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DTSTAMP:20261104T185206
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SUMMARY:8th South Asia Conference: The Role of Media in Promoting Regional Understanding in South Asia
DESCRIPTION:Concept Note\n\nMedia plays a very important role in generating public awareness and shaping public opinion. It is regarded as the fourth estate and an important pillar of democracy. With the mushrooming of media around the world– print\, audio-visual and social– its role has become even more significant. The manner in which reports are filed and news is disseminated have their impact on public opinion. In an interconnected world\, the role of media in influencing foreign policy of states can hardly be ignored.In South Asia\, a region where inter-state relations are held hostage to zero-sum politics\, media has a big responsibility in creating an environment of trust and understanding Since the states of the region are socially\, historically\, culturally and economically interconnected\, the role of media assumes even more significance. However\, unfortunately\, the media in different states of South Asia are yet to show necessary maturity and wisdom in enabling an environment of mutual trust and confidence. The discourses in media are often mired in narrowly conceived nationalist templates which far from bridging differences escalate them causing irreparable harm to regional understanding. While tension and conflict among states and communities find more news space\, shared history and culture are conveniently ignored. All this results in media adding to interstate conflicts and increasing the political temperature rather than acting as an agent of change and reconciliation. With the proliferation of audio-visual media in the region and the competition among channels for better TRP ratings\, there is often a temptation to sensationalise issues through select reporting. \nThis is not to say that there is a complete absence of responsible media in the region. Joint media initiatives like the one between the Jang group of Pakistan and the Times group in India to launch Aman ki Asha (Hope for Peace) did try to create an environment of trust to contribute to India-Pakistan peace process. Similarly\, the Statesman from India and Prathom Alo from Bangladesh also tried to replicate this exerciseto promote India-Bangladesh relationship. Groups like South Asia Free Media Association (SAFMA) have also tried to bring together scholars\, retired bureaucrats\, politicians and media person together in South Asia to promote people to people contact. \nMedia cannot be looked at as a monolithic entity. There are several layers to it. Moreover\, the media is facing several restrictions. There is the issue of media censorship and media freedom. There is also the issue of media ownership— by political parties\, interest groups and business houses. With their vested interests the owners sometimes dictate the line a media group would take at the expense of neutrality. The influence of certain institutions on media begs close scrutiny in view of their impact on foreign and security policies of some states. The differences in approach between vernacular and English media and their influence on society and politics is also another area which has not received much critical attention. The social media is assuming importance in most of these countries with the penetration of internet and wider use of mobile phones especially among the youth who constitute a critical mass in South Asia. \nWhether it was the case of showing doctored images about fictitious attack on Rohingyas as attack on Muslims in North East; the picture of Shivaji and Ambedkar\, which led to violence in Pune in India; or the derogatory message against the Prophet\, maliciously circulated in the social media attributing the act to a Buddhist\, which led to violence in Ramu in Bangladesh — the social media is playing a disproportionate role in spawning insecurity and violence in the multicultural setting in South Asia. \nGiven the increasingly significant role played by the media\, the 8th South Asian Dialogue being organized by the IDSA seeks to explore the following. \n\nWhat role media is playing in shaping public opinion in different countries?\nHow does media influence foreign and security policies of states? Is there any difference between the vernacular and English language media in this regard?\nWhat are the forces influencing media and its approach to regional issues?\nHow does media ownership impact reporting by different media houses?\nDoes media play a role in promoting jingoistic nationalism in the region? How does it interfere with the process of regional unity and integration?\nCan media play a role in promoting regional understanding and contribute to regional peace and amity?\n\n\n\n\n\nProgramme Schedule\n\n\nDAY ONE: October 28\, 2014\n09:30-10:00 hours: Registration\n10:00-10:30 hours: Inaugural Session\nWelcome Address by Brigadier Rumel Dahiya (Retd.)\, DDG\, IDSA [Read the address] \nKeynote address by Shri Prakash Javadekar\, Minister of State for Information and Broadcasting (Independent Charge) MOS(IC) for Environment\, Forest and Climate Change and MOS for Parliamentary Affairs  [Watch Video] \nVote of Thanks \n10:30-11:00 hrs Tea /Coffee \n11:00–13:00 hrs – Session I: The Role of Media in Shaping Public Discourse in South Asia\nModerator: Professor S D Muni \nSpeakers: \n\nAshok K. Behuria & Smruti Pattanaik – Media in South Asia: A Panoramic View\nRasul Bakhsh Rais – The Media and Foreign Policy Discourses in Pakistan\nSyed Badrul Ahsan – Impact of Media Ownership on Reporting\nAmrullah Saleh – Media in Post 9/11 Afghanistan\nSiddharth Varadarajan – Can Media Play a Role in Promoting Regional Understanding\nKunda Dixit – Media in the Age of Intolerance and Terrorism\n\n13:00 – 14:00 hrs Lunch \n14:00-15:30 hours – Session II: State of Media in South Asia: Country Perspectives\nModerator: Mr Prem Shankar Jha \nSpeakers: \n\nSaleem K. Safi– State of Pakistani Media: Does it Play its Due Role?\nDilrukshi Handunetti– Promotion of Jingoism in the Region by the Media: The Case of Sri Lanka\nIbrahim Waheed– Maldivian Media: Ownership and Orientation\nKaberi Gayen – Does Media Ownership Really Matter?\nTenzing Lamsang– The Role of the Bhutanese Media in Bhutan’s Democratic Evolution and Governance.\n\n15:30-15:45 hours Tea/Coffee \n15:45-17:30 hrs – Session III State of Media in South Asia: Country Perspectives (contd.)\nModerator: Mr Vinod Sharma \nSpeakers: \n\nMyo Lwin – The State of Media in Myanmar\nDanish Kharokhel – Role of Afghan Media in Promoting Regional Understanding\nAhmed Zahir Mohamed– The State of Media: A Maldivian Perspective\nShruti Pandalai – Truth vs Hype: Media\, Hyper-nationalism and Impact on Perceptions in India-South Asia Relations\n\nDAY TWO: October 29\, 2014 \n10:00-11:30 hrs – Session IV: Influence of Media on Foreign and Security Policies of States\nModerator: Commodore C. Uday Bhaskar (Retd.) \nSpeakers: \n\nLakshman F.B. Gunasekara– News Media Re-Presentation and Agenda-Setting in Public Discourse on Foreign Relations: The Case of Sri Lankan Popular Attitudes Towards India\nKhin Maung Soe– The Role of Media in Shaping Foreign Policy Discourse in Myanmar\nDawa Penjor– The Role of Bhutanese Media in Amalgamating South Asia: Media’s Quest For a Happy South Asia Society\nDeepak Adhikari– The Role of Media in Shaping Foreign Policy Discourse in Nepal\n\n11:45-13:30 hrs – Session V: Can Media Play a Role in Promoting Regional Understanding? (Panel Discussion)\nModerator: Dr Chandan Mitra\, Hon’ble Member of Parliament \nPanelists: \n\nS D Muni\nSiddhartha Varadarajan\nNitin Gokhale\nSaleem K. Safi\nDilrukshi Handunetti\nAmrullah Saleh\nSuhasini Haider\nSyed Badrul Ahsan\nIbrahim Waheed\nKunda Dixit\nMyo Lwin\nDawa Penjor\n\n13:30–13:35 hrs Vote of Thanks \n13:35 – 14:30 hrs Lunch \n\n\n\n\nConference Booklet\nRapporteurs Report
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/8th-south-asia-conference-the-role-of-media-in-promoting-regional-understanding-in-south-asia
CATEGORIES:Previous South Asia conference,South Asia Conference,CONFERENCES
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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20150211T053000
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DTSTAMP:20261104T185206
CREATED:20231223T125503Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20240221T063219Z
UID:62767-1423632600-1423805400@idsa.in
SUMMARY:17th Asian Security Conference: Asian Security: Comprehending the Indian Approach
DESCRIPTION:Concept Note\n\n\nThe shift of power to Asia in the 21st century with its imminent economic rise has amplified the security challenges that the continent faces within the larger rubric of international relations. Key concerns include major power rivalries\, tensions over disputed territories\, freedom of Sea Lanes of Communications (SLOCs)\, security dilemmas connected to military modernization\, the robustness of regional institutional mechanisms\, intra-state conflicts and last but not the least\, the perspectives of major actors like Russia\, China and India on Asian regional order: whether they view it as purely competitive or cooperative-competitive. Historically\, Asia has been an important geographical cusp in the pathway of civilizations. Arabia\, the Ottoman Empire\, the Mongols\, the Chinese empires\, India\, Ceylon\, etc\, have played major roles in the fight for territory\, resources and the spread of ideas and religion. Hinduism\, Buddhism\, Islam\, Confucianism\, Zoroastrianism\, etc.\, have been major religious influences\, while mathematics\, science\, astronomy\, the printing press\, gun powder\, the wheel\, etc.\, draws their origin to Asia. Asian cultures and civilizations have been instrumental in the conceptualization and operationalization of the strategic cultures and military modernizations of other civilizations. The extreme forms of competition that precluded the colonial period\, and the meeting of Asia and the West led loose new forces of military modernizations\, especially naval technologies with faster ships\, and the idea of sea dominance. The colonial period was critical for the formation of an Asian idea of difference as most of the countries were either colonized or suffered from deep seated anxieties due to their contact with the West\, memories that continue to shape ideas and foreign policies to this day. \nIndia emerged from colonialism with a solid sense of national identity. The leaders of the Indian freedom movement expressed attractive visions of the kind of state India should become. Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi was a firm believer in the universal principle of global interconnectedness\, and saw India as deeply rooted in this sense of universalism\, both ideationally and physically. Jawaharlal Nehru\, while supportive of Gandhian universalism\, chose to carve a path of non-alignment\, as a direct response to the systemic distribution of power at that time\, the US and the USSR\, though ideationally\, he was drawn to Soviet socialism rather than American capitalism. Nehru aspired to carve a unique foreign policy for India\, where as a proponent of non-alignment\, India would establish its own foreign policy priorities and agendas\, devoid of super-power structural rivalry. Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel\, India’s first Deputy Prime Minister and Home Minister\, firmly advocated a strong Indian state duly based on defence of its own borders with a keen strategic sense of its neighbours\, especially China. \nIndia’s approach to foreign policy and international relations has\, over the years\, been propelled by ideas drawn from the leaders of the Indian freedom movement\, their aspirations for India\, as well as its own experiences and engagements with the world since its independence. While many strategic analysts\, both in India and abroad\, accuse India of lacking a strategic culture or strategic thinking\, a deep foray into Indian foreign policy behavior reveals that India does have a strategic culture where it closely monitors the external environment and debates on the efficacy of the use of military power in addressing external threats. Over the years\, some of the major developments in India’s economic and foreign policy have been the 1991 economic reforms that opened up the Indian economy to globalization\, the 1998 nuclear tests\, its space program\, and its growing role in Asian multilateralism. Areas that have emerged as of priority to India are its strategic partnerships with major powers\, cyber\, space and energy security\, terrorism\, nuclear safety and security\, the Indian Ocean region\, the US ‘pivot’ and the rise of China.  In this backdrop\, it is critical to discuss and assess whether India has reached a stage of power acquisition that equips it with system ‘shaping capabilities and intentions’. This discussion should emerge from the fact that India has showed the potential to shape and mould the international system\, and it aspires to a larger system shaping role in the future. \nBased on this conceptual prop\, the 17th Asian Security Conference will focus on the theme\, “Asian Security: Comprehending the Indian Approach”. Given the overall focus on Asia with its increased prosperity\, and the rise of major Asian powers in the context of decreasing resources\, naval competition\, American presence\, and quest for prestige\, the conference will deliberate on India’s strategic role and preferences in shaping Asian Security. The conference will focus not only on what India’s approach has been but also what should be India’s future proactive approach towards shaping Asian security. \nThe key thematic questions that will weave together the multiple interactive sessions of the conference are:- \n\nWhat role can India play in shaping the structural and normative parameters for Asian security?\n\nWhat are India’s strategic preferences and choices for Asia’s security future?\n\nHow do the major powers of Asia and the United States view India’s role towards cementing Asian security?\n\nHas India transcended its regional role as a South Asian power to the broader regional context of Asia?\n\nWhat are the key scenarios that emerge from the 17th Asian security conference that India will have to respond to in the next 10 to 15 years?\n\n\nThe conference will be divided into nine interactive sessions \nThematic Sessions\nSession I: Asian Regional Order \nSession II: India and Strategic Partnerships: Impact on Asian Security \nSession III: Asian Economies and Resource Competition \nSession IV: The Rise of China \nSession V: Maritime Security in Asia \nSession VI: Nuclear\, Biological\, Chemical\, Cyber and Space Security in Asia \nSession VII: Major Strategic Regions of Asia \nSession VIII: Future trends and Scenarios emerging from the 17th Asian Security Conference \nConcluding Valedictory Session \nTheme Elaboration\nSession I: Asian Regional Order\nThis session will critically analyze whether India possesses a systemic set of ideas\, both practical and theoretical\, that articulate its national interests. Most importantly\, this session will identify the strategic vision/visions that India aspires to in projecting itself onto the Asian stage. This will involve factors like national identity\, power\, sovereignty\, norm building\, and multilateralism. Based on this\, the session will discuss India’s approach to Asian regional order\, whether India is an observer of that order or aspires to be a key actor in the management of the regional order. The session will deliberate on whether it is possible for India and other major powers of Asia to create a collective security framework which would assume responsibility for Asian security. \nKey Questions to be addressed in this session are:- \n\nWhat are the major Indian strategic approaches to Asian regional order?\n\nDoes India have the ambition and/or capacity to shape Asian regional order?\n\nWhat role has India played in building norms that could mitigate some of the security challenges that Asia faces?\n\n\nSession II: India and Strategic Partnerships: Impact on Asian Security\nOne of the major foreign policy mechanisms that India has adopted over the years is to cement strategic partnerships with major countries to work towards international security. Countries with whom India has strategic partnerships include US\, China\, Russia\, Indonesia\, Japan\, Australia\, Vietnam\, South Korea\, Iran\, Afghanistan\, ASEAN\, to name but a few. According to a report by the Foundation for National Security Research\, New Delhi\, India has a priority listing in strategic partnerships\, scored in 90 points\, with Russia coming on top\, followed by US\, France\, UK\, Germany and Japan.1  The key questions that these strategic partnerships raise are the following:- \n\nHow does India define strategic partnerships?\n\nWhat are the key issues that India’s strategic partnerships deal with?\n\nIs there a priority listing with regard to countries and issues that informs India’s strategic partnerships?\n\nWhat impact do India’s strategic partnerships have on Asian security?\n\n\nSession III: Asian Economies and Resource Competition\nAsia has emerged as one of the most economically vibrant regions on the global economic stage. The economic rise of China\, Japan\, India\, ASEAN\, etc\, is driving global economic growth. China\, India and Japan are the world’s second\, third and fourth largest economies predicted to grow further by 2050. The G-20 has emerged as one of the largest economic blocs with a capacity to fund economic development across the world. With the economic rise of Asian countries\, there are simultaneous challenges. The momentum for Asian economic integration is rather slow with challenges remaining for the emergence of common visa regime\, currency and trade policies. Security challenges like transnational crime (drugs and small arms)\, terrorism\, resource competition\, tensions in the high seas and territorial disputes could dampen robust economic cooperation. The key questions that emerge for India in this context are the following:- \n\nWhat role can Indian play to strengthen Asian economic integration?\n\nWhat are the key security challenges faced by India in its rise to economic prosperity?\n\nAre Asian economic institutions robust enough to sustain the momentum for Asian economic integration?\n\n\nSession IV: The Rise of China\nThe rise of China has changed the geopolitics of Asia. It has created both opportunities and challenges. China’s economic growth is driving economic and infrastructural developments in Asia. Simultaneously\, its military modernization\, growing assertiveness over disputed territories\, competition over resources\, etc\, is posing a security challenge to countries in Asia. On the one hand\, India aspires to deeper engagement with China\, both politically and economically. On the other hand\, China’s assertiveness over its border dispute with India and territorial claim on one of the Indian states in the Northeast is posing a major security challenge. This session will deliberate on these issues and aim to find answers to the following key questions. \n\nWhat are the major priorities in the China-India strategic partnership?\n\nCan China and India establish a cooperative security mechanism in Asia?\n\nHow is China’s assertiveness over its territorial disputes impacting not only China-India relationship but the growing security dilemma in Asia?\n\n\nSession V: Maritime Security in Asia\nWhen one talks about maritime security in Asia\, the Indian Ocean comes to the fore given the rise of the Asian economies\, their demand for raw imports\, and the export of the finished products. Moreover\, given the American military engagements in Afghanistan and Iraq\, the Indian Ocean has taken centre stage for Western military supplies. Increasing importance of choke points such as the Straits of Hormuz\, the Malacca Straits\, the Bab-el-Mandep in the Persian Gulf\, etc.\, calls for a larger Indian role as a regional security provider. Maritime security in this regard would mean ensuring freedom of the SLOCs: a global public good\, managing naval competition\, and fighting piracy near the coast of Somalia. \nThe key questions that this session will deal with are:- \n\nWhat are the key parameters of the Indian maritime doctrine vis-à-vis Asian security?\n\nDoes India possess the maritime capability to deal with security challenges in the Indian Ocean in order to function as a regional security provider?\n\nAre the oceans and seas of Asia compounded by strategic naval competition between China\, India and the US?\n\nIs there a regional architecture in place to deal with naval competition?\n\n\nSession VI: Nuclear\, Biological\, Chemical\, Cyber and Space Security in Asia\nOne of the foremost quests by Asian powers is to establish and strengthen Asian security mechanisms in order to deal with nuclear\, cyber and space issues. The perils of nuclear terrorism\, safety of nuclear weapon sites\, cyber-terrorism and cyber-hacking and a militarized space have grave implications for Asia with five nuclear weapons states (China\, India\, Russia\, Pakistan\, North Korea) and two with overt/covert nuclear weapons capability (Iran and Israel). This posits the nuclear security threshold and the much repeated stability/instability paradox. China\, Japan\, Russia and India are key actors in space. Space is and will emerge as one the most vital global commons. With cyber emerging as the critical means of communication\, thereby compressing space and time\, and with it\, creating security challenges like cyber terrorism and hacking\, Asia is vulnerable as one of the biggest users of cyber space. \nThe key questions that this session will deal with are:- \n\nWhat is the emerging nuclear environment in Asia? Is the Asian nuclear order changing?\n\nWhat effective role has India played in the nuclear non-proliferation regime?\n\nDoes India have a concrete well-crafted cyber policy with regard to Asian security?\n\nWhat are the points of convergence/divergence in India’s space policy with other Asian countries? Is there a common Asian space code?\n\n\nSession VII: Major Strategic Regions of Asia\nGeo-politics\, as ever before\, has proved hard to be precisely defined. Yet\, as the term has been revisited and refined over the years\, geo-politics has much to do with the relation of politics (power) to geography. Geo-politics assumes the primacy of states\, existing military-economic competition\, and ways to cement interest based cooperation. To operationalize this\, strategy is the key factor\, thereby bringing in the element of ‘geo-strategy’ implying the strategic significance of a particular region to a state’s strategic interests. Moreover\, it is pertinent to underlie the tendencies of cooperation/competition that reverberate between China and India in the various Asian strategic regions. \nIn light of this\, this session will deal with the following critical questions:- \n\nWhat are the critical components of India’s geo-strategic approach to the major strategic regions of Asia?\n\nIs there a priority of strategic regions in India’s conceptualization of geo-strategy?\n\nWhat are the components and challenges of the Indian approach to major strategic regions of Asia? How can India refine its strategy towards Asian geopolitics?\n\n\nSession VIII: Future trends and Scenarios emerging from the 17th Asian Security Conference\nBased on the papers presented in the 17th ASC\, as well as the main speeches\, the last session will identify the key trends from each session\, and then focus on three or four main drivers that could impact Asian security and India’s approach in the next few years (2015-2030). It will creatively formulate three or four plausible scenarios and present the findings in this last session. \nValedictory Session\n\n1. Satish Kumar\, et. al.\, “India’s Strategic Partners: A Comparative Assessment”\, Foundation for National Security Research\, New Delhi\, November 2011 at http://fnsr.org/files/Indias_Strategic.pdf(Accessed on June 16\, 2014). \n2. Department of Defense\, “Sustaining U.S. Global Leadership: Priorities for 21st Century Defense”\, January 2012 at http://www.defense.gov/news/defense_strategic_guidance.pdf (Accessed on June 20\, 2014). \n\n\n\n\nProgramme Schedule\n\n\nProgramme\n\n\n\n\nDay One: (February 11\, 2015)\n\n\n\n \n \n\n\n0930h-1000h\nRegistration & Tea\n\n\n \n \n\n\n1000-1045h\nInaugural Session\n\n\n \nWelcome Remarks: Deputy Director General\, Brig Rumel Dahiya (Retd)\, IDSA\n\n\n \nInaugural Address: Chief of Naval Staff\, Admiral R K Dhowan\, PVSM\, AVSM\, YSM\n\n\n \nVote of Thanks: Deputy Director General\, Brig Rumel Dahiya (Retd)\, IDSA\n\n\n \n \n\n\n1045h-1115h\nTea\n\n\n \n \n\n\n1115h-1315h\nSession I: Asian Regional Order\n\n\n \nChair: Nalin Surie \n\nNamrata Goswami: India’s Strategic Approach to Asia: The Key Questions for the Conference Discourse\nArndt Michael: Panchsheel-Multilateralism and Competing Regionalism – The Indian Approach towards Regional Cooperation and Regional Order in South Asia\, the Indian Ocean\, the Bay of Bengal\, and the Mekong-Ganga\nSantishree Pandit: India as the norm-builder and norm contributor of Asia and the World\nS D Muni: How India is viewed as a regional actor in Asia\n\n\n\n\n \n \n\n\n1315h-1400h\nLunch\n\n\n \n \n\n\n1400h-1600h\nSession II: India and Strategic Partnerships: Impact on Asian Security\n\n\n \nChair: Kanwal Sibal \n\nPhunchok Stobdan: Geopolitics and India-Russia Strategic Partnership\nHolli Semetko: Framing U.S.-India Relations\nVo Xuan Vinh: India’s Strategic Partnership with Vietnam A Perspective from Vietnam\nSatoru Nagao: The Japan-India Strategic Partnership will be New Hope for Asia\n\n\n\n\n \n \n\n\n1600h-1615h\nTea\n\n\n \n \n\n\n1615h-1800h\nSession III: Asian Economies and Resource Competition\n\n\n \nChair: Charan Wadhva \n\nRajat M. Nag: Development through Connectivity\nSinderpal Singh: Debating Physical Connectivity between India and ASEAN: Economics vs Security\nPrem Mahadevan: The Impact of Terrorism and Organized Crime on Asian Economies: Implications for India\nBrahma Chellany: Sharpening Competition over Natural Resources in Asia\n\n\n\n\n \n \n\n\n\nDay Two: (February 12\, 2015)\n\n\n\n \n \n\n\n \n \n\n\n0930h-1030h\nSpecial Address\n\n\n \nBarry Gordon Buzan – Rising Powers in the Emerging World Order: An Overview\, with a Reflection on the Consequences for India \n      Chair: Amitabh Mattoo\n\n\n \n \n\n\n1030h-1045h\nTea\n\n\n \n \n\n\n1045h-1300h\nSession IV: The Rise of China\n\n\n \nChair: Chandrasekhar Dasgupta \n\nMadhu Bhalla: India-China relations: the return of the sub-region\nPang Zhongying: China-India relations: Objectives and Future Priorities\nGordon Chang: China’s Military Modernization and Impact on India\nD S Rajan:China and its Territorial Disputes: Increasing the Security Dilemma.\n\n\n\n\n \n \n\n\n1300h-1400h\nLunch\n\n\n \n \n\n\n1400h-1600h\nSession V: Maritime Security in Asia\n\n\n \nChair: Anup Singh \n\nGurpreet Khurana: Indian Maritime Doctrine and Asian Security: Intentions and Challenges\nDavid Brewster: The Bay of Bengal: the Indo-Pacific’s New Zone of Strategic Competition\nAbhijit Singh: India’s Security Role in Maritime-Asia\nFrancis Kornegay:  Deciphering Oriental Mysteries of Silk\, Pearls & Diamonds: Maritime Dimensions of India’s Strategic Dilemmas in the Changing Asian Power Balance\n\n\n\n\n \n \n\n\n1600h-1615h\nTea\n\n\n \n \n\n\n1615h-1815h\nSession VI: Space\, Cyber\, Biological\, Chemical\, and Nuclear Security in Asia\n\n\n \nChair: V. Siddhartha \n\nSean Costigan: Emerging Risks in Cybersecurity: Anticipating Change and Building Resilience\nRanjana Kaul: India’s Approach to Space Security\nAnimesh Roul: Chemical and Biological Dimension of Jihadi Terrorism\nRajiv Nayan: The Emerging Asian Nuclear Order\n\n\n\n\n \n \n\n\n\nDay Three: (February 13\, 2015)\n\n\n\n \n \n\n\n0930-0945h\nTea\n\n\n \n \n\n\n0945-1300h\nSession VII: Major Strategic Regions of Asia\n\n\n \nChair: C. Uday Bhaskar \n\nAshok Behuria and Smruti Pattanaik: India’s Regional Strategy: Balancing Geopolitics with Geoeconomics in South Asia\nMicha’el Tanchum: India in the new Central Asian Strategic Landscape: Opportunities for Deeper Partnerships and New Alliance Formations\nSimon Xu Hui Shen: East Asian Scenarios\nShankari Sundararaman: Dynamics of Change in India- Southeast Relations: Beyond Economics to Strategic Partnership\n\n\n\n\n \n \n\n\n1300h-1400h\nLunch\n\n\n \n \n\n\n1400h-1545h\nSession VIII: Future trends and Scenarios\n\n\n \nChair: B K Sharma \n\nBoris Volkhonsky: Strategic Trends in Asia: Future Directions\nSamuel Rajiv: Strategic Trends and Scenarios 2025: Policy Options for India\nShruti Pandalai: Decoding India’s Agenda: New Ideas and Emerging Trends in Asian Security\n\n\n\n\n \n \n\n\n1545-1600h\nTea\n\n\n \n \n\n\n1600h-1645h\nValedictory Session\n\n\n \nValedictory Address by Deputy National Security Advisor India\, Dr. Arvind Gupta\n\n\n \nVote of thanks by Conference Coordinator\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nConference Booklet\nRapporteurs Report
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/17th-asian-security-conference-asian-security-comprehending-the-indian-approach
CATEGORIES:Asian Security Conference,Previous ASC,CONFERENCES
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