media affairs department until July 2009. In April 2010 he became editor-in-chief of Iraq Today magazine in Beirut and in October of the same year was named managing editor of al-Ittihad news channel. \nHis books include Israel Labor Party (1968-1999) published in Arabic by the Emirates Center for Studies and Strategic Studies in Abu Dhabi in 2001\,  The Evolution of the Marja`iya in Twelver Shi`ism and The Current Shi`a Political Theories: From the Wilayat of the Jurist to the Wilayat of the Nation. He coordinated and participated in the two books on Iran that were published in May 2011 by al-Misbar Center for Studies and Research in Dubai. He also has participated in the translation of a number of books and studies most notably The Syrian-Israeli Negotiations published by the Bahith Center for Studies in Beirut in 2001 and Graham Fuller’s book Iraq in the Next Decade: Will Iraq Survive Until 2002?published by the Emirates Center for Research and Strategic Studies in Abu Dhabi.\n\n\nDr. Abdelhamid Abdeljaber        \nDr.Abdeljaber is a Lecturer in Department of Political Science\, Rutgers University in the United States. He is also the Bureau Chief at the United Nations for Arabic Daily Alquds AlArabi since 2014. He has a PhD in International Relations from City University of New York and a Masters in Political Science and International Relations from New York University. He spent a significant time in his career in the United Nations. Between 1980 and 2006 he worked in various capacities at the United Nations Head Quarter in New York as well as its missions in various countries in the Middle East. As part of his career in the UN\, he was part of several international missions including Former Czechoslovakia (1985)\, Libya(1992-1999)\, Eritrea/Ethiopia (1993)\, Western Sahara (1995)\, Israel/Palestine (1996\, 1998\, 2000)\, South Africa (2001\, 2002)\, Botswana (2002)\, Pakistan /Afghanistan (2001)\, Iraq (1997\, 20003)\, Lebanon (2004)\, China (2004)\, Tunisia (2005)\, Algeria (2006\, Geneva – several missions (1992-2002). He is the author of the book Thalika Al-Yawm Al-Aseeb (That Unforgettable Day) that commemorates the attack on UN Headquarters in Baghdad on 19 August 2003\, in which 22 of his colleagues were killed and he survived miraculously. He regularly writes and comments in the Arabic and English media on Middle Eastern issues.\n\n\nDr. Nada M. Ibrahim Al-Jubouri \nDr. Nada Al-jubouri is a former member of the Iraqi Council of Representatives. She has also served as member in the Foreign Affair Committee\, member of the woman & family Committee. She is a Specialist doctor in Intensive Care and Anaesthesiology and founder member of Iraqi Woman and Future of which she has been a president since 2005.The Iraqi Woman and Future is a non-governmental\, non-profit and independent organization which works on projects with the international and local organizations on issues related to violence against women and gender equality and provides free legal room for widows and victims of violence. She started her medical career with the Iraqi Ministry of Health in 1984. She is member of several Iraqi and international organizations working in the field of women and child welfare.\n\n\nAmbassador Seyed Hossein Mousavian \nSeyed Hossein Mousavian is a former Diplomat and Visiting Research Scholar at Princeton University. He is a Middle East Security and Nuclear Policy Specialist at the Program on Science and Global Security. He is a former diplomat who served as Iran’s Ambassador to Germany (1990-1997)\, Head of the Foreign Relations Committee of Iran’s National Security Council (1997-2005)\, Spokesman for Iran in its nuclear negotiations with the international community (2003-2005)\, Foreign Policy Advisor to the Secretary of the Supreme National Security Council (2005-2007)\, Vice President of the Center for Strategic Research for International Affairs (2005-2009)\, General Director of Foreign Ministry for West Europe (1987-1990)\, Chief of Parliament Administration (1984-1986) and the editor-in-chief of the English-language international newspaper Tehran Times (1980-1990). Mousavian earned a PhD in international relations from the University of Kent in the U.K. His research focuses on exploring pathways for diplomacy between Iran and the United States and maintaining and building on the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). Mousavian is the author of The Iranian Nuclear Crisis: A Memoir (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace\, 2012) and several other books on Iranian foreign policy. His latest book\, Iran and the United States: An Insider’s view on the Failed Past and the Road to Peace was published by Bloomsbury Publishers in May 2014.\n\n\nDr. Awadh Al-Badi   \nAwadh Al-Badi\, Ph.D.   Advisor and Senior Scholar at King Faisal Center for Research and Islamic Studies\, Riyadh\, Saudi Arabia; Director of Research at the same Center (1999-2010); Lecturer and faculty Member at the Institute of Diplomatic Studies\, Ministry of Foreign Affairs\, Saudi Arabia; His research and publications focuses on diplomatic history of the Middle East\, international and regional politics\, regional Security\, and Saudi Arabia foreign policy.\n\n\nDr. Badra Gaaloul \nDr. Badra Galoul is President International Center for Strategic\, Security and Military Studies\, Tunisia. She has a PhD in Military sociology From the University of Human and Social Sciences\, Tunis and had previously taught at various military schools in Tunisia including Aviation School Borj Amri\, Military Academy FondekE’Jedid and Naval Academy Manzel Bourguiba. She has also taught course in social psychology and communication technique in civil institutions and served in various research capacities in organizations including International Migration Organization\, Tunisian Observatory for Global Security\, National Union of Tunisian security Forces and center of the Mediterranean and International Studies\n\n\nProfessor Dan Schueftan \nDr. Dan Schueftan is the Director of the National Security Studies Center at the University of Haifa\, the Director of the International Graduate Program in National Security at that university\, a Visiting Professor (2012-2014) at the Department of Government at Georgetown University in Washington DC and a lecturer at the Israel Defense Forces National Defense College. For the last four decades he has been a consultant to Israeli decision makers and to the top echelon of Israel’s Prime Minister’s Office\, Foreign Ministry\, Defense Ministry\, the IDF and The National Security Council. \nSince the mid-1970s\, Dr.Schueftan has been briefing Members and staffers of the US Congress\, as well as top professionals and key political appointees in the executive branch. In Europe he has been briefing ministers\, parliamentarians\, political leaders\, senior officers\, defense and intelligence officials and government advisors. He regularly lectures at leading universities\, research centers and think-tanks in the United States\, Europe and East Asia and is a regular source and interviewee on the Middle East for the major media in Israel\, the Arab world\, Europe\, and North America. \nDr. Schueftan has published extensively on contemporary Middle Eastern history\, with emphasis on Arab-Israeli relations\, Inter-Arab politics and American policy in the Middle East. His books cover a wide variety of topics:  A Jordanian Option – Israel\, Jordan and the Palestinians (1986); Attrition: Egypt’s Post War Political Strategy 1967-1970(1989); Disengagement -Israel and the Palestinian Entity (1999). This last book\, advocating unilateral disengagement\, had a considerable effect on Israeli policy makers. Dr. Schueftan’s recent books are Palestinians in Israel – the Arab Minority and the Jewish State (2011) and The Israel-Arab Reader – A Documentary History of the Middle East Conflict (co-edited with Walter Laqueur\, 2016).\n\n\nProfessor Mustafa Aydin \nProf Dr Mustafa Ayd?n is the Rector of Kadir Has University (Istanbul) since February 2010\, and the President of the International Relations Council of Turkey since 2004. He is also Governing Board Member of the OECD International Management of Higher Education Programme\, and member of the European Academy of Sciences and Arts\, as well as the European Leadership Network. \nProfessor Aydin previously worked at Ankara University (1994-2005) and Economy and Technology University (2005-2009); and was guest researcher/lecturer at Michigan (1998)\, Harvard (2002\, Fulbright fellow)\, and Athens (2003\, Onassis Fellow) universities\, as well as Richardson Institute for Peace Studies (1999\, UNESCO Fellow) and the EU Institute for Security Studies (2003). He is a member of Global Relations Forum (GIF)\, International Studies Association (ISA)\, Turkish Atlantic Council\, Turkish Political Sciences Association\, International Network on Regional Security\, and the European Society for Central Asian Studies (ESCAS). He was member of Economy and Foreign Policy Study Group of the President of Turkey (2003-2009)\, Co-Coordinator of the International Commission on Black Sea (2010); and Director of International Policy Research Institute (2005-2011). \nProf. Ayd?n’s areas of interest are international politics\, foreign policy analysis\, Eurasian security and geopolitics\, politics of the Black Sea and the Middle East\, as well as Turkish foreign and security policies.\n\n\nDr. JinLiangxiang \nDr. Jin Liangxiang\, Deputy Director and Senior Research Fellow at the Center for West Asian and African Studies and Senior Research Fellow with Institute for International Strategic Studies\, SIIS. He is specialized in the Middle Eastern international relations\, and is particularly engaged in the field of Iran’s foreign policy and domestic politics. He has also conducted some research on international relations on China’s neighboring areas. He has visited more than 20 countries and regions\, most of which are Middle East countries and China’s neighboring countries. He has been a frequent visitor of numerous influential academic institutions and conferences. He was a visiting fellow of the Truman Institute for the Advancement of Peace (2002-2003)\, Fredrich Ebert Stiftung New York Office (2006)\, the Baker Institute (2011) and the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) of the U.S. (2013). He is the author of the book “On the Domestic Sources of Iran’s Foreign Policy” (2015). He has written more than twenty academic papers on Middle Eastern studies\, most of which are about Iran. He is also a frequent writer in English for www.china.org\,cn and China-U.S. Focus. Some of his English articles are available at the following linkage.\n\n\nDr. Prasanta Kumar Pradhan \nDr. Prasanta Kumar Pradhan is an Associate Fellow at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA)\, New Delhi. He holds a doctorate degree from the School of International Studies\, Jawaharlal Nehru University\, New Delhi. Since joining IDSA\, he has been researching on foreign policy\, security and strategic issues in West Asia\, and India’s relationship with West Asia and the wider Arab world. He is the author of the book Arab Spring and Sectarian Fault lines in West Asia: Bahrain\, Yemen and Syria\, monograph India’s Relationship with the Gulf Cooperation Council: Need to Look beyond Business\, and has edited Geopolitical Shifts in West Asia: Trends and Implications. He has also published articles in reputed journals and contributed articles to several edited volumes on West Asia.\n\n\nJeffrey S. Payne \nJeffrey Payne is Research Fellow/Academic Affairs Manager at the National Defense University’s Near East South Asia Center for Strategic Studies (NESA) in Washington\, DC. He joined the NESA Center in 2012\, after serving for five years as an Instructor of Political Science at Butler University. While at Butler\, he taught classes on Asian politics\, social movements\, international relations\, and political economy. Mr. Payne has also served as a consultant for the World Bank and as a faculty member for DePauw University. As a Research Fellow at the NESA Center\, Mr. Payne conducts analysis on Chinese foreign policy\, South Asian security affairs\, maritime security\, and transnational movements. In his role as Academic Affairs Manager\, Mr. Payne serves the Dean of the NESA Center by managing academic products produced by the NESA Center. Presently\, he serves as the NESA Center’s lead for engagements in the People’s Republic of China. He also serves as the director of the Next Generation Seminar\, an ongoing NESA program devoted to the rising generation of leaders in the Middle East and the impact of the Arab Awakening. Additional NESA programs in which he is a part include Energizing Peace\, a program devoted to energy security in the Levant\, and the Strategic Studies Network. Mr. Payne received his Master’s Degree from Indiana University. Originally hailing from the Midwest\, he has lived in China and travelled extensively throughout Asia. He and his wife live in the Northern Virginia.\n\n\nDr.  Elena Suponina \nDr. Elena Suponina is advisor at the Institute for Strategic Studies\, Moscow where she has previously served as Director of the Middle East and Asia Center. He research interests include contemporary Middle Eastern and Asian issues; cooperation between Russia and countries in the region; international mediation in the Middle East settlement; counter-terrorism strategies; Foreign policy and International affairs. Dr Suponina during her 15 years in research was a member of analytic groups belonging to the Kremlin and Foreign Ministry\, traveling with Russian President and several Russian Foreign Ministers during their trips abroad. For her researches she met and interviewed eminent world leaders\, including the leaders of most Arab countries\, presidents\, heads of governments\, foreign ministers and ministers of petroleum and energy industries\, heads of intelligence agencies and political parties. She published over 10 research papers and thousands of opinion articles. As political analyst she provides commentaries for various Russian\, Western and Arab TV channels and radio stations. Dr. Suponina has received International and Russian awards for best publications in following areas: Islam in Russia\, Russian–Arab cooperation\, International Policy. She was also given an award for courage from Russian Chamber of Commerce and Industry.\n\n\nDr. Gidon Windecker \nGidon Windecker has lived and worked in the Middle East for the last 16 years. He is a social scientist and holds a PhD degree in Middle Eastern Studies. He is an expert on consulting international stakeholders\, especially in volatile and politically sensitive environments. His consulting work focuses on organisational development\, change management\, policy implementation processes\, and strategy design and implementation. He has also trained numerous local organisations in project management. \nGidon worked for and headed the Regional Office Gulf States of Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung for altogether six years. He is an advocate for international cooperation\, intercultural communication\, and rapport building between people of diverse backgrounds. “Building bridges through Dialogue” has been the long-standing motto of his work. \nThe focus of Gidon’s research and project work is good governance\, civil society empowerment\, prevention of radicalisation\, peace education\, and inter-religious dialogue. He has published a considerable number of relevant research papers on Middle Eastern politics\, socio-economic development\, conflict transformation\, and media and society in the Arab world. His regional focus lies on the Levant and the Gulf States.\n\n\nProfessor P R Kumaraswamy \nP R Kumaraswamy is a professor of contemporary Middle Eastern studies in Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU)\, New Delhi\, India. During 1992-1999\, he was a research fellow at the Harry S. Truman Research Institute for the Advancement of Peace\, Jerusalem. Since joining JNU in September 1999\, he has been researching\, teaching and writing on various aspects of the contemporary Middle East. His works include Squaring the Circle: Mahatma Gandhi and the Jewish National Home (2018); India’s Israel Policy (2010) and Historical Dictionary of the Arab-Israeli Conflict (2015). In February 2010 he setup the virtual Middle East Institute\, New Delhi and serves as its honorary director. He is the editor of Contemporary Review of the Middle East and the Series Editor of Persian Gulf: India’s Relations with the Region.\n\n\nDr. Elsayed Ali Abofarha \nDr. Elsayed Ali Abofarha is Assistant Professor of political science at the Faculty of Economic Studies and Political Science in Banisuef University\, Cairo\, Egypt. He was a Fellow at Massachusetts Amherst University in 2015 and has been a visiting professor at universities of Connecticut\, Virginia\, Shippensburg\, and Massachusetts Amherst. Dr.Abofarha was awarded PhD by Cairo University in 2015 for his thesis on and “Judiciary’s Political Role in Democratization: Comparative Study.” He book The Implications of Qualitative Transformation in the Terrorist Phenomenon on the Arab Nation State (in Arabic) was published by Center for Strategic Studies\, Bibliotheca Alexandrina\, Egypt in 2016. In addition he has published numerous articles and contributed chapters in edited volumes.\n\n\nH. E. Dr. Shaikh Abdulla bin Ahmed Al Khalifa \nH.E. Dr. Shaikh Abdulla bin Ahmed Al Khalifa is the Chairman of the Board of Trustees at the Bahrain Centre for Strategic\, International and Energy Studies\, in addition to serving as Undersecretary for International Affairs at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Bahrain\, a post he has held since August 2015. In 2015\, Shaikh Abdulla was awarded a PhD in International Relations and Diplomacy from the École des Hautes Études Internationales\, France. In 2008\, he earned a Master of Law (LLM) from Queen Mary College\, University of London\, UK\, focusing on negotiation and mediation. He also holds a Diploma in Political Development (Honours) from the Bahrain Institute for Political Development\, Bahrain 2007 and a Bachelor of Law (LLB) (Honours) from the Applied Science University\, Jordan 2006. \nShaikh Abdulla is an international expert in Mediation\, accredited by the Centre for Effective Dispute Resolution (CEDR) in London where he participated in their training initiatives for international agencies and experts. He is also accredited as a Master Practitioner in Neuro Linguistic Programming by the United States’ National Federation of Neuro Linguistic Programming.\n\n\nAzmi Bishara (TBC) \nHe is the Director General of the Arab Centre for Research and Policy Studies and a member of its Executive Board. A prominent researcher and writer\, Bishara has published numerous books and academic papers in political thought\, social theory\, and philosophy\, in addition to several literary works. He was Professor of Philosophy and History of Political Thought at Birzeit University\, from 1986 to 1996. He also co-founded Muwatin\, the Palestinian Institute for the Study of Democracy\, and Mada al-Carmel\, the Arab Centre for Applied Social Research. Bishara was the principal founder of the National Democratic Assembly (Balad)\, a Palestinian-Arab party inside the Green Line\, which supports democratic values irrespective of religious\, ethnic or national identity. For four consecutive sessions\, from 1996-2007\, he represented his party as an elected member of parliament. In 2007\, Bishara had differences with the Israeli authorities over his political positions. He currently resides in Doha\, Qatar. He is the recipient of the Ibn Rushd Prize for Freedom of Thought in 2002 and the Global Exchange Human Rights Award in 2003.\n\n\nDr. Ebtesam al-Ketbi \nEbtesam Al-Ketbi is a founder and president of the Emirates Policy Center and the first Arab woman to lead a think tank. She is a professor of political science at United Arab Emirates University and a member of the Consultative Commission of the Gulf Cooperation Council. She has served in several capacities\, including: as the secretary general of the Gulf Development Forum; as a board member of the Association of Political Sciences; as a member of the board of trustees of the Arab Unity Studies Center; as a member of the board of trustees of the Arab Organization for Transparency; as a consultative board member of the Arab Thought Foundation; as a member of the board of trustees of the Arab Council for Social Sciences; and as a member of the core team behind the 2006 Arab Human Development Report\, among others. She is a founding member of the Emirates Human Rights Association. \nShe has published a number of papers including: “The Security Dimensions of Military Relations Between GCC countries and the USA”; “The Global Community and the War on Terrorism: Threat or Opportunity?”; and “Democratic Transformations in GCC Countries. She earned a PhD in political science from Cairo University.\n\n\nKhalid Hamad Al Gailani (TBC) \nDeputy Chief of Mission in the Embassy of Sultanate of Oman \nDr. Meena Singh Roy \nDr. Meena Singh Roy is a Research Fellow and Coordinator\, West Asia Centre at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses. She has published books titled\, International and Regional Security Dynamics: Indian and Iranian Perspectives (ed.)\, July 2009\, Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\, New Delhi; Emerging Trends in West Asia: Regional and Global Implications (ed.)\, Pentagon Press\, 2014 and a monograph titled The Shanghai Cooperation Organization: India Seeking New Role in the Eurasian Regional Mechanism\, 2014\, IDSA Publication. Her Forthcoming book is titled Linking South and Central Asia in the New Strategic Environment: Envisioning India’s Future Partnership with the Eurasian.\n\n\nAmbassador Michael Ronen \nMichael Ronen is Head of India and South East Asia Bureau\, MFA Israel. He completed his M.A. in European Studies\, Hebrew University in Jerusalem. He joined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1983. Prior to that he was Deputy Ambassador in El Salvador\, Deputy Ambassador in Colombia\, Deputy Ambassador in Paraguay\, Deputy Ambassador in Azerbaijan\, Deputy Chief of Mission in Australia\, Non-Resident Ambassador to the Pacific Islands. He served at various departments in Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs like Official Guests Department\, Deputy Director in European Organizations Department\, Deputy Director in Emergency and Crisis Management Center\, Director of the Pacific Department and Director of the South East Asia Department.\n\n\nProf. Mohammed Benhammou \nMohammed Benhammou is President\, Moroccan Centre for Strategic Studies (CMES)\, Rabat. He is former student of the National School of Administration of Paris. He is a graduate of the University of Montpellier and holds a doctorate of state in law. As a professor\, he was engage in teaching political science\, evaluation of public policies international relations and introduction to strategic studies and geopolitical changes in the Rabelese French universities and Mohammed V-Souissi University. He is former vice Dean of la Faculte de Droit de Sale and he is current chief of Department of Public Law. He is former vice President of international organisation called “Trainers without Borders”.  He is the President of Centre Marocain Etudes Stratégiques (CMES) and elected President at African Federation of Strategic Studies (FAES). He is member of International Institute for Strategic Studies and is associated with the London Academy of Diplomacy. He has a number of publications to his credit.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nPhotographs\n\n\nPhotographs [+]\n\n\n\n\nRapporteur’s Report\n\n\nRapporteur’s Report[+]\n\n\n\n\nPREVIOUS CONFERENCES:\nIdeology\, Politics and New Security Challenges in West Asia\, January 19-20\, 2016 [+]\nGeopolitical Shifts in West Asia: Trends and Implications\, September 10-11\, 2014 [+] URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/3rd-west-asia-conference-changing-security-paradigm-in-west-asia-regional-and-international-responses CATEGORIES:Previous West Asia Conference,CONFERENCES,West Asia Conference ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20180828T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20180829T053000 DTSTAMP:20261028T034643 CREATED:20231223T125423Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250322T101647Z UID:62741-1535434200-1535520600@idsa.in SUMMARY:IDSA-IPAG Conclave on “The Digital Age\, Cyber Space\, and Social Media: The Challenges of Security & Radicalization” DESCRIPTION:Watch Live Streaming of the Conference: Day 2\n\n\nWatch Live Streaming of the Conference: Day 1\n\nDownload Agenda [PDF] URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/idsa-ipag-conclave-on-the-digital-age-cyber-space-and-social-media-the-challenges-of-security-radicalization CATEGORIES:CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20171208T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20171208T053000 DTSTAMP:20261028T034643 CREATED:20231223T125423Z LAST-MODIFIED:20231224T125951Z UID:62742-1512711000-1512711000@idsa.in SUMMARY:Conference on "Shifting Geopolitics in Asia: India-Japan Relations and the Future of Indo-Pacific Region" DESCRIPTION:A number of experts from Japan and India will participate in the Symposium to discuss India-Japan Relations in context of Asia and beyond. The Japanese Ambassador to India\, H.E. Kenji Hiramatsu will deliver a keynote speech at the inaugural session of the symposium. URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/conference-on-shifting-geopolitics-in-asia-india-japan-relations-and-the-future-of-indo-pacific-region CATEGORIES:CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20171117T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20171117T053000 DTSTAMP:20261028T034643 CREATED:20231223T125423Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250312T011432Z UID:62743-1510896600-1510896600@idsa.in SUMMARY:COP23 Companion Event on India’s Climate Mitigation and Adaptation: Key Strategies DESCRIPTION:Venue: Hilton Hotel Bonn\, Berliner Freiheit 2\, Bonn \n\nCOP23 Companion Event on India’s Climate Mitigation and Adaptation: Key Strategies\n ––sharing of green information\, news and views –– \n\nPost-Paris\, the international community is determined to meet the global climatechallenge with the help ofnew strategies and initiatives that simultaneously promote inclusive\, sustainable socio-economic development\, environmental sustainability\, and sustainable peace. India’s role as a global climate actor is critical. Luckily\, India is quickly synchronizing with the new climate goals. India promotes cooperation on disaster risk management\, clean energy\,and innovative green technology solutions that combine development potential with the reduction of carbon emissions. North-South technology transfer is only one part of the climate-development nexus. Indigenization of technology innovation and knowledge sharing are emerging as increasingly important approaches to climate action. \nGOAL\n This conference provides a platform to highlight India as an important scene of green innovation\, while explainingIndia’s key strategies in green policy development\, as reflected in India’s evolving position in climate negotiations. In this conference we will present and discuss India’s viewpoints\, initiatives and key strategies\, as India makes thetransition to a new “green evolution”. \nBACKGROUND\n India accounts for about 4.5 per cent of global greenhouse gas emissions and is the fourth largest emitter of greenhouse gasses. The Paris Agreement on Climate Change\, which sets out the architecture for carbon emission reduction after 2020\, was ratified by India on October 2\, 2016. The Paris accord safeguards the principle of common but differentiated responsibility and respective capabilities (CBDR-RC)\, which has remained a non-negotiable aspect of India’s climate position. This principle squarely puts the major responsibility on developed nations to drastically cut their carbon emissions and provide the necessary finance\, technology and capacity building for developing economies to mitigate and adapt to climate change. India would like all the key elements–adaptation\, mitigation\, finance\, technology transfer and capacity building–to be incorporated in the global climate deal. \n India’s additional contribution to climate action is provisional onthe availability of finance and technologies from the industrialized economies. India also encourages the development of aset of rules to tax or regulate the higher emissions by corporationsacross the globe\, as well as a framework of efficiency and climate awareness.In the field of disaster management\, India wants to operationalizeloss and damage in the long-term\, and set up mechanismsto compensate for climate-related losses that especially affect Small Island States\, Least Developed Nations\, and developing countries. \nIndia also wants toplay a more proactive climate and development role\, domestically and abroad. Regionally\, India recognizes that climate action can open up new opportunities to overcome trust deficits through heightened inter-state cooperation on disaster preparedness\, early warning systems\, disaster risk reduction measures\,and sharing of real-time data. \nCONCEPT\nCo-organized by the Indian Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA) and the Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO)\, this conference is a part of the two institutes’ current research cooperation on India in the World: Emerging Perspectives on Global Challenges\, and its subproject on Climate Change. The aim of this event is to create a platform whereIndian academics\, analysts and practitionerscan present and interact witha global audience at the COP23 summit. The format: maximum ten-minute informal presentations will be followed by Q&A\, debate and interaction. \n\nPROGRAM\n\n\nSession I            Setting the stage – 0900 AM – 1000 AM \n\nModerator:                 Uttam Sinha\, IDSA \nSpeakers:                   Jayant Mauskar\,Member\, Prime Minister Council on Climate Change & Henrik Eriksen\, Head of Norway’s Delegation to COP23 \nSession II           High Technology\, Low Emissions – 1000 AM – 1200 AM \nModerator:                 Åshild Kolås\, PRIO \nSpeakers:                   Lydia Powell\,Observer Research Foundation (ORF) & Sanjay Gupta\,Consultant\, the World Bank \n  \nJOIN US FOR LUNCH 1200 AM – 0130 PM \nAddress:             Ulrike Scharf\, Bavarian State Minister of the Environment and Consumer Protection 0130 PM – 0145 PM \nSession III           Disaster Preparedness and Co-operation 0145 PM – 0300 PM\n Moderator:                  Jason Miklian\, PRIO \nSpeakers:                    C.R.Babu\,Professor Emiritus\, Delhi University\, Eklabya Sharma\, International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD) & Kamal Kishore\,National Disaster Management Agency\n \nRead report URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/cop23-companion-event-on-indias-climate-mitigation-and-adaptation-key-strategies CATEGORIES:CONFERENCES,EVENT REPORT ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20171107T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20171108T053000 DTSTAMP:20261028T034643 CREATED:20231223T125425Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250312T011904Z UID:62744-1510032600-1510119000@idsa.in SUMMARY:Second IORA Meeting of Experts for Maritime Safety and Security DESCRIPTION:Complete text of Keynote Address by Foreign Secretary\, Dr S. Jaishankar\, at the Second IORA Meeting of Experts for Maritime Safety and Security\nPress Release – Maritime Security an Important Dimension of India’s Bilateral Relations: Foreign Secretary URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/second-iora-meeting-of-experts-for-maritime-safety-and-security CATEGORIES:CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20171005T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20171005T053000 DTSTAMP:20261028T034643 CREATED:20231223T125426Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250310T065919Z UID:62745-1507181400-1507181400@idsa.in SUMMARY:Exploring the Roots of India's Strategic Culture DESCRIPTION:[Complete video of the event]\nConcept Note\nDespite a debate about its relevance\, strategic culture has become a commonly used and acknowledged term in the sense of a “shaping context” for strategic behaviour. The sources of the strategic culture of a nation-state are its geography\, history\, national culture\, politics\, economics\, technology\, etc. The nation-states may have distinct strategic cultures pertaining to the differences in the material and ideational dimensions of these factors. However\, strategy is essentially linked with national policy and goal. It has an operational value as means to implement a policy and achieve a goal\, both long-term and short-term\, that are shaped and defined by collectively shared values\, experiences\, attitudes\, habits and the needs of a nation. \nThe strategic can be understood in many ways as it has become a multidisciplinary term due to its importance for achieving a goal. But\, strategic in its traditional meaning in International Politics/Relations has been primarily related to the military goals of a nation-state. Therefore\, strategy\, in this realm\, is specifically understood as the set of identification\, acquisition\, allocation and mobilisation of various components of the comprehensive national power and their alignment towards achieving the military goals set by the state. A nation-state’s strategic affairs have three dimensions – securing its existence (k?ema)\, achievement (yoga) and promotion (vivardhana) of its national goals pertaining to various cultural and politico-economic factors. \nCulture is the set of behaviour\, belief\, values and symbols that have been developed retained and handed over to the next generations in history. Strategic culture\, therefore\, is the set of the same in the context of the state behaviour in the matters considered as strategic. Although we note that there is an ongoing debate about the deterministic and explanatory value of strategic culture regarding state behaviour and decision-making\, we cannot ignore the scholarly agreement on the influence of strategic culture in the background of decision-making (strategic culture as context). Scholars agree on the fact that there is a need of exploring the strategic cultures of various states so that we could build a pool of data and literature useful for further research. \nIndia\, as a nation-state\, has a long civilisational history and experience of complex cultural exchanges that has contributed to the development of its national identity and behaviour\, including the ideational and material (geographical) conceptualisation of the state. The nation as a geocultural space and a 70 years old independent state has a history of seeing many empires and wars that compelled it to remain in a perpetual strategic engagement (both thought and action). Thus\, it is worthwhile to investigate the nuances of the strategic culture acting as a context to its strategic behaviour. \nAs regards the debate about the existence of strategic culture in India\, views are often rudimentary and impulsive rather than based on an objective definition and understanding. The main reason for this is a lack of research and availability of literature on these dimensions. Thus\, this is important to lead the debate in an objective and useful direction basing it on rigorous research. An awareness of the distinction and essential relationship between strategic thinking (philosophical and intellectual discourse) and strategic culture (experience\, action\, attitude and habit) is also important in the process of this investigation. \nIt is in this context that the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses intends to explore the roots of India’s Strategic Culture\, elements that have been influential in shaping Indian attitude towards perceiving threats\, use of force\, diplomacy\, war\, understanding and acquisition of power\, etc. \nSome Important Questions:\n\nWhat are the root of India’s identification of its strategic geographical-self?\nWhat are the roots of India’s national and political self?\nWhat has been the relevance of strategy in Indian political thinking?\nDoes India’s current strategic behaviour and positioning talk to its pre-independence and pre-colonial strategic thinking and execution?\nWhat are the roots of the Indian understanding on the use of force and military by the state?\nWhat has been the role of various pre-Independence (ancient and medieval) sub-regional military traditions in the Indian strategic thinking and culture? \n\nProgramme\n0930 – 1000h Tea & Registration \nSession I: Inauguration\nChair: Prof Charan Wadhwa\n1000 – 1010h Introduction by Maj Gen Alok Deb\, DDG\, IDSA\n1010 – 1030h Special Address by Dr Arvind Gupta\, Former Deputy NSA & DG IDSA \n1030 – 1045h Tea Break \nSession II: Roots in Language\, Culture and Philosophy [1045 – 1230h]\nChair: Amb A.N.D. Haksar\n1. Mr Vishnu Saksena\, ‘Br?hmi Script and the Roots of Pan-Indian Culture’\n2. Dr Adil Rasheed ‘The Vedantist and Islamic Theological Schools on the Unity of Godhead (Br?hman and Tawheed)’\n3. Mr Nazir Ahmad Mir\, ‘Cultural Explanation of Statecraft: A?oka and Akbar’ \n1230 – 1330h Lunch \nSession III: Intelligence and Strategic Culture [1330 – 1500h]\nChair: Prof S.D. Muni\n1. Dr Michael Liebig\, ‘The Kaut?ilyan Roots of Intelligence Culture in South Asia – A Historical Perspective’\n2. Prof Subrata K. Mitra\, ‘Ministry of Home Affairs and Intelligence in India’\n3. Mrs Kajari Kamal\, ‘Indian Strategic Culture’ \n1500 – 1515h Tea Break \nSession IV: War – Practice and Theory [1515 – 1715 h]\nChair: Sqn Ldr R.T.S. Chinna\n1. Dr Saurabh Mishra\, ‘The Use of Force and War in the Artha??stra’\n2. Col Vikrant Deshpande\, ‘Hybrid Warfare: The Kaut?ilyan Construct’\n3. Col P.K. Gautam (Retd)\, ‘Comparing K?mandak?\, N?tis?ra and Kaut?ilya’s Artha??stra’\n4. Dr Arpita Anant ‘Maratha Tradition of Statecraft and Warfare as Reflected in ?jñapatra’ \n1715 – 1720h Vote of Thanks by Col P.K. Gautam (Retd) \nAbout IDSA’s Project – Indigenous Historical Knowledge URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/exploring-the-roots-of-indias-strategic-culture CATEGORIES:CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT END:VCALENDAR