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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20231214T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20231215T053000
DTSTAMP:20261107T220156
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SUMMARY:15th South Asia Conference - Achieving Regional Economic Integration in South Asia (December 14-15\, 2023)
DESCRIPTION:CONCEPT NOTE\n\nThe process of globalisation has integrated production and supply chains as well as markets around the world. Trade and economic relations have a logic of their own\, with geo-economics often transcending geopolitics. In a globalized world\, strategic choices are often subject to economic considerations. Closer economic integration also provides stability among adversaries in a world in flux. \nRegional economic integration in sub-geographies has generally led to an improved and stable strategic architecture.  Regional integration plays a crucial role in overcoming divisions that impede the flow of goods\, services\, capital\, people\, and ideas among countries. These divisions\, often caused by geographical limitations\, inadequate infrastructure\, and inefficient policies\, hinder economic growth\, particularly in developing nations. By integrating markets for goods and services\, regional integration enables countries to surmount these barriers\, facilitating the flow of trade\, capital\, energy\, people\, and ideas. This process can be facilitated through the establishment of common physical and institutional infrastructure. Different regions across the world have adopted various institutional forms of cooperation\, with different levels of policy commitments and shared sovereignty\, prioritizing different aspects of regional integration. \nRegional integration can yield substantial economic gains for participating countries. It improves market efficiency\, enables cost-sharing for public goods and large infrastructure projects\, fosters cooperative decision-making\, acts as a catalyst for reforms\, and serves as a building block for global integration. Additionally\, regional integration offers non-economic benefits such as peace and security. \nIn different regions around the world\, regional integration efforts have been shaped by unique circumstances\, challenges\, and motivations\, which have influenced the outcomes and levels of success achieved by the respective organizations. \nIn North America\, the United States played a leading role and contributed to the successful establishment of organizations like USMCA (earlier NAFTA)\, promoting economic cooperation among member countries. \nOn the other hand\, South America witnessed the creation of MERCOSUR\, also known as the Southern Common Market\, initially comprising Argentina\, Brazil\, Paraguay\, and Uruguay. In the 1990s\, MERCOSURproved successful in enhancing trade within the group. However\, Brazil’s currency devaluation in 1999 and Argentina’s financial crisis in 2001 impacted on regional integration. The bloc faced challenges in later years when trying to open up to other markets. Moreover\, trade disputes and tensions arose between the two largest economies in the bloc. This also shows that intra-regional trade and economic frictions can thwart a region’s consensus and smooth interface with the rest of the world even after achieving a common market. An example is the UK\, which eventually exited the EU through BREXIT. \nIn Southeast Asia\, the establishment of ASEAN in 1967 by five nations was in response to curbing the spread of communism. Following the 1997 Asian financial crisis that originated in Thailand\, ASEAN members took significant steps to further integrate their economies and foster cooperation among member states. It also resulted in economic integration in the wider region\, with a rising economy such as China’s\, through currency swap arrangements under the Chiang Mai Initiative. ASEAN has seen a steady rise in its own integration with the Chinese economy since then. \nAdditionally\, China’s strong ties with its diaspora in Southeast Asian countries also contributed to improved relationships\, increased trade\, and enhanced commerce. The establishment of ASEAN further facilitated China-ASEAN integration. While China may have intentions to exert influence in neighboring countries\, its success largely depends on the acceptance and cooperation of these nations. \nIn some cases\, regional integration can be triggered by a domino effect\, exemplified by the enlargement of the European Union (EU) to include several East and Central European countries after the demise of the Soviet Union. These erstwhile communist economies anticipated economic benefits by joining the EU. The latter\, through the expansion\, created newer and more competitive centers of manufacturing for their union. \nChina has been successful in fostering integration with neighboring countries. Japan\, ROK\, Singapore\, Hong Kong and even Taiwan have played a key role in fostering the economic rise of China\, by integrating their manufacturing centers and supply chains with the Chinese economy. They have taken full advantage of the labour cost arbitrage in China and the latter’s hub and spokes connectivity with markets around the world. China has benefitted by absorbing technologies and capital. \nIn South Asia\, the situation is different. Achieving regional integration has been particularly challenging compared to other regions due to unique historical and geopolitical circumstances. South Asia has a shared history\, both civilizational and colonial\, but does not necessarily have a shared identity. Religious and linguistic differences act as a drag on regional integration. \nIn the past\, efforts to achieve economic integration in South Asia were made through SAPTA (South Asian Preferential Trade Agreement) and later through SAFTA (South Asian Free Trade Area). However\, these initiatives resulted only in limited success in fostering regional economic integration. \nUnlike some other regions\, South Asia lacks a consensus on emerging threats and challenges. Unlike China\, South Asia does not have some of the world’s most developed and dynamic economies on its periphery. The partition of the Indian subcontinent in 1947 after gaining independence from British rule left behind contested borders\, further complicating integration efforts. Besides\, the quest for national identity post-colonization has\, at times\, posed challenges to fostering a shared regional identity that facilitates integration. Moreover\, the rise of China has acted as a magnet for many of the smaller South Asian economies whose trade with China has outpaced their traditional trade with India. \nSouth Asia today has multiple choices. Apart from India and China as economic partners\, the US has also stepped up its efforts to engage the region through the economic lens and not just through a security lens. Given the logic of geography and India’s rise as the world’s fifth largest economy and the fastest growing of all\, regional economic integration in South Asia suggests India as the fulcrum. \nGiven the limitations of SAARC\, South Asia has witnessed the emergence of new regional initiatives driven by India’s Act East Policy. These initiatives\, which include the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC)\, the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA)\, Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar (BCIM) Economic Corridor and the BBIN (Bangladesh-Bhutan-India-Nepal transport agreement)\, are aimed at fostering cohesiveness among member states and achieving prosperity in the region. \nIn this context\, the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies & Analyses (MP-IDSA) intends to host the 15th South Asia Conference titled\, “Prospects of Regional Economic Integration in South Asia” on 14-15 December 2023. A cross-section of experts\, analysts\, and policymakers will be invited to discuss these issues and recommend the way forward. \nThe Conference:\nThe conference seeks to discuss among others the following questions: \n\nWhat is the current state of regional economic integration?\nRole of connectivityin promoting regional economic integration and its current status\nTariff\, Non-tariff and Technical barriers to trade\nEconomic Partnership Agreements in South Asia\nBanking and fiscal policies in the region\nDigital Public Infrastructure (DPI) in India and beyond\nTrade Settlement in Indian Rupee / Regional currencies / UPI/DPI\nFinancial Crisis and Regional Response / Regional crisis management / Impact on Regional Integration\nSub-regional integration – Including and excluding India\nAfghanistan and Myanmar as gateways to promote regional integration beyond South Asia\n\nParticipation in the conference is by invitation only. To participate\, please contact the conference coordinator. \n\nCONFERENCE PROGRAMME\n\n \nContact us\nDr. Anand Kumar\nCo-ordinator\, 15th South Asia Conference\nAssociate Fellow\, South Asia Centre\nManohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\nNew Delhi-110010\nTel (O): +91 11-26717983\nEmail:  anandkmrai@gmail.com\, anand_rai@hotmail.com
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/15th-south-asia-conference-achieving-regional-economic-integration-in-south-asia-december-14-15-2023
CATEGORIES:Previous South Asia conference,CONFERENCES
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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20230117T133000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20230118T223000
DTSTAMP:20261107T220156
CREATED:20250210T224807Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250327T232219Z
UID:84938-1673962200-1674081000@idsa.in
SUMMARY:14th South Asia Conference - Think20@G20: Towards a Resilient South Asia
DESCRIPTION:Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses is hosting its 14th South Asia Conference in New Delhi. The South Asia Conference\, which the Institute has been organising since 2007 seeks to draw on a cross-section of policy makers\, academics\, civil society actors and young professionals from all countries of the South Asian region\, to examine and discuss issues of common concern and interest. \nThe theme for this year’s conference is “Think20@G20: Towards a Resilient South Asia”. The Conference will be held on 17-18 January 2023 at MP-IDSA. \n\n \nWatch Video | DAY: ONE\n\n \nWatch Video | DAY: TWO\n\n\n  \n\nConcept Note\n\n\nThe Group of Twenty (G20)\, the central forum for international cooperation on financial and economic questions\, has been formulating and implementing policy decisions on the most pressing issues impacting countries across the globe since 1999. Since 2012\, the Think20 (T20) engagement group\, comprising prestigious think tanks and academia from the international community\, has been providing an analytical depth to G20 discussions and assisting the G20 leaders in developing concrete and sustainable policy measures centred around G20 priorities. Each year\, under a new G20 Presidency\, the T20 creates Task Forces to structure their proposals around the most critical issues and drive policy innovation. \nIndia has recently assumed the Presidency of G20 for the year 2022-23. The T20 is the ‘ideas bank’\, formed to provide insightful policy proposals during India’s Presidency. It has created eight task forces to take up issues related to macroeconomics\, trade and livelihoods; to discuss open\, accessible\, and inclusive digital public architecture; to create a mass movement for sustainable consumption; clean and green energy; to reassess the global financial order; to accelerate the sustainable development goals; and to create a roadmap for multilateralism. India is committed to play a significant role as President in the policy formulation in all these areas of tasks undertaken by the G20. \nThe Chair of the T20 engagement group this year is Ambassador Sujan R. Chinoy. He is the Director General of Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA) which is hosting its 14th Annual South Asian Conference in January 2023. This conference is structured\, under his leadership\, as a platform to discuss issues of common interest and concern and to explore areas of convergence. The recommendations that emerge from the collective brainstorming in this conference can be channelised through the T20 to the G20 leadership track. \nSince India is the only South Asian Country in G20\, India’s presidency is an opportune moment not only for India but also for the entire South Asian region. India’s motto in the G20 this year is “One Earth\, One Family\, One Future”\, which is supported by India’s ancient ethos ‘Vasudhaiba Kutumbakam’ (World is One Family) which is the guiding principle for India’s Neighbourhood First policy\, Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR)\, Vaccine Maitri and collaborative approaches in the extended neighbourhood. \nOne of the aims of the T20 this year is to connect scholars and thinkers from the non-G20 members to the G20\, to funnel ideas from the larger global community into the G20 agenda\, and also take the views of those members into consideration who are going to be impacted by the policy decisions of the G20. In this context\, MP-IDSA intends to harvest the views of the South Asian Countries on their expectations from G20 to address the most pressing issues in each of the countries as well as in the region through its flagship event -i.e.\, the South Asia Conference\, proposed to be held in January 2023. \nThe global economic downturn due to the Covid-19 pandemic\, the impact of the Russia-Ukraine war\, and economic challenges in most of the countries in the region have exacerbated economic challenges faced by countries like Sri Lanka and Pakistan. Although the situation in Bangladesh and Nepal is not as grim\, inadequate foreign reserves remain an issue. The Maldivian economy is recovering better in the post-pandemic period\, but there is a concern about high public debt in the country. Bhutan too faces a moderate risk as far as debt sustainability is concerned. Political transition in Afghanistan amidst the global pandemic has led to a significant economic downturn in the country. \nDespite the gradual resumption of economic activities in the post-pandemic period\, the region is likely to face severe food\, energy and inflationary crises due to disruptions and supply side constraints. The economic situation is likely to hamper the achievement of sustainable development and millennium development goals as well as other country-specific economic targets. The susceptibility of most South Asian countries to external shocks and the uncertainties in the global economy underscore the need for resilience in the South Asian region. \nIndia\, the region’s largest and the world’s fastest-growing economy\, has recovered more strongly than the world average\, according to a World Bank overview. The forecast for India’s economic growth is very optimistic. As a responsible regional power\, India has played a crucial role in providing relief and assistance to its neighbours during the pandemic and also stands to be a partner in their economic recovery. Its record as “first responder” in the face of natural disaster is exemplary. \nIn spite of India’s willingness to share its growth and prosperity with its neighbours\, and popular will at the regional level to work together for common wellbeing\, intra-regional economic integration has been minimal compared to other regions around the world. Intra-regional trade accounts for less than five percent of the total trade taking place in the region and efforts at the regional level to boost trade have fallen prey to narrow nationalist perspectives on security and foreign policy. This is primarily due to avoidable historical/legacy issues as well as mistrust among states. Given the problems the region is facing today\, it is imperative that countries work together in regard to effective and sustainable policy formulation\, digitalisation and use of technology to address the macro-economic challenges in the region. Such effective coordination requires a high level of understanding among countries and collaboration between academia and think tanks. \nThe 14th South Asia Conference titled\, “Think20@G20: Towards a Resilient South Asia” will be held on 17-18 January 2023. A cross-section of experts\, analysts\, and policymakers are being invited to discuss the following issues\, particularly the way forward: \n\nWhat are the most pressing economic issues faced by South Asian countries and why?\nHow are the countries dealing with their economic issues and how can India’s presidency of the G20 be leveraged to boost regional integration?\nHow do the regional countries view the role of G20 in their efforts to deal with and address economic problems?\nHow have the G20 policy decisions so far impacted the South Asian economies?\nHow G20 can emerge as a more productive and relevant multilateral platform for South Asian countries and why it should?\nWhat are the recommendations South Asian countries wish to offer for T20’s consideration for its policy recommendations to the G20 leadership track?\nHow can the emerging regional consensus for growth and prosperity be utilised to tap the potential for greater regional economic integration that may contribute to regional peace and development?\n\n\nProgramme\n\n  \n\n\n\n  \nDay One: Tuesday\, 17 January 2023\n \n\n\n0930-1000:\nRegistration \n\n\n1000-1100:\nInaugural Session \nWelcome Address by Amb Sujan R. Chinoy\, T20 Chair of G20 India and Director General\, MP-IDSA\nInaugural Address by Mr Amitabh Kant\, Sherpa\, G20 India\n\n\n1100-1115:\nTea\n\n\n1115-1230:\nWorking Session – I: Introducing T20 and G20\n\n\nChair:\nAmb Sujan R. Chinoy\, Director General\, MP-IDSA & T20 Chair\n\n\nSpeakers:\nAmb Rajiv Bhatia\, Distinguished Fellow\, Gateway House\nDr Sandhya Purecha\, Chair W20\nMr Abhay Thakur\, Additional Secretary & Sous-Sherpa G20\nProf Harsh V. Pant\, ORF\, Co-Chair of T20 Task Force 7 ‘Towards Reformed Multilaterlism’\nMr Rohan Jaitley\, Member of Core Group of T20\nMs Sunaina Kumar\, ORF\, Executive Director\, T20 Secretariat India\n\n\n1230-1300:\nAmbassadors’ Interaction on G20\n\n\nChair:\nAmb Sujan R. Chinoy\, Director General\, MP-IDSA & T20 Chair\n\n\n1300-1345:\nLunch\n\n\n1345-1415:\nSpecial Lecture by Mr Tetsushi Sonobe\, Dean & CEO\, ADBI and Chair Think7 on “T7 Outlook of Japan on G20 Process”\n\n\nChair:\nAmb Sujan R. Chinoy\, Director General\, MP-IDSA & T20 Chair\n\n\n1415-1530:\n Working Session – II: Country Perspectives on Climate\, Economic\, Gender & Energy Concerns\n\n\nChair:\nProf Mahendra P. Lama\, Jawaharlal Nehru University\n\n\nSpeakers:\nDr Sharmind Neelormi\, Professor\, Dept. of Economics\, University of Jahangirnagar\, Bangladesh\nMr Dil Bahadur Rahut\, Senior Research Fellow\, ADBI\nMr Anushka Wijesinha\, Co-founder\, Centre for Smart Future\, Colombo\nDr Zaw Naing\, Managing Director\, Mandalay Technology\, Myanmar\n\n\n1530-1645:\nWorking Session – III: Country Perspectives on Climate\, Economic\, Gender & Energy Concerns\n\n\nChair:\nDr Uttam Sinha\, MP-IDSA\, Co-Chair of T20 Task Force 6 on ‘Accelerating SDGs’\n\n\nSpeakers:\nDr Ajaya Dikshit\, PRI\, Nepal\, adviser\, Institute for Social and Environmental Transition & Policy Research Institute\nMs Ngu Wah Win\, Research Fellow\, Knowledge Circle Foundation\, Myanmar\nDr Ramani Gunatilaka\, Independent Consultant\, Sri Lanka
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/14th-south-asia-conference-think20g20-towards-a-resilient-south-asia
CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES,Previous South Asia conference,South Asia Conference,CONFERENCES
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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20211216T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20211217T053000
DTSTAMP:20261107T220156
CREATED:20231223T125349Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250403T031422Z
UID:62728-1639632600-1639719000@idsa.in
SUMMARY:13th SOUTH ASIA CONFERENCE - Return of the Taliban in Afghanistan: Implications and Way Forward
DESCRIPTION:Concept Note\n\n\n\n Concept Note Return of the Taliban in Afghanistan: Implications and Way Forward(To be held Online on 16–17 December 2021)Concept Note The Taliban are back in Afghanistan. Amidst deepening humanitarian and economic crises in the country\, the Taliban have announced a caretaker cabinet\, mostly comprised of members blacklisted under the UN sanctions list\, including the prime minister and his cabinet colleagues from the Haqqani Network. The caretaker government barely represents the remarkable social and ethnic diversity that characterises the Afghan polity. Though several countries have directly engaged the Taliban\, they remain circumspect about extending any formal recognition to the Haqqani–Taliban regime in Kabul. The growing friction among various Taliban groups\, particularly between the Taliban and the Haqqani Network\, has also come to the fore. Contrary to the commitments made to the international community by the Doha-based Taliban leadership\, there have been growing instances of summary executions and revenge killings in provinces and vast rural areas\, and enforcement of strict restrictions on women\, youth and media across the country. Though Taliban leaders in their international interactions continue to state that rights of women and ethnic and religious minorities will be protected\, and that there will be a general amnesty for Afghans who have worked with the previous government or the Western coalition\, including members of the erstwhile security establishment\, the situation on the ground suggests otherwise. Whether by design or owing to differences within the rank-and-file\, the Taliban leadership appears to be capitulating under pressure from its notably conservative core cadres. Compared to the 1990s\, the Taliban today have several constituent groups with competing ideas and perceptions about ‘genuine Islamic rule’. With the takeover of Kabul\, the Islamist veneer on the Taliban movement appears to be cracking as factional power-play deepens within the ‘emirate’. Maintaining ambiguity or contradictory messaging on issues of concern caters to managing differing perceptions within the rank-and-file and simultaneously sustaining the façade of a new and changed Taliban\, especially as the Haqqani–Taliban regime seeks international engagement and recognition. The disconnect between sections of the older leadership that sought to convey a relatively moderate image of the ‘emirate’ to the outside world\, and a whole new generation of battle-hardened commanders and overzealous hardliners that predominate the Taliban rank-and-file\, is more than palpable. The leadership also remains strikingly all-Taliban and Haqqanis\, in the absence of non-Taliban or Shia representation in its senior ranks. This is bound to lead to a strong sense of marginalisation and alienation among non-Taliban Pashtuns and various other ethnicities that together form a vast majority of the Afghan population. The UN Security Council and various other forums such as G7\, G20\, SCO and CSTO have thus emphasised the need for the establishment of “an inclusive and representative government” in Afghanistan. While the so-called Taliban 2.0 may have realised the value of public diplomacy and communications strategy\, their ideological and political impulse\, as reflected in their tendency to monopolise and over-centralise power\, appears patently old and familiar. With the Taliban\, who subscribe to the Deobandi-Wahhabi version of Islam taught in Pakistani madrassas\, now at the helm in Kabul\, the theological and ideological divide among various militant Islamist entities\, particularly on matters of jurisprudence\, is likely to gain further traction in the region. Unfortunately\, the decades-old support structures responsible for sustained sectarian violence and cross-border terrorism in Afghanistan and the region remain fully intact. Such threats have also long-disrupted and long-impeded progress on both intra- and inter-regional trade and connectivity. Several reports\, including by the UN\, suggest that international terrorist networks and their regional affiliates of various hue\, including those that are state-sponsored\, who seek to violently impose their obscurantist ideologies on mostly pluralistic societies in the region\, have been regrouping in Afghanistan. Their presence remains a key security concern for countries in the South and Central Asia region\, and beyond. Recent developments in Afghanistan are likely to galvanise them into spectacular action\, provide impetus to drug trafficking and radicalisation among youth\, and thereby sow the seeds of future conflict and socio-political discord in the ‘Heart of Asia’. The UN Security Council Resolutions 2593 (August 2021) and 2596 (September 2021) have emphasised that the territory of Afghanistan should not be used to threaten or attack any country\, to plan or finance terrorist acts\, or to shelter and train terrorists\, and that no Afghan group or individual should support terrorists operating on the territory of any country. The larger international community has for now adopted a policy of ‘wait and watch’ towards the developing situation in Afghanistan. However\, given the growing humanitarian crisis facing the Afghan people and the threat of refugee outflow\, consequent to the collapse of both state machinery and economy\, including the flight of capital and trained manpower from the country\, the regional and international constituency advocating transactional engagement with the Haqqani–Taliban regime is expanding. Against this backdrop\, the MP-IDSA is organising a two-day conference in an online format on 16–17 December 2021\, as part of its Annual South Asia Conference\, inviting a cross-section of experts\, analysts and policymakers to seek answers to the following questions and dwell on the possible way forward on Afghanistan: How is the situation in Afghanistan likely to pan out in the immediate to short-term? Given the growing pulls and pressures\, both within and from outside\, will the Taliban be able to hold itself together and provide a stable and effective national leadership?  How are other Afghan political actors likely to respond to the return of the Taliban in Kabul? How are regional and extra-regional countries looking at the return of the Taliban and its implications for the security landscape in and around the ‘Heart of Asia’?In the absence of national reconciliation\, how effective and sustainable will the economic and political incentives be in transforming the Taliban\, from an armed proxy jihadi network into a moderate\, broad-based and independent governing authority? What does the return of the Taliban bode for Pakistan in the long-run?The Taliban 2.0 (as the new pseudonym goes) is being pushed to an ostensibly more moderate position by the more virulent Islamic State-Khorasan (IS-K) group and its affiliates. In this context\, how is it likely to affect the ideological underpinnings of the Taliban and their unity? What is the way forward\, in terms of available policy options for the region and the wider international community to deal with the developing situation in Afghanistan? Conference Programme 13th MP-IDSA SOUTH ASIA CONFERENCERETURN OF THE TALIBAN IN AFGHANISTAN: IMPLICATIONS AND WAY FORWARDRead More[+]  Inaugural Address Inaugural Address at 13th MP-IDSA SOUTH ASIA CONFERENCE Conference Rapporteurs’ Report CONFERENCE RAPPORTEURS’ REPORT Conference Takeaways CONFERENCE TAKEAWAYS Conference Videos 13th MP-IDSA South Asia Conference: Return of Taliban in Afghanistan | Inaugural & First Session 13th MP-IDSA South Asia Conference: Perspectives on Afghanistan | Second Session 13th MP-IDSA South Asia Conference: Regional Perspectives | Third Session 13th MP-IDSA South Asia Conference: Way Forward in Afghanistan | Fourth Session \n\nContact us\nMr Vishal Chandra\nCo-ordinator\, 13th South Asia Conference\nResearch Fellow\, South Asia Centre\nManohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\nNew Delhi-110010\nTel (O): +91 11-26717983\nEmail:  sac2021.mpidsa@gmail.com \n 
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/13th-south-asia-conference-return-of-the-taliban-in-afghanistan-implications-and-way-forward
CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES,Previous South Asia conference,South Asia Conference,CONFERENCES
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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20200128T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20200129T053000
DTSTAMP:20261107T220156
CREATED:20231223T125416Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250312T005111Z
UID:62733-1580189400-1580275800@idsa.in
SUMMARY:12th South Asia Conference - India’s "Neighbourhood First" Policy: Regional Perceptions
DESCRIPTION:Concept Note\n\n\n\nConcept Note\n\nIDSA has been organising the annual South Asia Conference since 2007. Over  a decade\, this flagship conference has dealt with a number of important issues\, such as\, economic cooperation for development\, changing political context in India’s neighbourhood\, common challenges of terrorism in South Asia and prospects of regional cooperation\, cooperative security framework for South Asia\, prospects for stability and growth in South Asia\, exploring regional perceptions\, role of media in promoting regional understanding in South Asia\, culture as a factor in regional cooperation\, strengthening connectivity in South Asia\, and non-traditional security challenges in South Asia. The varied themes reflect the different concerns of member countries of South Asia\, which have enabled these countries to pursue respective national interests within the framework of regional cooperation. \nIDSA’s South Asia Conference provides an important platform for academics\, policymakers\, intellectuals\, semi-government and government officials from participating countries to discuss issues of mutual concern and explore avenues of cooperation. All SAARC (South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation) countries and Myanmar participate in the IDSA conference at the Track II level and discuss issues in a free and frank manner. Outside of SAARC\, Myanmar has been a regular invitee as an important member of India’s extended neighbourhood and engagement with it has been very productive.   \nOne of the most significant foreign policy initiatives of Prime Minister Narendra Modi has been the importance that has been given to improving India’s relations with its immediate neighbours. This has been conceptualised by the Modi Government as “Neighbourhood First” policy (NFP). It is quite evident in the intensity of engagement that India has had with its neighbours\, not only during Prime Minister Modi’s first term in power\, but also after his re-election. That the Prime Minister chose to invite leaders of the SAARC countries in May 2014 and again leaders of the BIMSTEC (Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation) countries in May 2019 to his swearing-in ceremonies\, indicates his commitment to accord special status to the neighbours in his foreign policy paradigm.  Prime Minister Modi has spoken of inclusive growth and development (sabka saath\, sab ka vikas) not only for India but for the region as well. \nThe Modi Government’s “Act East Policy” may be considered a logical extension of the NFP. Both accord priority to India’s immediate geopolitical environment. Myanmar is important in this regard as it becomes the intersecting point where both the components meet. Maldives and Sri Lanka were the first two countries that Prime Minister Modi visited after being re-elected\, which further demonstrated his government’s resolve to strengthen relations with India’s neighbours. Other important policy initiatives like SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the Region) and Project Mausam may be regarded as reinforcing this policy of cooperation with the extended neighbourhood in the maritime sphere.   \nBroadly speaking\, the “Neighbourhood First” policy includes expanding and deepening India’s contacts with the neighbouring countries and strengthening cooperation with them\, primarily driven by their development and security needs. Three significant aspects of India’s approach are that it is consultative; it is not based on reciprocity from the neighbours; and it attaches great importance to getting time-bound results. One of the most important areas of focus in the NFP is to bring about greater connectivity? physical\, digital\, people-to-people\, cultural etc.?  among the neighbours. A number of initiatives have been taken in this respect\, e.g.\, building energy\, road\, and rail connectivity\, port and waterways transport\, and infrastructure development. High level and frequent visits to all the neighbouring countries\, in some cases after a huge gap\, provided a new momentum to bilateral ties. In this process\, India has successfully resolved some of the protracted issues with its neighbours.  \nIndia has expanded the scope and quantum of development cooperation and has tried to improve the pace at which projects are implemented. It has also strengthened wide-ranging ties with neighbours in fields such as agriculture\, education\, culture\, health\, human resource development\, drinking water and sanitation\, disaster relief and rehabilitation\, capacity building\, trade and investments as well as defence and security. Besides\, India has tried to ensure the safety and security of maritime traffic in the region by helping to strengthen skills and logistics of neighbours like Sri Lanka and Maldives.   \nThe people of South Asia have a shared history\, culture and aspirations which should help to deepen understanding within the region so that they can move towards achieving the common goal of enhancing economic growth. While there has been progress in India’s relations with its neighbours\, it is constrained by the challenge of cross-border terrorism that impacts India’s vision of a peaceful and prosperous neighbourhood. While Prime Minister Modi visited Lahore in December 2014 in the hope of improving ties with Pakistan that would benefit the entire region\, there was no reciprocation from Islamabad stalling forward movement on the SAARC regional motor vehicles agreement that would have boosted intra-regional connectivity and economic cooperation. Seeing this SAARC initiative fail due to intransigence by one of the partner countries\, there has been a perceptible shift in India towards emphasis on the BIMSTEC as a vehicle to help promote India’s foreign policy priorities of “Neighbourhood First” and “Act East”. Yet\, India continues to strengthen its relations with SAARC member countries and has shown its commitment to SAARC with initiatives such as the South Asia Satellite\, South Asian University\, SAARC Disaster Management Centre\, and the extension of India’s National Knowledge Network.  \nThe sentiment of according primacy to the neighbours has been there in India’s foreign policy thinking right from the start and attempts were made by various leaders to cement ties with the countries in the region through unilateral concessions from time to time. However\, it is in the last few years that vigorous implementation of a comprehensive strategy in this regard has become apparent. During 2014-2018\, India completed 7 projects in Afghanistan under the US$2 billion committed for reconstruction. Notable among them is the new Parliament building\, the Afghan-India Friendship Dam\, and the restoration of the Stor Palace. India announced an additional US$ 1 billion assistance under the ‘New Development Partnership’ in 2017.  \nThe ratification of the Land Boundary Agreement with Bangladesh by India\, an issue which was unresolved since 1974\, was an important step in improving relations between the two countries. India completed 29 projects in Bangladesh between 2014-2018. It has extended the third Line of Credit to Bangladesh of US$4.5 billion with the total amounting to US$8 billion. Cooperation in transit and connectivity with Bangladesh and the BBIN (Bangladesh-Bhutan-India-Nepal) grouping testify to India’s endeavours to concretise its neighbourhood policy. India has responded promptly in times of disasters.  \nDuring 2014-2018\, India completed 62 projects in Bhutan. The Mangdechhu hydropower plant has recently been inaugurated and there is progress on other power projects with Bhutan. India has also announced a grant assistance of INR 4500 Crore towards Bhutan’s 12th Five Year Plan\, and a transitional Trade Support Facility of INR 400 Crore between 2018-2023. Bhutan and India also observed 50 years of diplomatic relations in 2018.  \nIndia completed 3 projects in Maldives between 2014-2018.  A US$ 800 million Line of Credit Agreement has been signed in March 2019\, for assisting Maldives to achieve sustainable social and economic development. An MoU on Indian Grant Assistance of US$5.5 million for the implementation of High Impact Community Development Projects has also been signed. The Government of India (GoI) also agreed to a cash grant of US $6.9 million for implementation of socio-economic projects. It helped to alleviate the water crisis in Maldives in 2014\, under Operation Neer. The 50th anniversary of India’s establishment of diplomatic relations with Maldives was celebrated in 2015 and Maldives today is pursuing a policy of ‘India First’. \nIn an attempt to assuage any prevalent feelings of neglect\, during his first tenure\, Prime Minister Modi visited Nepal. It was after a gap of 17 years that an Indian Prime Minister visited the country. 7 projects have been completed in Nepal during 2014-2018. The trauma centre in Kathmandu\, the Raxaul-Amlekhgunj petroleum pipeline and construction of Integrated Check Posts on the India-Nepal border highlight Indian development initiatives. Under four Lines of Credit with a total value of over US$ 1.65 billion extended by GoI\, infrastructure projects\, including those to do with post-earthquake reconstruction are being implemented. Under Operation Maitri India provided disaster relief and undertook rehabilitation efforts in Nepal after the earthquake in April 2015.  \nThe Kaladan Multimodal Transport Project and the trilateral highway between India\, Myanmar and Thailand are important connectivity initiatives with Myanmar. The Indian Government also responded promptly to Myanmar’s request for assistance following cyclone-Komen in 2015. \nIn order to give a fresh impetus to India’s approach towards its immediate neighbours\, Prime Minister Modi visited Sri Lanka during his first tenure. This assumes significance as it was after a gap of 28 years that an Indian Prime Minister visited the country. India completed 13 projects in Sri Lanka between 2014-2018. The housing project for resettlement of Internally Displaced Persons in Sri Lanka is a major development project undertaken by India. Sri Lanka is a recipient of development credit given by the GoI\, with total commitment of around US$ 2.63 billion. India gave prompt assistance following devastating floods in May 2014 and in June 2017. \nThis year’s South Asia conference puts the spotlight on India’s “Neighbourhood First” policy being pursued by the government since 2014\, not with the purpose of projecting India’s achievements\, but with the purpose of ascertaining how the policy is impacting India’s neighbourhood. In this respect\, any assessment would be incomplete unless we understand the perceptions and reactions of India’s neighbours themselves to such a proactive policy from the Indian side. The conference is therefore intended to have a very candid and in-depth dialogue aimed at analysing India’s “Neighbourhood Policy” taking fully into account the perspectives of the neighbouring countries.  \nThe key questions that need to be answered in this regard are: \n\nHow  is India’s NFP being perceived in the neighbourhood?\nHow  efficiently and effectively is the policy being implemented?\nTo  what extent are India’s policies benefitting the neighbouring countries?\nAre  there any additional areas of cooperation which the neighbouring countries  would like to be emphasised in India’s NFP?\nWhat  suggestions neighbouring countries may offer to make this policy more effective?\n\n\n\n\n\nConference Programme\n\nProgramme Schedule [PDF] \n\n\n\n\nDAY 1: Tuesday\, 28 January 2020\n\n\n\n09.15 AM-9.45 AM\nREGISTRATION\n\n\n09.45  AM-10.15 AM\nINAUGURAL  SESSION\n\n\nWelcome Address:\nAmbassador Sujan R. Chinoy\, Director General\, IDSA\n\n\nInaugural Address:\nShri Rajnath Singh\, Hon’ble Raksha Mantri\, Government of  India & President\, IDSA\n\n\nVote  of Thanks:\nVice Admiral Shekhar  Sinha (Retd.)\, Member\, Executive Council\, IDSA \n\n\n10.15 AM-10.45 AM   \nTea/Coffee Break \n\n\n10.45 AM-01.00  PM\nSESSION I: CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK OF  INDIA’S “NEIGHBOURHOOD FIRST” POLICY\n\n\nChairperson:  \nAmbassador Sujan R. Chinoy  (Director General\, IDSA)     \n\n\nSpeakers:\n\n\nAmbassador Kanwal Sibal (Former Foreign Secretary\, Government  of India): Conceptual Framework of India’s “Neighbourhood First” Policy \nAmbassador Abdul Ghafoor Mohamed (Foreign Secretary\,  Government of the Maldives): Maldivian Perspective on India’s “Neighbourhood  First” Policy\nMajor General Vetsop Namgyel (Ambassador of Bhutan to India): Bhutan’s  Perception on India’s “Neighbourhood First” Policy\nAmbassador Munshi Faiz Ahmad (Former Chairman\, Bangladesh  Institute of International and Strategic Studies\, Dhaka): India’s “Neighbourhood First”  Policy: Perspective from Bangladesh\nDr.  Shaida Mohammad Abdali (Former Afghan Ambassador to India): Afghanistan’s  Perspective on India’s “Neighbourhood First” Policy\n\n\n\n\n02.00 PM-04.00  PM\nSESSION  II: ECONOMIC AND DEVELOPMENT COOPERATION \n\n\nChairperson:\nDr. Sanjaya Baru (Former Media  Advisor to Prime Minister\, Currently\, Distinguished Fellow\, IDSA)\n\n\nSpeakers:\n\n\nProfessor Sachin Chaturvedi (Director General\, Research and  Information System for Developing Countries\, New Delhi): India’s Development  Cooperation with its Neighbouring Countries  \nProfessor Bishwambher Pyakuryal (Chairman\, Institute  for                                            Strategic and Socio-Economic Research\, Kathmandu): Emerging Trends in India-Nepal  Development Cooperation \nAmbassador Sudhir Vyas (Former  Secretary\, Government of India\, Former Ambassador to Bhutan): “Neighbourhood  First”: Economic and Development Cooperation with Bhutan \nDr. Ganeshan Wignaraja (Executive Director\, Lakshman  Kadirgamar Institute of International Relations and Strategic Studies\, Colombo): India’s  “Neighbourhood First” Policy and Sri Lanka: Towards ‘Win-Win’ in a Region of  Great Power Competition \nMr.  Nazir Kabiri (Executive Director\, Biruni Institute\, Kabul): India’s Model of Development  Cooperation based on the Principles of South-South Cooperation and  Afghanistan’s Perception as a Recipient/Partner Country\n\n\n\n\n04.00 PM-04.15 PM\nTea/Coffee Break \n\n\n04.15 PM-06.00  PM\nSESSION  III: CONNECTIVITY INITIATIVES AND INFRASTRUCTURE DEVELOPMENT\n\n\nChairperson:\nAmbassador Leela K. Ponappa (Former Deputy National  Security Advisor\, Government of India)\n\n\nSpeakers:\n\n\nProfessor Prabir De (Coordinator\, ASEAN-India Centre\, Research  and Information System for Developing Countries\, New Delhi): What  Role Should Connectivity Play in Reenergising South Asia?\nProfessor Delwar Hossain (Department of International  Relations\, University of Dhaka): Bangladesh-India Relations and the Politics  of Connectivity: A New Bilateralism?\nMr. U. Khin Maung Lynn (Joint Secretary-1\, Myanmar Institute  of Strategic and International Studies\, Yangon): Myanmar’s Perspective on  India’s “Neighbourhood First” Policy\nAmbassador Pinak Ranjan Chakravarty (Former High  Commissioner to Bangladesh & Visiting Fellow\, Observer Research Foundation\,  New Delhi): Connectivity Initiatives between India and Bangladesh\nDr.  Nihar Ranjan Nayak (Research Fellow\, IDSA): Re-linking  the Landlocked Countries: India’s Connectivity Initiatives and Options before  Nepal and Bhutan\n\n\n\n\n\nDAY 2: Wednesday\, 29  January 2020\n\n\n\n10.00  AM-10.40 AM\nKEYNOTE ADDRESS\n\n\nChairperson:\nAmbassador  Sujan R. Chinoy\, Director General\, IDSA\n\n\nKeynote  Address:\nShri  V. Muraleedharan\, Hon’ble Minister of State for External Affairs\, Government of  India\n\n\nVote of Thanks:\nProfessor S.D. Muni\, Member\, Executive Council\,  IDSA\n\n\n10.40 AM- 11.00 AM\nTea/Coffee Break\n\n\n11.00  AM- 01.00 PM \nSESSION IV: ENERGY  COOPERATION\n\n\nChairperson:\nProfessor  Nitya Nanda (Director\, Council for Social Development\, New Delhi)\n\n\nSpeakers:\n\n\nMr. Dinesh Kumar Ghimire (Secretary (Energy)\, Ministry of  Energy\,  Water Resources and Irrigation\, Government of Nepal): Nepal-India Energy Cooperation\nDasho Sonam Tshering (Former Secretary\, Ministry of Economic Affairs\, Bhutan): Bhutan-India  Cooperation in the Hydropower Sector\nMs. Shebonti Ray Dadwal (Consultant\, IDSA): Energy Cooperation between India and  Bangladesh\nShri Ajit Pai (OSD to Vice Chairman NITI Aayog\, New Delhi): Strategic Synergies in Financing Cross-Border Energy Projects\nDr.  Bhupendra Kumar Singh (Director and Head\, Energy Security\, Confederation of  Indian Industry\, New Delhi): Enhancing Cross-Border Power Trade in South  Asia: Key Impediments and Policy Interventions\n\n\n\n\n01.00 PM-02.00 PM\nLunch\n\n\n02.00  PM-04.00 PM\nSESSION V: DEFENCE AND  SECURITY COOPERATION\n\n\nChairperson:\nMr.  Maroof Raza (Consultant & Strategic Affairs Expert\, Times Now\, Mumbai)\n\n\nSpeakers:\n\n\nAdmiral  Ravindra C. Wijegunaratne (Retd.) (Former  Chief of Defence Staff of Sri Lankan Armed Forces): India-Sri Lanka Defence and  Security Nexus: Challenges and Opportunities\nBrigadier  General Ibrahim Mohamed Didi (Retd.) (Former Member of Parliament\, the  Maldives): Durable India-Maldives Defense  and Security Relations Fortify Indian Ocean Security Environment\nDr. Naing Swe  Oo (Executive Director\, Thayninga Institute for Strategic Studies\, Yangon): Myanmar  as India’s Important Neighbour: The Security Perspectives\nShri Rajiv Jain (Former  Director\, Intelligence Bureau\, Government of India): India’s Policy with Regard to Cooperation in Counterterrorism in South  Asia  \nShri Jayant Misra  (Former Director General\, Directorate of Revenue Intelligence\, Government of  India & Consultant\, UNODC): India’s  Cooperation with South Asian Countries in Curbing Drug Trafficking\n     \n\n\n\n\n04.00 PM-04.15 PM	\nTea\n\n\n04.15  PM-05.30 PM\nSESSION VI: PANEL  DISCUSSION-THE WAY FORWARD\n\n\nChairperson:\nProfessor  S.D. Muni (Professor Emeritus\, Jawaharlal Nehru University\, New Delhi &  Member\, Executive Council\, IDSA) \n\n\nSpeakers:\n\n\nDr. Ashok Behuria (Senior Fellow\, IDSA) \nDr. Shaida Mohammad Abdali\nAmbassador Munshi Faiz Ahmad\nDasho Sonam Tshering\nBrigadier General Ibrahim Mohamed Didi (Retd.)\nMr. U. Khin Maung Lynn\nProfessor Bishwambher Pyakuryal\nAdmiral  Ravindra C. Wijegunaratne (Retd.)\n\n\n\n\n05.30 PM-05.35 PM\nVote of Thanks\n    Ms. Sumita Kumar (Senior Research Associate\,  IDSA & Conference Coordinator)\n\n\n\n\n\n\nRegistration\n\n\nRegistration is open only for Indian Nationals till 24 January 2020. The fees would be Rs 2000/- which will cover the costs of two lunches\, conference papers etc. Please send cheque in name of  “IDSA\, New Delhi “to the following address along with your details as Name\, Address\, Educational qualification\, Institutional affiliation etc. \n1. Assistant Director (Admin)\nThe Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\n1\, Development Enclave\, (near USI)\nRao Tula Ram Marg\nNew Delhi 110 010 \nAccount Holder: Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA)\nA/C No: 10596550223\nName of Bank: State Bank of India (SBI)\nBranch Address: JNU\, Old Campus\, New Delhi – 110067\, INDIA\nSwift code: SBININBB548 \nAccount Holder: Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA)\nA/C No: 535602010004746\nName of Bank: Union Bank of India (UBI)\nBranch Address: Vasant Vihar Branch\, New Delhi – 110057\, INDIA\nSwift code: UBIN0534463\n\n\n\n\nProfiles of Participants & Abstracts\n\nProfiles of Participants & Abstracts \n\n\n\n\nSpeeches\n\n\n\nWelcome Address: Ambassador Sujan R. Chinoy\, Director General\, IDSA\nInaugural Address: Shri Rajnath Singh\, Hon’ble Raksha Mantri\, Government of  India & President\, IDSA\nOpening Remarks: Ambassador  Sujan R. Chinoy\, Director General\, IDSA\nKeynote  Address: Shri  V. Muraleedharan\, Hon’ble Minister of State for External Affairs\, Government of  India\n\n\n\n\n\nPrevious Conferences\n\nPrevious Conferences\n\n\n\n\nContact us\nSumita Kumar\nCo-ordinator\, 12th South Asia Conference\nSenior Research Associate\, South Asia Centre\nInstitute for Defence Studies and Analyses\nNew Delhi-110010\n(Office) +91 11-26717983 (Extn. 7001)\nEmail Id:  cc.idsa@nic.in
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/12th-south-asia-conference-indias-neighbourhood-first-policy-regional-perceptions
CATEGORIES:Previous South Asia conference,South Asia Conference,CONFERENCES
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BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20181218T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20181219T053000
DTSTAMP:20261107T220156
CREATED:20231223T125418Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250120T223938Z
UID:62736-1545111000-1545197400@idsa.in
SUMMARY:11th South Asia Conference - Non-traditional  Security Challenges in South Asia: Agenda for Cooperation
DESCRIPTION:Concept Note\n\n\n\nConcept Note\n\n\nNon-traditional  Security Challenges in South Asia: Agenda for Cooperation\n\nIt is  a truism to say that cooperation on hard security issues among countries in South  Asia is a non-starter\, given the lack of mutual trust and confidence in the  region. The official efforts at enabling economic cooperation for last 33  years\, through a regional organisation– South Asian Association for Regional  Cooperation (SAARC)– have remained hostage to inter-state rivalries inhibiting  generation of the much-needed consensus to move forward. This has often led  strategic analysts to pessimistic conclusions about the prospects of regional  cooperation even in other areas of mutual interest. However\, in recent years\,  there has been an uptick in the efforts at the civil society level to identify  non-traditional security (NTS) areas where the countries have minimal level of  difference and a shared interest in cooperation. Generating popular consensus at  track II level for effective regional cooperation in these areas requires  regular exchanges of views and concerns about the costs of non-cooperation.  There is a need for evolution of actionable plans and programmes to turn this  idea into reality. \n  The concept  of security has witnessed significant modification in recent decades following  the end of the Cold War. Its scope has been widened to cover issues like food\,  energy\, information (cyber)\, demography\, ecology (climate change)\, natural disasters\,  human and drug-trafficking\, migration\, economy\, proliferation of weapons of  mass destruction\, transnational terrorism and even pandemics. Most of these  issues are not regarded as hard security issues and hence they are less emotive  in nature. Nevertheless\, the security import of these issues should not be  underplayed. The world has lost more men and resources to crises around  no-traditional security issues than to wars during the last century. By some  estimates\, South Asian states have lost nearly half a million lives and  resources worth $59 billion during last two and half decades to natural  disasters and ecological hazards alone. Given the trans-boundary nature of  these challenges\, they cannot be effectively handled by any state alone. This  is where the argument in favour of regional cooperation to deal with these  issues kicks in. \n  The South  Asian region flaunts diverse geographical features with the Himalayas in the  north to the Indian Ocean in the south and substantial part of the plain land  watered by rivers flowing from the northern mountain ranges. This geo-physical feature  has made India vulnerable to frequent floods\, cyclones\, earthquakes\, and droughts.  Their frequency and severity have increased under the impact of climate changes  due to anthropogenic pressure on natural resources. All this have had severe impact  on the availability of food and water. The geographical expanse from the Hindu  Kush region of Afghanistan till the island countries of Sri Lanka and Maldives  in the Indian Ocean are impacted by the trans-border dimension of the problems  that accompany these issues. Frequent natural calamities have resulted in  displacement of population internally and also across state frontiers. The  massive earthquake in Nepal\, frequent flooding in the region\, rise of sea level  that threatens low-lying countries of the region are some of the examples here.  As per official claims\, about 30 million Bangladeshis would risk becoming climate  migrants by 2050. Man-made security challenges like  communicable diseases\, religious extremism\, refugees\, internal migration\,  energy scarcity and cyber-attacks are equally challenging.  \n  The  effect of these threats is amplified by the under-preparedness of the states to  evolve cooperative mechanisms to deal with the situation. It is further  aggravated by the fact that out of eight South Asian countries\, four are LDCs.  The region is home to 40 percent of the  world’s poor and some 51 percent of the population is categorized as food and  energy deficient.  A recent World  Bank report indicates that almost half of  South Asia’s population lives in vulnerable areas. Due to falling agricultural  yields\, lower labour productivity or related health impacts\, the people of this  region would suffer from declining living standards and this will constrain the  capacity of the state to cope with such stress.  \n  The  region is also confronted with the challenge of securing continued supply of energy  to sustain sound economic growth. All most all countries of the region are dependent  on external sources to meet their energy demands. \n  In the  last 15 years\, South  Asia has experienced the most number of terrorist related incidents that have threatened the stability of several states. The US  Department of State Country Reports on Terrorism 2015 & 2016 say that South  Asian countries are on frontline of terror attacks\, after Iraq. Four out of the  top ten countries experiencing the most number of terrorist attacks are in  Southern Asia— Iraq\, Afghanistan\, Pakistan\, India\, Nigeria\, Egypt\, Philippines\,  Bangladesh\, Libya\, and Syria. Around 3967 attacks took place in these four  countries in 2015.  \n  Similarly  issues like cyber security\, water scarcity\, pandemics and Humanitarian  Assistance and Disaster Relief (HADR) have been acknowledged as pan-South Asian  problems that demand concerted and cooperative multilateral action\, which is not  as intense as it should be given the lack of awareness about the issues on the  one hand and the absence of the habit of inter-state cooperation in these areas  on the other. \n  There  is a belief gaining ground in the region that it is easier for states to work  together to address these challenges in a cooperative manner\, and this is  likely to generate the necessary impulse for collective action in future in  areas hitherto considered sensitive and critical in the region.  \nObjectives\n  Against  this backdrop the proposed conference would deliberate on the challenges posed  by NTS; the means and ways in which they can be handled; explore whether the states  in the region are prepared to meet these challenges collectively; the experience  of the existing regional cooperation mechanisms in dealing with some of these  issues so far; and the way forward. \n  This  conference is an annual calendar event organised every year by the South Asia Centre\,  where the main objective is to identify and deliberate on various challenges  the region is confronted with and to identify mechanisms to meet such challenges.  As outlines above\, in this year’s conference\, we have identified NTS challenges  and prospects of regional cooperation as an important area of enquiry.  \nThe conference would discuss the following research questions \n\n\nWhat  are the main NTS challenges in the region? \nWhat  kind of mechanisms are available– at bilateral\, sub-regional and regional  levels– to mitigate these challenges? \nIs  it easier to generate regional consensus around the need for collective action to  address common NTS challenges\, and has there been any effort to bring the  states together on these issues?\nWhat  are the potential inhibitors of cooperative action? \nDoes  the region require collective security efforts to mitigate these common  challenges? \nIs  there any prescription for future (the way ahead)?\n\n\n\n\n\nProgramme Schedule\n\n\n\n\n\nProgramme\n\n\n\n\nDecember 18\, 2018 (DAY ONE)\n\n\n\n0930h–1000h: \nRegistration\n\n\n1000h–1030h: \nInaugural Session\n\n\n \n‘Welcome Address’\, – Maj Gen Alok Deb\, SM\, VSM\, (Retd)\, Deputy Director General\, IDSA\n\n\n \n‘Contextualising the Conference’\, – Dr Ashok K Behuria\, Coordinator\, South Asia Center\, IDSA \n\n\n1030h–1045h: Tea Break \n\n\n1045h–1300h: \nSession I: Contemporary Debate on NTS in South Asia\n\n\n \nChair:  Amb. Swashpawan Singh\, Member\, Executive Council\, IDSA (20 minutes per speaker) \n\n\n \n\n\nPaper 1 –  Rebalancing State vs Human Security in the 21st Century– Dr Uttam Kumar Sinha\, Senior Fellow\, NMML\, India.\nPaper 2 – Technology\, State and Human security and Non-Traditional Security Challenges– Dr K R Srinivas\, Consultant\, RIS\, India.\nPaper 3 – The Spread of Terrorism in South and South East Asia Region – Dr. Naing Swe Oo\, Founder and Executive Director\, ThayNinGa Institute for Strategic Studies\, Myanmar.\nPaper 4 – Regional Approach to NTS: Sri Lankan Perspective– Asanga Abeyagoonasekera\, Director General\, INSSSL\, Sri Lanka.\n\n\n\n\n1300h–1400h: Lunch\n\n\n1400h–1545h: \nSession II: Climate Change Resilience and Disaster Risk Reduction  \n\n\n \nChair: 	Mr. Kamal Kishore\, Member\, National Disaster Management Authority\, India.  (20 minutes per speaker) \n\n\n \n\n\nPaper 1- Impact of Climate Change on Permafrost with  Special Reference to Ladakh- Dr Joseph Thsetan Gergan\, Retired Glaciologist\,  Wadia Institute of Himalayan Geology\, India.\nPaper2- Sharing Bengal Bay Blue Economy Benefits- Christopher M Tilakasiri Dharmakirti\, Advisor on climate change  initiatives\, Government of Sri Lanka.\nPaper  3- Climate Change and Mobile Vulnerabilities: Interstate Migrant Waste Pickers  from West Bengal in Bengaluru- Dr Kavya  Michael\, Associate Fellow\, TERI\, India.\nPaper  4-– Environment and Changing Livelihood Pattern in the Himalayas– Ms. Purna Maya Gurung\, Research Officer- Climate & Water\, Bhutan.\n\n\n\n\n1545h–1600h: Tea Break\n\n\n1600h–1745h:  \nSession III: Water Governance in South Asia: Mechanisms\, Rules and Conventions\n\n\n \nChair: 	Dr D V Thareja\, Former Indus Commissioner (20 minutes per speaker)\n\n\n \n\n\nPaper 1- Rethinking Water Challenges in the context of 1.5 Degrees by 2030 – Dr Ajaya Dixit\, Executive Director\, ISET\, Nepal.\nPaper 2- Trans-Boundary Navigation: Stimulus and Engine of Sustainable and Inclusive Growth in South Asia- Sanjay Gupta\, Strategy and Policy Advisor\, India.\nPaper 3-“Stop Water Campaign”: Decoding the Compensation Enigma under the Gandak Agreement\, 1964 – Sidiqui Shawahiq\, Advocate\, Supreme Court of India/ Founding Partner\, Indian Environment Law Organization\, India. \nPaper 4- Hydro Politics: Challenges for Trans-boundary Cooperation in the Indus Basin – Dr Rashid Aftab\, Director Riphah Institute of Public Policy\, Pakistan. (Skype)\n\n\n\n\nDecember 19\, 2018 (DAY TWO)\n\n\n0930h–1100h:\n  Session IV:  Religious Extremism/ Terrorism and Cross Border Cooperation \n\n\n \nChair: 	Rana Banerji\, Special Secretary (Retd)\, Cabinet Secretariat\, GOI\, India    (20 minutes per speaker)\n\n\n \n\n\nPaper 1- Combating Terrorism and Insurgency in South Asia:  Revisiting Militarized Policing Theory- ASM Ali Ashraf\, Associate Professor\, Department of IR\, University of Dhaka\, Bangladesh.\nPaper 2- Small Arms Proliferation and Political Violence in South Asia: The Imperatives of Regional Cooperation- Dr Smruti Pattanaik\, Research Fellow\, IDSA\, India.\nPaper 3- Identity\, Statelessness and Violence- Khin Zaw Win\, Director\, Tampadipa Institute\, Myanmar.\nPaper 4- Religious Radicalism: The case of Taliban – Dr Omar Sadr\, Senior Researcher\, Afghan Institute for Strategic Studies\, Afghanistan.\nPaper 5— Cyberspace and South Asia: Key Security Challenges- Munish Sharma\, Consultant\, IDSA\, India. \n\n\n\n\n1115h–1300h: \nSession V: Energy Security and Cross border Energy Cooperation \n\n\n \nChair: 	Dr Rajat Kathuria\, Director and Chief Executive\, ICRIER\, India.(20 minutes per speaker)\n\n\n \n\n\nPaper 1- Prospects of Renewable Energy Cooperation in South Asia – Dr Shaheen Afroze\, Research Director\, BIISS\, Bangladesh.\nPaper 2- Energy Integration in South Asia: Challenges and Prospects –Shebonti Ray Dadwal\, Senior fellow\, IDSA\, India.\nPaper 3- Connectivity and Economic Cooperation in South Asia – Pratim Ranjan Bose\, Chief of Bureau\, The Hindu Business Line\, Kolkata\, India.   \nPaper 4- Energy Security Issues and Transforming to Cleaner Energy in Nepal- Prof. Amrit Man Nakarmi\, Center for Energy Studies/IOE-Tribhuvan University\, Nepal. \n\n\n\n\n1300h–1400h: Lunch\n\n\n1400h–1615h:\n Session VI: Regional Cooperation Mechanisms and NTS Issues\n\n\n \nChair: Prof S D Muni\, Professor Emeritus\, JNU\, India (20 minutes per speaker)\n\n\n \n\n\nPaper 1- Limitations of Intelligence Cooperation in Security Concerns of the Region- Rana Banerji\, Special Secretary (Retd)\, Cabinet Secretariat\, GOI\, India. \nPaper 2- Radicalism and Terrorism: Explained through the Fragility Lens- Dr Moeed Yusuf (Pakistan)\, Associate Vice President\, Asia Center at the United States Institute of Peace\, US.\nPaper 3- Disaster Management Experience of Nepal- Maj Gen Purna B Silwal (Retd)\, Retired Major General\, Nepalese Army\, Nepal.\nPaper 4- Beyond SAARC: Reenergizing Sub-Regional Cooperation in South Asia-Dr Bharti Chhibber\, Assistant Professor\, University of Delhi\, India.\n\n\n\n\n1615h–1800h:\n Session VII: Way Forward: Actionable Plans and Implementation\n\n\n \nChair:  Maj Gen Alok Deb\, SM\, VSM\, (Retd)\, Deputy Director General\, IDSA\, New Delhi\n-Panel Discussion (senior participants of the region)\n\n\n \nVote of Thanks by Conference Coordinator\, Dr Nihar Nayak \n\n\n\n\n\n\nPrevious Conferences\n\nPrevious Conferences\n\n\n\n\nContact us\nNihar R Nayak\nCo-ordinator\, 11th South Asia Conference\nResearch Fellow\, South Asia Centre\nInstitute for Defence Studies and Analyses\nNew Delhi-110010\n(Office) +91 11-26717983 Extn 7202\nMobile- 9971418969.\nEmail: southasiaconference.idsa[at]gmail.comzakhter.idsa[AT]gov.in
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/11th-south-asia-conference-non-traditional-security-challenges-in-south-asia-agenda-for-cooperation
CATEGORIES:Previous South Asia conference,South Asia Conference,CONFERENCES
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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20170328T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20170329T053000
DTSTAMP:20261107T220156
CREATED:20231223T125426Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250328T012016Z
UID:62748-1490679000-1490765400@idsa.in
SUMMARY:10th South Asia Conference - Strengthening Connectivity in South Asia
DESCRIPTION:Concept Note\n\n\nSouth Asia has emerged among the fastest-growing regions in the world and is expected to play a dynamic role in shaping the ‘Asian Century’. Known for its human and natural resources\, it has the world’s largest young working population and a significant number of middle-class consumers. According to the most recent World Bank South Asia Economic Focus\, South Asia’s economic growth is forecasted to gradually accelerate from 7.1 per cent in 2016 to 7.3 per cent in 2017. It is likely to reach 7.4 per cent in 2018 and 7.5 per cent in 2019. It is estimated that South Asia needs to generate employment for more than 12 million people of working age every year. Home to one-fifth of humanity\, it also has 40 per cent of the world’s poor or close to about 400 million people still living in poverty. South Asian countries face significant challenges in providing their people public education\, health care\, livelihood\, and social security. Almost all the South Asian countries are also prone to frequent natural disasters. While they are busy pursuing their respective development plans\, it is clear that no country alone can deal with socio-economic challenges that require collective efforts at a regional level. \nFor taking forward this idea\, the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) was established three decades ago. As a regional organisation\, it has attempted integration amongst its states parties\, first through preferential\, and then\, free trade arrangements. Since there were limitations to this approach\, SAARC later focused on lack of ‘connectivity’ as a major factor affecting regional economic cooperation and integration. The 16th SAARC Summit held at Thimphu\, Bhutan in 2010 had declared 2010-2020 as the ‘Decade of Intra-Regional Connectivity’. \nConnectivity has multiple facets—physical\, socio-cultural\, political and economic. SAARC laid special emphasis on physical connectivity—building transport infrastructure and transit facilities to enable trans-South Asian road connectivity. The 17th SAARC Summit held at Addu City\, Maldives in 2011 had re-iterated the importance of promoting ‘effective linkages and connectivity for greater movement of people\, enhanced investment and trade in the region’. SAARC leaders have also underlined their commitment towards establishing a South Asian Economic Union (SAEU) by 2020. \nBeyond the mid-point of the ‘decade of connectivity’\, South Asia continues to suffer from connectivity and infrastructure deficits. During the 18th SAARC Summit held at Kathmandu\, Nepal in 2014\, the member states had ‘renewed their commitment to substantially enhance regional connectivity in a seamless manner through building and upgrading roads\, railways\, waterways infrastructure\, energy grids\, communications and airlinks to ensure smooth cross-border flow of goods\, services\, capital\, technology and people.’ The forward-looking agenda in fact went beyond intra-regional connectivity and recognised the need for enabling inter-regional connectivity ‘linking South Asia with contiguous regions\, including Central Asia\, and beyond by all modes of connectivity.’ \nIn the absence of consensus on enabling the trans-South Asian road connectivity project\, attempts have been made to facilitate sub-regional connectivity through Bangladesh\, Bhutan\, India and Nepal (BBIN) Motor Vehicle Agreement signed in June 2015 for the regulation of passenger\, personal and cargo vehicular traffic amongst the four signatory countries. There are also efforts to bring about bilateral multi-modal connectivity projects like the one between India and Bangladesh. There is a sub-regional consensus on the need to work together on issues pertaining to water\, power\, transport and infrastructure. \nThe six member countries of the South Asia Subregional Economic Cooperation (SASEC) programme\, launched in 2001 and supported by the Asian Development Bank (ADB)\, have implemented several regional projects in the field of energy\, transport\, trade facilitation\, and information and communications technology (ICT) sectors. Comprising of Bangladesh\, Bhutan\, India\, Maldives\, Nepal and Sri Lanka\, SASEC seeks to strengthen the intra-regional trade by developing multi-modal regional transport and trade facilitation networks. Some of these connectivity initiatives seek to reinvent the linkages that existed across the region during the colonial period and were subsequently lost due to inter-state dissonances. As of now\, the intra-regional trade is less than six per cent of the region’s total trade and the intra-regional investment accounts for only three per cent of the total investment flow in the region. Globally\, South Asia accounts for merely two per cent of the trade and 1.7 per cent of the investment.* \nAll South Asian countries recognise the need for improving the state of connectivity both within their borders and with other countries in the region. They have\, however\, not so far been able to take advantage of the connectivity initiatives taken by multilateral bodies like the ADB and also the UN Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP). Instead\, they have been a victim of politics based on legacy issues that inhibit effective inter-state engagement. State-sponsored cross-border terrorism remains one such major impediment. Persisting differences at the political level\, coupled with huge imbalances in trade and investment\, are often used by vested interests to cultivate negative stereotypes and strengthen misperceptions in the region. \nImpediments in the westward extension of the trans-South Asian road and rail connectivity have encouraged other regional efforts to extend the links eastward\, in the shape of Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) and the India-Myanmar-Thailand Trilateral Highway\, to build the missing links of the Trans-Asian Railway and the Asian Highway networks. The idea of extending the Trilateral Highway to Vietnam via Myanmar\, Cambodia and Laos is already under discussion. \nDeveloping maritime infrastructure too is critical to promoting both intra and inter-regional connectivity and trade\, as much for India as for the other South Asian nations. About 90 per cent of India’s trade by volume and 70 per cent by value moves through ports. The primary objective of India’s Sagarmala project is to improve the operational efficiency of its existing ports in order to enhance connectivity with the main economic centres and beyond through expansion of rail\, inland water\, coastal and road services. Several projects have been identified on port modernisation\, port connectivity\, port-led industrialisation\, and on coastal community development. India also plans to develop Coastal Economic Zones (CEZs) in the coming years. The vast Indian Ocean region hosts over 40 states and nearly 40 per cent of the world’s population. Prime Minister Mr. Modi had stated in 2015 that India seeks ‘a future for Indian Ocean that lives up to the name of SAGAR – Security and Growth for All in the Region.’ If land connectivity is crucial particularly for the development of the three land-locked member states of SAARC – Afghanistan\, Nepal and Bhutan – sea or maritime connectivity is equally crucial for them and the remaining five SAARC member states\, including the two island nations\, Sri Lanka and the Maldives. \nAdditionally\, despite the obvious gains from enhanced connectivity and its strong advocacy by national leaders\, the States in the region have not so far made satisfactory progress in this area. Besides political differences at the inter-State level\, the concerns of the national security agencies in the region about possible adverse impacts of improved connectivity on state-security often constrain and inhibit governmental approach to ‘connectivity’ and come in the way of its effective implementation. The issues that impinge on security are trans-border crime\, human and drug trafficking\, fake currency notes\, unauthorised transfer of small arms and light weapons\, illegal trade and migration. The possibility of mass cross-border migration as a consequence of climate change and other weather events could also be another matter of concern. These issues need to be adequately addressed by the proponents of connectivity for better regional integration. \nThere is a welcome view that greater connectivity\, if implemented efficiently and effectively with proper investment in technology to generate and manage data with regard to movement of people and goods\, will ameliorate rather than accentuate many concerns often flagged by security managers. Other issues that require greater attention include sequencing\, financing and measuring of connectivity efforts in South Asia. The conference will offer an opportunity to explore these gaps in our understanding of the subject. \nIndia’s ‘Neighbourhood First’ policy\, which prioritises regional cooperation\, connectivity and people-to-people contacts\, is very much based on the principle of collective efforts and inclusive growth in the entire SAARC region. India is looking towards the finalisation of the SAARC Motor Vehicles Agreement and the SAARC Railways Agreement in this regard. If Bangladesh and Myanmar could serve as land-bridge between South and Southeast Asia\, Pakistan and Afghanistan too have the potential to emerge as major transit and transportation hubs between South and Central Asia and regions beyond. \nSouth Asia as a sub-continent\, linking the Gulf States\, Central and West Asia to East and Southeast Asia\, has the natural potential to emerge as a key Asian roundabout. There is a need to improve the interoperability of customs electronic interfaces and harmonise the operating procedures of border crossing points and land customs stations\, and to develop a network of multi-modal transport systems connecting and integrating the entire South Asia region. Improved infrastructure and connectivity also means better governance\, which creates conducive environment for greater domestic and foreign investment and value chain. None of this is however possible without broadening the political space and cultivating the constituencies needed to operationalise and sustain collaborative development strategies. \nThis year’s South Asia Conference\, 10th in the series\, seeks to closely examine the key issues pertaining to lack of connectivity within the region\, and explore the possible way forward to transform South Asia into one of the most economically integrated regions in the world. Some of the questions to be addressed in the two-day conference include the following: \n\nHow is the idea of connectivity perceived by South Asian countries? What are the shared benefits of connectivity? What are the main constituencies advocating for a pan-South Asian connectivity?\nHow are South Asian countries responding to various initiatives taken to promote connectivity under the clusters of trade\, transportation\, information and communications technology\, energy\, tourism and pilgrimage\, and people-to-people contact?\nWhat are the key challenges to operationalising efforts aimed at enhancing connectivity in the identified clusters?\nWhat are the specific ways in which challenges to regional connectivity can be overcome?\n\nSession Themes\nDAY ONE: Tuesday\, March 28\, 2017\nSession I: State of Connectivity in South Asia\nThe session seeks to closely examine the current state of connectivity in South Asia. How critical is the role of connectivity in shaping the future of the most populous region in the world? The session also seeks to identify key institutions and stakeholders defining intra-regional connectivity in South Asia. \nSession II: Economics of Connectivity: Perspectives from the Region\nThe session seeks to explore the various national perspectives prevalent within the region on the subject of South Asian connectivity. Basically\, how national narratives are strengthening the economics of connectivity within the region. \nDAY TWO: Wednesday\, March 29\, 2017\nSession III: Challenges to Connectivity: Initiatives and Responses\nSeveral initiatives have been taken at both regional and sub-regional levels to address the issue of lack of connectivity in South Asia. Apart from examining the key initiatives taken particularly at the bilateral or the sub-regional level\, the session seeks to explore the specific responses to the challenges of connectivity at the regional\, sub-regional and inter-regional levels. \nSession IV: Role of Media and Civil Society in Enhancing Connectivity\nThe role of media and civil society is considered critical to shaping and reshaping public opinion and perception on various aspects of connectivity – trade\, transportation\, information and communications technology\, energy\, tourism and pilgrimage\, and people-to-people contact. This session\, therefore\, would attempt to explore ways in which the media and the civil society can contribute to creating conducive atmosphere and building sustainable constituencies for taking key connectivity initiatives forward. \nSession V: Panel Discussion: The Way Forward\nIn the concluding session\, select panellists from participating countries will briefly discuss the key points emerging from the two-day deliberation and make specific recommendations for the consideration of policy makers. \n\n\n\n\nProgramme Schedule\n\n\n\n\n\n\nDAY ONE: Tuesday\, March 28\, 2017\n\n\n\n09:30 – 10:00 \n Registration\n\n\n10:00-10:30 \nCurtain Raiser \n\nA Decade of Dialogue: Ten Years of South Asia Conference\nDr. Ashok Kumar Behuria\, Coordinator\, South Asia Centre\, IDSA\nConnectivity in South Asia as a Regional Public Good\n Shri Jayant Prasad\, Director General\, IDSA\n\n\n\n\n\n10:30 – 11:00 \nTea/Coffee Break\n\n\n11:00–11:30 \nKeynote Address – Towards Digital South Asia \nShri Ravi Shankar Prasad\, Hon’ble Minister of Electronics and Information Technology\, Government of India\n\n\n11:30-13:30 \n\nSession I: State of Connectivity in South Asia\nModerator: Shri Ranjit Rae\, Former Indian Ambassador to Nepal \n\nState of Connectivity in South Asia: An Overview\n– Dr. Rajat M. Nag\,  Distinguished Fellow\, National Council of Applied Economic Research (NCAER)\, New Delhi\nMaking People the Pivot to Enhance South Asian Connectivity\n – Dr. A.F.M. Shamsul Bari\,  Chairman\, Research Initiatives\, Bangladesh\nConnecting the Old Way: India-Pakistan Trade through Rail and Road\n – Dr. Syed Akbar Zaidi\,  Political Economist\, Karachi\, Pakistan\nStrengthening Cooperation in South Asia: Need for Out-of-the-Box Thinking\n – Mr. Madhukar S. J.B. Rana\,  Former Finance Minister of Nepal\n\n\n\n\n13:30 – 14:30 \nLunch Break\n\n\n14:30 – 17:00 \n\nSession II: Economics of Connectivity: Perspectives from the Region\nModerator: Prof. Ram Upendra Das\, RIS\, New Delhi \n\nStrengthening Connectivity in South Asia: Prospects\, Opportunities and Challenges\n – Dr. Daoud Ali Najafi\,  Former Transport and Civil Aviation Minister of Afghanistan\nProposed Land Bridge between India and Sri Lanka: A Rapid Qualitative Assessment\n– Dr. Muttukrishna Sarvananthan\,  Founder\, Point Pedro Institute of Development\, Northern Province\, Sri Lanka\n\nHealth Services Trade in South Asian Countries: Challenges and Opportunities\n – Dr. Vaqar Ahmed  and Ms. Rabia Manzoor\, Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI)\, Islamabad\, Pakistan\nRole of India’s Northeast in Facilitating South Asia Connecticity\n– Mr. Sabyasachi Dutta\, Executive Director\, Asian Confluence\, Shillong \n\nNeed for Reactivating the Trans-Western Himalayan Corridor: Optimising J&K’s   Strategic  Advantage\n – Amb. (Prof.) P. Stobdan\, Senior Fellow\, IDSA\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nDAY TWO: Wednesday\, March 29\, 2017\n\n\n\n09:30-10:00 \nTea/Coffee Break\n\n\n10:00-10:30\n\nSpecial Session\nChair: Lt. Gen. (Dr.) B.S. Malik\, PVSM\, AVSM (Retd.) \n\nConnecting South Asia and South East Asia: The BIMSTEC Perspective\nAddress by  Ambassador Sumith Nakandala\, Secretary General\, BIMSTEC\n\n\n\n\n\n10:30-13:00 \n\nSession III: Challenges to Connectivity: Initiatives and Responses \nModerator: Prof. Prabir De\, Coordinator\, ASEAN-India Centre\, RIS\, New Delhi \n\nConnectivity in South Asia: Opportunities\, Potentials and Challenges\n– Prof. Syed Munir Khasru\, Chairman\, IPAG\, Dhaka\n\nThe Challenges of Energy Connectivity\n– Ms. Shebonti Ray Dadwal\,  Senior Fellow\, IDSA\nAfghanistan and Regional Connecitiy in South Asia\n– Mr. Ashraf Haidari\,Directot General\, Ministry of Foreign Affairs\, Kabul\nChallenges to Regional Connectivity in South Asia– Ambassador Ali Hussain Didi\,  Former Maldivian Ambassador to EU\nChabahar Port: A Strategic Analysis\n– Mr. Abdul Qadeer Mutfi\,  Afghan Institute for Strategic Studies\, Kabul\nCross Border Connectivity: Opportunities and Challenges\n – Mr. Aye Lwin\,  Member\, Myanmar Investment Commission\, Yangon\n\n\n\n\n\n13:00 – 14:00 \nLunch Break\n\n\n14:00-16:00 \n\nSession IV: Role of Media and Civil Society in Enhancing Connectivity\nModerator: Cmde. C. Uday Bhaskar (Retd.)\,  Director\, Society for Policy Studies (SPS)\, New Delhi \n\nConnecting People: Key for Unleashing Regional Economic Growth\n – Mr. Sujeev Shakya\,  Chairman\, Nepal Economic Forum\nArtists Crossing Borders: Dreams which Refuse to Die\n– Ms. Madeeha Gauhar\,  Founder\, Ajoka Theatre\, Lahore\, Pakistan\nStrengthening Connectivity through Media in a Culturally Diverse Region\n– Ms. Bhagya Senaratne\, Lecturer\, General Sir John Kotelawala Defence University\, Colombo\, Sri Lanka\n\nDisconnect in South Asia: Challenges and Opportunities\n– Mr. Mahendra Ved\, President\, Commonwealth Journalists Association\, New Delhi\n\n\n\n\n16:00-16:30\nTea/Coffee Break\n\n\n16:30 –17:30 hrs\n\n Session V: Panel Discussion: The Way Forward\nModerator: Prof. S.D. Muni\, Distinguished Fellow\, IDSA \nPanellists: \n\nDr. Daoud Ali Najafi\, Afghanistan\nMs. Madeeha Gauhar\, Pakistan\nMr. Sujeev Shakya\, Nepal\nProf. Syed Munir Khasru\, Bangladesh\nDr. Muttukrishna Sarvananthan\, Sri Lanka\nAmbassador Ali Hussain Didi\, Maldives\nMr. Aye Lwin\, Myanmar\nDr. Smruti S. Pattanaik\, India\n\nVote of Thanks: Conference Coordinator\, Mr. Vishal Chandra\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nPhotogallery\n\nClick here for Photogallery\n\n\n\nPress Release\n\n\n\n Ravi Shankar Prasad Urges South Asia to Follow India’s Model of Digitisation\nConnectivity of Minds Crucial for Connecting South Asia and SE Asia: Sumith Nakandala\n\n\n\n\n\nContact us\nVishal Chandra\nCo-ordinator\, 10th South Asia Conference\nResearch Fellow\, South Asia Centre\nInstitute for Defence Studies and Analyses\nNew Delhi-110010\n(Office) +91 11-26717983 Extn 7202\nEmail: cc.idsa@nic.in \n\n* “Statement by External Affairs Minister during 37th SAARC Council of Ministers’ Meeting in Pokhara”\, Ministry of External Affairs\, Government of India\, March 17\, 2016.
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/10th-south-asia-conference-strengthening-connectivity-in-south-asia
CATEGORIES:Previous South Asia conference,South Asia Conference,CONFERENCES
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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20151126T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20151127T053000
DTSTAMP:20261107T220156
CREATED:20231223T125439Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250120T223746Z
UID:62762-1448515800-1448602200@idsa.in
SUMMARY:9th South Asia Conference -  Culture as a Factor in Regional Cooperation in South Asia
DESCRIPTION:Concept Note\n\n\nMost states in South Asia are multi-cultural in character. In the post-colonial phase of their existence\, they were confronted with the twin problems of state and nation building. While the former involved building institutions of governance the latter necessitated efforts to achieve unity in diversity. States seeking to construct a monolithic identity amalgamating diverse linguistic\, religion and ethnic identities faced the challenge of integrating the minorities. In view of the overlapping cultural spaces cutting across state borders\, such homogenization efforts led to spilling over of ethnic conflicts across states. The borders thus became new frontiers of such contested identities— national versus sub-national. It was natural\, therefore\, for discourses on interstate relations to be enmeshed in arguments in favour of\, and against\, pluri-cultural national identities. Recognition of plurality was often misconstrued as shedding of sovereignty to other states which housed same ethno-linguistic and cultural communities. While in many cases such geo-cultural continuity and commonality have led to inter-state tension and conflicts\, there is distinct possibility of culture playing an integrative role and creating and propelling regional integration in South Asia or at least playing a positive role in contributing to bilateral relations. \nAs South Asian states are pushing for regional integration\, culture has emerged as a force to connect\, to build relations and heal the ruptures created by history and politics. As cultural actors challenge the territorial limits that nation-states impose on culture\, they engender new possibilities of states caving in to their demands and using their borders as bridges rather than barriers. William Van Schendel in his path breaking work titled as The Bengal Borderland: Beyond State and Nation in South Asia identifies the beginnings of such a change when he argues that “territoriality is being re-scaled by states that should be seen as active partners in global restructuring and not as passive victims of deterritorialisation”. However\, it may take a long time for such process to mature in the region as the nation states in South Asia continue to be apprehensive of cultural connectivity across states which is perceived to be ‘deterritorialising’ the process of construction of exclusive nation-states. \nNevertheless\, there are several developments which signal a movement in that direction. The nation-states in South Asia in spite of their exclusive nation building projects\, are succumbing to the process of globalisation and revolution in the information technology that has propelled emergence of the new media. Cultural contacts and social interactions no more require state sanctions and visas; rather the netizens have been able to dilute the exclusivity that they imbibed through their political socialisation and textbook education. Television channels\, movies and visits by cultural troupes have contributed to the cultural connectivity even across ethno-cultural groups. \nEven if culture has so far been used in South Asia sparingly and cautiously as a foreign policy tool\, the use of culture as a connecting tool is quite noticeable in recent years. There are efforts today to jointly produce movies especially in the India Pakistan context; effort is also being made to make people to people contact part of bilateral as well as regional agenda.  Recently Tagore 150th birth centenary was celebrated by India\, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka and Nazrul birth anniversary were jointly celebrated by India and Bangladesh. The old Buddhist tourism circuit is being revived to link up with Nepal\, Sri Lanka\, Bhutan and the wider world. Nepal\, Bhutan\, Bangladesh and India are taking steps to celebrate their common cultural heritages. There are many in Pakistan who are trying to revive\, re-establish and reinvent their past socio-cultural connectivity with India. In the words of Yousef Lapid and Fredrich Kratochwil in their book The Return of Culture and identity in IR Theory write\, “The forces disposing states towards particularism\, however\, sometimes confront others disposing them towards collectivism”. Therefore\, it can be argued that “culture” is staging a comeback in inter-state and regional politics and it could help states to overcome years of mutual mistrust and push the process of regional integration forward. \nThe 9th South Asia Dialogue being hosted by IDSA in 2015 seeks to focus on how India and its South Asian neighbours perceive their common cultural heritage and to what extent inter-state cultural linkages will help the nation states establish a new of trust and understanding and help construct a new regional identity. Some of the questions this conference aims to look at are: \n\nDoes culture play any role in international relations and does it matter as a tool of foreign policy?\nWhat role can culture play in the region in building trust and understanding?\nHow do the South Asian countries look at the common historical and shared cultural experiences?\nHow can cross-cultural ties be built across states?\nCan culture help in forging a regional identity and foster regional cooperation?\n\n\n\n\n\nProgramme Schedule\n\nDay I\, November 26\, 2015 \n0930-1000hrs: Registration and Tea \n  1000-1030: Inauguration\,  \n  Chair: Amb Jayant Prasad\, Director General\, IDSA \n  Keynote speaker: Dr Karan Singh\, Member of Parliament\, Rajya Sabha  \n  1030-1045: Tea Break \n  1045-1300hrs –  Session 1: Cultural Profile of South Asia and Foreign Policy \n  Chair: Amb Virendra Gupta  \n\nCulture\, Cultural Productions       and South Asian Spaces –   Prof Partha S Ghosh\, ICSSR Fellow\, IDSA \nIndia-Nepal Relations: Has       Cultural commonality Helped? – Dr Sudhindra       Sharma\,       IDA\, Kathmandu \nCulture as a Foreign Policy       Tool: India’s Experience in South Asia – Dr Smruti S Pattanaik\, IDSA \nCulture as a Foreign Policy       Tool: Pakistani Perspective – Dr Rubina Saigol\, Lahore\, Pakistan \n\n1300-1400hrs: Lunch \n    1400-1730hrs –  Session 2: Culture as a Soft Power: Can it further Regional Cooperation? \n      Chair: Amb Suresh Goel\, former DG\, Indian Council of Cultural Relations  \n\nCan the Cultural Commons be       Harnessed to further Regional Cooperation? – HE Sayed Mossadeq Khalili\, Deputy Minister of       Culture\, Afghanistan \nUsing Cultural Commons in       Regional cooperation: Bhutanese Perspective – Mr. Kunzang       Delek\,       National Archives and Library\, Bhutan \nCan Heritage further Regional       Cooperation in South Asia? Sri Lanka’s Experience – Dr Sarala       Fernando\,       Sri Lanka\nRole of Media in Promoting Soft       Power in South Asia – Shyam Tekwani\, Asia Pacific Centre for       Security Studies\, Hawaii \nCulture and Regional Cooperation       in South Asia: Bangladesh’s Experience – Lt Gen. M Akbar Fazle\, Bangladesh \nCulture and Regional       Cooperation: Pakistani Perspective – Raza Rumi\, Columnist and Writer\,       Scholar in Residence at Ithaca College \n\n Day II\, November 27\, 2015 \n0930-1000 hrs Tea and Registration \n    1000-1230 hrs –  Session 3: Culture\, Identity and Politics and its Impact on Bilateral  Relations  \n    Chair: Amb P. Stobdan\, Senior Fellow\, IDSA  \n\nDistant Neighbours: Could People       and Culture Bridge Relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan – Mr. Aref       Dostyar\,       Afghanistan \nBhutan-India Relations: Does       culture matter? – Mr. Sangay       Chophel\,       Centre for Bhutanese Studies \nThe Dilemmas of Relatedness:       India and Sri Lanka – Dr Pradeep       Jeganathan\,       Sri Lanka \nFolklore and Evolution of       National Identity in the Maldives – Dr. Abdul Rasheed Ali\, Dean\, Maldives National       University \nCultural Symbols as Resistance       and the Making of the Bengali Identity – Prof Sonia Nishat Amin\, Dhaka University\n\n1230-1345 hrs: Group photo & Lunch \n    1345-1600hrs –  Session 4: Culture\, Identity and Politics and its  Impact on Bilateral Relations (continued) \n    Chair: Ms. Ajeet Cour\, President\, Foundation of SAARC Writers and  Literature  \n\nCivilisational and Cultural       linkages in South Asia: Continuities and discontinuities – Prof S.D.Muni\, Distinguished Fellow\, IDSA \nNew Constitution and Identity       Politics in Nepal – Prof Krishna       Hachhethu\,       Tribhuban University\, Kathmandu \nEthnic Diversity and Cultural       Hegemony in Bangladesh: Imperatives for More Inclusive National and       Regional Identities – Prof Prashanta       Tripura\,       Department of Economics and Social Sciences\, BRAC University\, Bangladesh \nDoes Religion Triumph Culture in       Identity Formation? The Arabisation of Maldives and its Regional       Implications – Dr. Azra Naseem\, University of Dublin\,       Ireland \nCulture\, Identity and Politics:       Pakistan’s Experience – Dr Yaqoob       Bangash\,       Pakistan \n\n1600-1730 hours-  Session 5: Roundtable discussion on Way Forward \n    Chair: Prof Muchkund Dubey \n    Speakers \n\nMs. Ajeet Cour\nAmb Suresh Goel\nDr Ashok K Behuria\nH.E. Sayed Mossadeq Khalili\, Deputy Minister       of Culture\, Afghanistan\nDr. Yaqoob Bangash\, Pakistan\nDr. Pradeep Jeganathan\, Sri Lanka\nDr. Sudhindra Sharma\, Nepal\nMr. Kunzang Delek\, Bhutan\nProf. Sonia Nishat Amin\, Bangladesh\nDr. Abdul Rasheed Ali\, Maldives\n\n1730-1735: Vote of Thanks by Dr Smruti  Pattanaik\, Research Fellow\, IDSA and Coordinator of the Conference \n\n\n\n\nConference Booklet\nRapporteurs Report
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/9th-south-asia-conference-culture-as-a-factor-in-regional-cooperation-in-south-asia
CATEGORIES:Previous South Asia conference,South Asia Conference,CONFERENCES
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DTSTAMP:20261107T220156
CREATED:20231223T124046Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250328T001015Z
UID:62627-1448515800-1448515800@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Keynote Address at the 9th South Asia Conference on "Culture as a Factor in Regional Cooperation in South Asia"
DESCRIPTION:
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/keynote-address-at-the-9th-south-asia-conference-on-culture-as-a-factor-in-regional-cooperation-in-south-asia
CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES,SAC Key Speeches
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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20141028T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20151029T053000
DTSTAMP:20261107T220156
CREATED:20231223T125503Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250328T004529Z
UID:62768-1414474200-1446096600@idsa.in
SUMMARY:8th South Asia Conference: The Role of Media in Promoting Regional Understanding in South Asia
DESCRIPTION:Concept Note\n\nMedia plays a very important role in generating public awareness and shaping public opinion. It is regarded as the fourth estate and an important pillar of democracy. With the mushrooming of media around the world– print\, audio-visual and social– its role has become even more significant. The manner in which reports are filed and news is disseminated have their impact on public opinion. In an interconnected world\, the role of media in influencing foreign policy of states can hardly be ignored.In South Asia\, a region where inter-state relations are held hostage to zero-sum politics\, media has a big responsibility in creating an environment of trust and understanding Since the states of the region are socially\, historically\, culturally and economically interconnected\, the role of media assumes even more significance. However\, unfortunately\, the media in different states of South Asia are yet to show necessary maturity and wisdom in enabling an environment of mutual trust and confidence. The discourses in media are often mired in narrowly conceived nationalist templates which far from bridging differences escalate them causing irreparable harm to regional understanding. While tension and conflict among states and communities find more news space\, shared history and culture are conveniently ignored. All this results in media adding to interstate conflicts and increasing the political temperature rather than acting as an agent of change and reconciliation. With the proliferation of audio-visual media in the region and the competition among channels for better TRP ratings\, there is often a temptation to sensationalise issues through select reporting. \nThis is not to say that there is a complete absence of responsible media in the region. Joint media initiatives like the one between the Jang group of Pakistan and the Times group in India to launch Aman ki Asha (Hope for Peace) did try to create an environment of trust to contribute to India-Pakistan peace process. Similarly\, the Statesman from India and Prathom Alo from Bangladesh also tried to replicate this exerciseto promote India-Bangladesh relationship. Groups like South Asia Free Media Association (SAFMA) have also tried to bring together scholars\, retired bureaucrats\, politicians and media person together in South Asia to promote people to people contact. \nMedia cannot be looked at as a monolithic entity. There are several layers to it. Moreover\, the media is facing several restrictions. There is the issue of media censorship and media freedom. There is also the issue of media ownership— by political parties\, interest groups and business houses. With their vested interests the owners sometimes dictate the line a media group would take at the expense of neutrality. The influence of certain institutions on media begs close scrutiny in view of their impact on foreign and security policies of some states. The differences in approach between vernacular and English media and their influence on society and politics is also another area which has not received much critical attention. The social media is assuming importance in most of these countries with the penetration of internet and wider use of mobile phones especially among the youth who constitute a critical mass in South Asia. \nWhether it was the case of showing doctored images about fictitious attack on Rohingyas as attack on Muslims in North East; the picture of Shivaji and Ambedkar\, which led to violence in Pune in India; or the derogatory message against the Prophet\, maliciously circulated in the social media attributing the act to a Buddhist\, which led to violence in Ramu in Bangladesh — the social media is playing a disproportionate role in spawning insecurity and violence in the multicultural setting in South Asia. \nGiven the increasingly significant role played by the media\, the 8th South Asian Dialogue being organized by the IDSA seeks to explore the following. \n\nWhat role media is playing in shaping public opinion in different countries?\nHow does media influence foreign and security policies of states? Is there any difference between the vernacular and English language media in this regard?\nWhat are the forces influencing media and its approach to regional issues?\nHow does media ownership impact reporting by different media houses?\nDoes media play a role in promoting jingoistic nationalism in the region? How does it interfere with the process of regional unity and integration?\nCan media play a role in promoting regional understanding and contribute to regional peace and amity?\n\n\n\n\n\nProgramme Schedule\n\n\nDAY ONE: October 28\, 2014\n09:30-10:00 hours: Registration\n10:00-10:30 hours: Inaugural Session\nWelcome Address by Brigadier Rumel Dahiya (Retd.)\, DDG\, IDSA [Read the address] \nKeynote address by Shri Prakash Javadekar\, Minister of State for Information and Broadcasting (Independent Charge) MOS(IC) for Environment\, Forest and Climate Change and MOS for Parliamentary Affairs  [Watch Video] \nVote of Thanks \n10:30-11:00 hrs Tea /Coffee \n11:00–13:00 hrs – Session I: The Role of Media in Shaping Public Discourse in South Asia\nModerator: Professor S D Muni \nSpeakers: \n\nAshok K. Behuria & Smruti Pattanaik – Media in South Asia: A Panoramic View\nRasul Bakhsh Rais – The Media and Foreign Policy Discourses in Pakistan\nSyed Badrul Ahsan – Impact of Media Ownership on Reporting\nAmrullah Saleh – Media in Post 9/11 Afghanistan\nSiddharth Varadarajan – Can Media Play a Role in Promoting Regional Understanding\nKunda Dixit – Media in the Age of Intolerance and Terrorism\n\n13:00 – 14:00 hrs Lunch \n14:00-15:30 hours – Session II: State of Media in South Asia: Country Perspectives\nModerator: Mr Prem Shankar Jha \nSpeakers: \n\nSaleem K. Safi– State of Pakistani Media: Does it Play its Due Role?\nDilrukshi Handunetti– Promotion of Jingoism in the Region by the Media: The Case of Sri Lanka\nIbrahim Waheed– Maldivian Media: Ownership and Orientation\nKaberi Gayen – Does Media Ownership Really Matter?\nTenzing Lamsang– The Role of the Bhutanese Media in Bhutan’s Democratic Evolution and Governance.\n\n15:30-15:45 hours Tea/Coffee \n15:45-17:30 hrs – Session III State of Media in South Asia: Country Perspectives (contd.)\nModerator: Mr Vinod Sharma \nSpeakers: \n\nMyo Lwin – The State of Media in Myanmar\nDanish Kharokhel – Role of Afghan Media in Promoting Regional Understanding\nAhmed Zahir Mohamed– The State of Media: A Maldivian Perspective\nShruti Pandalai – Truth vs Hype: Media\, Hyper-nationalism and Impact on Perceptions in India-South Asia Relations\n\nDAY TWO: October 29\, 2014 \n10:00-11:30 hrs – Session IV: Influence of Media on Foreign and Security Policies of States\nModerator: Commodore C. Uday Bhaskar (Retd.) \nSpeakers: \n\nLakshman F.B. Gunasekara– News Media Re-Presentation and Agenda-Setting in Public Discourse on Foreign Relations: The Case of Sri Lankan Popular Attitudes Towards India\nKhin Maung Soe– The Role of Media in Shaping Foreign Policy Discourse in Myanmar\nDawa Penjor– The Role of Bhutanese Media in Amalgamating South Asia: Media’s Quest For a Happy South Asia Society\nDeepak Adhikari– The Role of Media in Shaping Foreign Policy Discourse in Nepal\n\n11:45-13:30 hrs – Session V: Can Media Play a Role in Promoting Regional Understanding? (Panel Discussion)\nModerator: Dr Chandan Mitra\, Hon’ble Member of Parliament \nPanelists: \n\nS D Muni\nSiddhartha Varadarajan\nNitin Gokhale\nSaleem K. Safi\nDilrukshi Handunetti\nAmrullah Saleh\nSuhasini Haider\nSyed Badrul Ahsan\nIbrahim Waheed\nKunda Dixit\nMyo Lwin\nDawa Penjor\n\n13:30–13:35 hrs Vote of Thanks \n13:35 – 14:30 hrs Lunch \n\n\n\n\nConference Booklet\nRapporteurs Report
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/8th-south-asia-conference-the-role-of-media-in-promoting-regional-understanding-in-south-asia
CATEGORIES:Previous South Asia conference,South Asia Conference,CONFERENCES
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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20141028T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20141028T053000
DTSTAMP:20261107T220156
CREATED:20231223T124257Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250224T054102Z
UID:62637-1414474200-1414474200@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Keynote Address at 8th South Asia Dialogue on "The Role of Media in Promoting Regional Understanding in South Asia"
DESCRIPTION:
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/keynote-address-at-8th-south-asia-dialogue-on-the-role-of-media-in-promoting-regional-understanding-in-south-asia
CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES,SAC Key Speeches
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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20131030T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20131031T053000
DTSTAMP:20261107T220156
CREATED:20231223T125634Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250120T223543Z
UID:62779-1383111000-1383197400@idsa.in
SUMMARY:7th South Asia Conference: India & South Asia: Exploring Regional Perceptions
DESCRIPTION:Concept Note\n\n\nIndia\, in view of its geographical vastness\, huge population and massive natural resources\, is often seen as overbearing in the region. Its smaller neighbours have responded to the natural asymmetry more or less in similar ways in their bilateral engagements with India. At a more nuanced level\, a perceived sense of insecurity vis-à-vis India often gives way to aggressive posturing particularly by countries still grappling with complex issues pertaining formation of national identity and state consolidation.  Unresolved border issues leading to protracted territorial disputes\, including concerns over sharing of river waters and maritime resources\, coupled with huge imbalances in trade\, is often used for cultivating negative stereotypes and unfounded or inflated threat perceptions. Some of these issues have largely shaped the general perception and the prevalent social and political narratives about India in much of its immediate neighbourhood. \nAs the only country having borders with all other South Asian countries\, most of whom do not share borders with one another — and the largest one at that in terms of size and population— India has often been the target of persistent criticism despite the fact that it has sought to build friendly or at least a working relationship with all its neighbours by taking non-reciprocal economic and political measures in recent years. \nPerceptions play a very significant role in the South Asian politics. They have largely shaped and influenced state policies and politics among South Asian countries\, especially in relation to India and vice versa\, over the last many decades. State policies have at times been hostage to negative or adversarial perceptions\, well-entrenched in the popular psyche. As one delves into the complexities involved in the shaping of perceptions among countries in South Asia\, one realises that it is an extremely dynamic process that has evolved differently in different countries. Perceptions among states are not static and have often changed with the shifts in global as well as regional politics. There are myriad stakeholders— with their sectional interests and concerns— playing their role explicitly or implicitly in shaping and influencing mutual perceptions among countries in South Asia. Modern communications technology and expanded media networks have often reinforced old perceptions and inhibited the process of regional integration.    \nIndia\, on its part\, too faces a complex set of challenges due to the fact that negative perceptions about it are engendered by powerful vested interests in the neighbouring states. Most of its neighbours are also in a state of major social-political ferment and transition\, and are up against a wide array of internal challenges. Due to their tense and fragile ties with India\, most of them have not been able to participate in\, and benefit from\, the Indian economy\, which is growing at a fast pace. \nRegional initiatives and groupings\, such as\, the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC)\, have had varying success in building an abiding cooperative framework to address certain issues of common concern to the countries of the region. There can be no doubt that over the centuries\, the region has acquired an inherently diverse and yet a distinct multi-layered geo-cultural identity. The impact of British colonialism in the evolution of the South Asian region has proved to be enduring and irreversible. The European concepts of political organisation\, territoriality and nationality have left an indelible mark on state formation in the post-colonial period. \nHistorically\, the emergence of new states in the region in the post-colonial period with exclusive notions of identity\, citizenship and nationality within fixed well-defined borders\, and geo-political and economic asymmetry among them\, has imparted an altogether new dynamics to the region. In such a setting\, perceptions about each other changed as old historical narratives were replaced by exclusive\, imagined and sponsored histories\, often categorised in terms of ‘us’ and ‘them’. This has often resulted in general apathy and lingering tension among the states despite a shared sense of history and geography amongst the people of the region. \nIn view of the asymmetry in size and capabilities\, India too faces a major policy dilemma when it comes to responding to any crisis in its immediate neighbourhood\, lest it stokes ‘anti-India’ sentiments and further complicates the situation. Interestingly\, India\, at the same time\, is not expected to remain a mute spectator either.  The challenges of how India should respond or what should be the nature and level of its intervention\, if needed\, has often confounded India’s policy and decision makers. \nAlthough there are certain realities and factors that are unalterable\, such as\, shared geography or the fundamentals of geo-economics— irrespective of how national interests are defined or on what terms states or their key institutions interact within the region— a regional approach to addressing regional issues remain elusive. India’s thrust on strengthening intra-regional trade through increased connectivity and unilateral concessions has at best yielded mixed results. South Asia largely remains mired in protracted conflicts and chronic socio-economic challenges\, which require each country in the region to constantly evaluate their position and policy in relation to India and vice versa. \nOn the basis of the findings of the last six annual conferences that the Institute for Defence Studies & Analyses (IDSA) has been organising since 2007\, it was felt that a detailed assessment of various perceptions about India that prevails in its immediate neighbourhood is critical for Indian policy makers to devise appropriate measures to enable and strengthen the process of regional cooperation and integration. Thus\, the objective of this year’s South Asia Conference\, seventh in series\, is to isolate and identify political and economic perceptions about India in South Asia and vice versa. \nThe two-day conference would seek to examine and address the following set of queries and issues: \n\n What are the various perceptions about India in each of the neighbouring South Asian countries? How do other countries in the region look at India’s economic power? Is India perceived as a reluctant or an unreliable partner in the development of the region? Has India failed to relate and connect to its immediate neighbourhood?  \n  Which are the key institutions and forces shaping perceptions about India in the neighbouring countries? What has been the role of media in shaping or perpetuating the prevalent perceptions? How perceptions have defined or transformed the inter-state relations in South Asia? \n  What are the Indian perceptions of its ‘neighbourhood’ and its approaches to the individual countries in South Asia? Has the region failed to connect to India\, and to identify with its rising political and economic profile? \nHow best India can manage or improve its perceptions among its South Asian neighbours? What role India should play to make regional cooperation a success? What should be India’s long-term approach in this regard? \n\n\n\n\n\nProgramme Schedule\n\n\nDAY ONE: Wednesday\, October 30\, 2013\n09:30-10:00 am Registration/Arrival of Guests\n10:00-10:30 am Inaugural Session\n10:00 am Welcome Remarks by Dr. Arvind Gupta\, Director-General\, IDSA  \n10:10 am Inaugural Address by Shri A.K. Antony\, Hon’ble Raksha Mantri \n10:25 am Vote of Thanks by Brig. (Retd.) Rumel Dahiya Deputy Director-General\, IDSA \n10:30 – 11:00 am: Tea/Coffee \n11:00 am – 01:30 pm Session I: Shaping of Perceptions in South Asia\nThe session seeks to identity key drivers\, institutions and stakeholders and their role in the shaping of perceptions among states in South Asia \nModerator: Professor S.D. Muni \nDr. Dayan Jayatilleka: A Perception from South Asia’s Far South: The Geopolitical Matrix of Indo-Sri Lanka Relations \nAmb. Humayun Kabir: How Bangladesh Perceives India: Recent Trends \nDr. Pratyoush Onta: Does Academia Matter to the Shaping of Mutual Perceptions in South Asia?  \nDr. Yaqoob Khan Bangash: ‘Not India’: Pakistan\, India and the Self \n01:30 – 02:30 pm Lunch \n02:30 – 05:00 pm Session II: Mutual Perceptions and Inter-State Relations\nThe session intends to explore how mutual perceptions have influenced the inter-state relations in South Asia. \nModerator: Professor Veena Sikri  \nDr. Davood Moradian: India and Afghanistan: Unrealised Opportunities  \nDr. Dinesh Bhattarai: Nepal-India Relations: Changing Dynamics \nMr. M. Ashique Rahman: Rising India and Bangladesh-India Relations: Mutual Perceptions and Expectations \nProf. Partha S. Ghosh: Perceptions and Memories: Making Sense of Bangladesh’s India Outlook \nDAY TWO: Thursday\, October 31\, 2013 \n\n09:30 – 10:00 am Tea/Coffee \n10:00 am– 12:30 pm Session III: Perceptions on Regional Cooperation\nThe session proposes to discuss and examine the various perceptions about regional cooperation among the South Asian states. What is the scope and prospects for increased regional cooperation? \nModerator: Ambassador Sheel Kant Sharma  \nProf. S.D. Muni: China and South Asian Cooperation \nMr. Khadim Hussain: Way Forward to Regional Cooperation in South Asia  \nProf. I.N. Mukherji: India’s Trade with South Asian Neighbors: Perceptions and Reality-with Special Reference to India-Pakistan Trade \nDr. Nagesh Kumar: South Asian Economic Integration and Connectivity: Potential and Challenges \nMr. G. I. Lynn Ockersz: Stepped-up Inter-State Dialogue as a Key to Improving SAARC Development Prospects  \n12:30 – 01:30 pm Lunch \n01:30 – 04:00 pm Session IV: India & South Asia: Perceptions and Expectations\nThe session will be devoted to discussing regional perceptions about India and expectations regarding India’s role in the region. \nModerator: General (Retd.) Ashok K. Mehta             \nMr. Shahmahmood Miakhel: Seizing New Opportunity for Regional Cooperation and Understanding \nMr. Pema Tenzin: Bhutan and Its International Collaborations 2013 \nU. Denzil Abel: Myanmar’s Perceptions of India \n Mr. Mohamed Naahee Naseem: Maldives’ General Perceptions of India and the Role of Media \nDiscussion \n04:00 – 04:15 pm Tea/Coffee \n04:15 – 05:30 pm Session V: Managing Perceptions: The Way Forward\nIn the concluding session\, the panellists will offer their opinion on how to manage regional perceptions and recommend the way forward for the consideration of policy makers. \nModerator: Dr. Arvind Gupta\, Director General IDSA \n– Panel Discussion \n \nVote of Thanks: Mr. Vishal Chandra\,  Conference Coordinator\n\n\n\n\nConference Booklet\nRapporteurs Report
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/7th-south-asia-conference-india-south-asia-exploring-regional-perceptions
CATEGORIES:Previous South Asia conference,South Asia Conference,CONFERENCES
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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20121106T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20121107T053000
DTSTAMP:20261107T220156
CREATED:20231223T125709Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250120T223423Z
UID:62784-1352179800-1352266200@idsa.in
SUMMARY:6th South Asia Conference: Prospects for Stability and Growth in South Asia
DESCRIPTION:Concept Note\n\n\nIn its post-colonial phase\, the regions of Asia\, Africa and Latin America have experienced varying degrees of political\, social and economic turbulence. The goal of political leadership in all the regions has been the establishment of democracy and achievement of economic growth in order to provide peace and stability to their people. Of all the regions\, South Asia is the one which can be regarded as having achieved a greater degree of political stability and economic growth\, except perhaps the Asia-Pacific region\, particularly parts of East and South East Asia. \nIn the last 10 years or so\, the trend in South Asia has been towards greater stability and faster economic growth. This can be said to be true of most countries of South Asia to a greater or less degree\, even if there have been upheavals of various kinds off and on. For instance\, India has had a continuous rule by the UPA alliance since 2004\, although the alliance has had its normal problems. Nepal came out of the clutches of monarchical autocracy and Maoist violence\, and set itself on the path of a non-violent struggle for acquiring a modus-vivendi among contending political forces in a democratic framework. Bangladesh despite being faced with the challenges of right wing extremism and threats of military activism has found it possible to stay put on the democratic path. Pakistan has fought a valiant war against the perennial strong hold of the army and the well orchestrated violence of Islamic extremists and managed to keep a democratically elected government in power at least since 2008. The successful war against Tamil terrorists in Sri Lanka has enabled this country to pay greater attention to processes of long term reconciliation with the Tamil minority\, within the framework of a united Sri Lanka. Afghanistan has gone through an epic struggle to defeat a highly motivated insurgency in the last ten years\, with the strong intervention of foreign powers\, and has ultimately realised the unavoidability of reconciliation with the insurgents\, so that the country can achieve a modicum of stability. In the Maldives\, despite the recent political upheaval\, the political system has found it possible to keep standing on democratic legs\, in the hope of absorbing incipient challenges in due course. Bhutan\, of course has gradually veered towards greater democratisation with full support of the monarchy and has tended to move towards greater long term stability. In Myanmar as well\, political liberalisation initiated by the newly elected president in 2011 has led to greater political stability\, enabling the most popular democratic leader to participate in the electoral process\, and work within the framework of the new constitution. \nIn the economic field\, the South Asian region as a whole has seen upward growth in varying degrees. India’s rate of growth was noticeable and the optimism has not dimmed despite the recent slowdown. The Bangladesh economy has also been doing well with an average growth rate of 6 per cent in the last ten years. The growth rate of Bhutan has averaged 8 per cent during the same period. Sri Lanka has recently witnessed a growth rate of nearly 8 per cent\, in the post war years. There is no doubt that there have been severe challenges to economic growth in Pakistan\, partly resulting from natural disasters and partly a consequence of internal strife. Nepal’s economy has also been the victim of political conflicts and contradictions\, which are now in the process of being patched up. While the Afghan economy has been adversely affected by the prevailing security situation over the last decade\, there have been certain years of high growth triggered by large infusion of foreign aid and remittances. The Maldivian economy has intermittently shown years of negative growth along with certain years of above average growth. The economy slipped over the last year which could be regarded as one of the reasons for the recent political strife. The Myanmar economy showed an excellent average rate of 9% growth during the last 10 years\, recording a very high rate of growth during the first 5 years of the decade\, which sharply fluctuated in later years\, largely due to political vicissitudes and aggravated by natural disasters.    \nThe primary focus of this conference will therefore be to examine the forces and processes which have led to relative political stability or unleashed trends in that direction\, as also the causes which are responsible for poor economic growth\, in some parts of South Asia. In view of the fact that the countries of South Asia are of uneven size and resources\, the relationships among them and the extent to which they affect each other’s stability and growth becomes an important variable. The framework of analyses will have to include an enquiry into reasons for reduced violence in some countries and continued violence in some others. It will have to delve into the factors that have stimulated economic growth in some countries\, and impeded economic growth in some others. Also\, what will need to be examined is how far the positive political and economic trends in the region are irreversible or lend themselves to internal convulsions and external influences. Besides\, it will be important to examine how far the inter-state relations within the region tend to lead to stronger intra-regional cooperation\, particularly in the economic field. \nThe conference intends to deliberate on the following issues: \n\nWhat is the interplay between political and economic factors in the region?\nHow do intra-regional relationships affect stability and growth?\nWhat is the role of external powers in promoting stability and growth?\nWhat is the way forward for sustaining stability and growth?\n\n\n\n\n\nProgramme Schedule\n\n\nDAY ONE: 6 November\, 2012 (Tuesday)\nRegistration: 9.30 am-10.00 am \nInaugural Session: 10.00 am-10.30 am\nWelcome Address by Dr. Arvind Gupta\, DG IDSA \nInaugural Address by Shri M.M. Pallam Raju\, Hon’ble Union Minister of Human Resource Development \n  Release of IDSA Publications \n  Vote of Thanks by Brig. (Retd.) Rumel Dahiya\, DDG\, IDSA  \n  Tea : 10.30 am-11.00 am \nSession I: 11.00 am – 1.00 pm \nPolitical Stability in South Asia: Challenges and Opportunities\nChairperson- Amb. Leela K. Ponappa \nProf. S.D. Muni: Stability and Development in South Asia \nH.E. Mr. Fuwad Thowfeek: Challenges to the Political Stability in Maldives \nAmb. Nyunt Maung Shein: Myanmar-A Country in Transition-From Military to Civilian Rule \nSushant Sareen: Survival of Democracy in Pakistan: Imperatives and Obstacles \nMr. Waliullah Rahmani: 2014: A Shift to Stability or a Failed State in Afghanistan?  \nLunch : 1.00 pm- 2.00 pm \nSession II: 2.00 pm- 3.30 pm \nPolitical Stability in South Asia: Challenges and Opportunities\nChairperson- Prof. Satish Kumar \nProf. Ranjith Bandara: Regional Disparity-Challenges of Post-Civil War Development in Sri Lanka.  \nH.E. Mr. Dago Tshering: From Monarchy to Democracy in Bhutan \nDr. E. Sridharan: Challenges to Political Stability in India \nDr. Smruti Pattanaik: Challenges to Democracy and Pluralism in Bangladesh  \nMr. Prashant Jha: Nepal’s Quest for a Constitutional Settlement \nTea : 3.30 pm – 4.00 pm \nSession III: 4.00 pm- 5.30 pm \nEconomic Growth in South Asia: Problems and Prospects\nChairperson- Amb. Rajiv Sikri \nProf. Bishwambher Pyakuryal: Economic Growth in Nepal- Need for Economic Reforms \nDr. Anura Ekanayake: Political Economy of Four Decades of Conflicts in Sri Lanka in Retrospect: Implications for Peace and Prosperity of South Asia \nProf. C.P. Chandrasekhar: India’s GrowthStory: Is This a Turning Point? \nMr. Mohammad Sulaiman Akbari:  Economic Growth in Afghanistan: Challenges and Prospects \nDAY TWO: 7 November 2012\, (Wednesday)\nSession IV: 9.30 am- 11.00 am \nEconomic Growth in South Asia: Problems and Prospects\nChairperson-Amb. I.P. Khosla \nProfessor Bazlul Haque Khondker: Prospects of Economic Growth in Bangladesh \nProfessor Ijaz Nabi: Pakistan’s Regional Trade Strategy and Pakistan-India Bilateral Trade \nMr. Bandhu Ibrahim Saleem: Maldives-Sustaining Economic Growth and Issues \nMr. Tenzing Lamsang: Strategy of Sustainable Growth in Bhutan-Role of Regional Cooperation \nTea: 11.00 am-11.30 am \nSession V: 11.30 am- 1.00 pm \nSustaining Stability and Growth in South Asia: The Way Forward\nChairperson- Amb. Satish Chandra \nDr. Arvind Gupta: Political Stability in South Asia: Towards a Cooperative Approach  \nDr. Sanjaya Baru: India’s Role in the Economic Re-integration of the Indian Sub-continent \nAmb. Sheel Kant Sharma: SAARC and South Asian Stability and Growth: Potencial and Promise \n1.00 pm-1.05 pm Vote of Thanks \n  Ms. Sumita Kumar\, Conference Coordinator \nLunch : 1.05pm-2.00 pm \n\n\n\n\nConference Booklet\nRapporteurs Report
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/6th-south-asia-conference-prospects-for-stability-and-growth-in-south-asia
CATEGORIES:Previous South Asia conference,South Asia Conference,CONFERENCES
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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20111115T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20111116T053000
DTSTAMP:20261107T220156
CREATED:20231223T125723Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250328T005822Z
UID:62794-1321335000-1321421400@idsa.in
SUMMARY:5th South Asia Conference: Cooperative Security Framework for South Asia
DESCRIPTION:Concept Note\n\nIn an era of globalization\, countries are facing enormous and multifaceted challenges. Incidents in a particular region of the world have trans-national ramifications. As a result\, a single country cannot face the challenges effectively without the support or cooperation of other countries. What makes the situation even more daunting is the expanding scope of security\, and the interconnection between traditional and non-traditional security concerns. The complex security situation around the world has compelled many countries in different regions of the world (for example\, Europe and South East Asia) to adopt a cooperative security framework (CSF) to fight common challenges together. Of late\, there has been some realization about the need to evolve a cooperative security framework in South Asia with the emergence of common challenges in the region. For example\, Pakistan\, which was hesitating to act against terror\, has itself become a victim of it and displayed its willingness to be part of a common regional effort to fight terror under SAARC. The impact of climate change (flash floods\, tsunami\, drought\, sub-continental cyclone\, rising of sea levels in the Indian Ocean) has become so severe that the countries in the region are now working towards a common platform to mitigate that. However\, no serious efforts have yet been made towards the evolution of a “cooperative security framework (CSF)” in South Asia.Since the end of the cold war\, some debates and discussions have taken place in the region on this theme. Available literature focusing on challenges argue that the notion of cooperative security in South Asia has not taken roots due to the following factors: absence of an external aggressor\, peculiar geographical situation\, historical baggage\, fear of gradual Indianisation of the sub-continent\, lack of trust amongst the countries in the region\, perpetual enmity between India and Pakistan and last\, but not least\, the non-alignment movement in the 1950s. While the cold war contributed to and sharpened the process of regional cooperation in Europe and South East Asia\, it fomented instability in the South Asian region. Instead of working together and developing a regional outlook\, India’s neighbours have sometimes chosen to rely on external powers to augment their security. Efforts to tackle issues of common concern in a collective and cooperative manner were held hostage to mutual mistrust which also led sometimes to inter-state conflicts. \nSome scholars have observed that SAARC could be the right platform towards this endeavor. Certain steps have already been taken. For instance\, during the SAARC 2004 summit a resolution whereby terrorism could be discussed within the ambit of SAARC was passed. Progress on SAFTA and the India-Pakistan dialogue held on the sidelines of various SAARC summits also suggest that SAARC could be the right platform. However\, others have observed that SAARC is inherently incapable of being a substituting for a much-needed common cooperative security architecture in South Asia. It does not deal with regional security issues and therefore it has focused only on non-traditional security issues. Most importantly\, the debate on the CSF in South Asia is mostly centered on the problems between India and Pakistan and other issues are usually neglected. Much of the literature argues for the evolution of a comprehensive security system\, which could provide a mechanism for identification of issues and challenges in the region. They do not talk about the need for any institutional mechanism for ensuring cooperative security in the region. \nWhile the concept of collective security and collective self-defence evolved during the cold war era with the objective of mitigating traditional security concerns of states\, concepts like common security\, comprehensive security\, and human security\, mostly came to the fore in the post cold war period by bringing traditional and non-traditional security (NTS) issues together in international politics. Cooperative security as it is understood puts emphasis on interdependence and cooperation both at intra- and inter-regional levels. \nRadical political changes have taken place in South Asia after the cold war. Almost all countries have adopted democratic structures and are making efforts to check the influence of non-democratic forces in their societies. Two major internal security challenges\, i.e.\, the LTTE and Maoist insurgency in Nepal\, have been\, more or less\, resolved. Except Pakistan and Afghanistan\, other conflict theatres in South Asia are relatively under control. Terrorism has surfaced as a common challenge for all countries in the region\, including Pakistan. Economic relations between South Asian countries\, except between India-Pakistan\, have improved. India is inviting its neighbours to participate in its growing economy and benefit from it. It has expressed its willingness to engage Pakistan despite subversive activities with known cross-border linkages. The fact remains that in spite of all this a workable cooperative security framework\, which could enable regional cooperation on an expanding range of security issues\, is yet to be developed. \nHowever\, with such positive political transformation taking place in different countries\, the region might be at the cross-roads of a major change. The objective of the conference is to discuss various concepts relating to cooperative security\, critically analyse such frameworks in different regions and explore whether it is possible and practicable in the South Asian region. \nThe 5th South Asian Conference being organised by the IDSA this year aims to bring together scholars\, experts and analysts to reflect on the issues related to the prospects of evolution of a cooperative security framework in South Asia. Following research questions will be discussed in the various sessions of the conference. \n\nWhat is the status of debate on cooperative security architecture in South Asia and what are the various concepts related to it?\nWhat are the enabling factors for the emergence of a cooperative security framework in South Asia? What are the common challenges confronting the states and what steps they are taking at the individual and collective level to meet them?\nGiven the history of conflict and cooperation in South Asia\, is it practical to expect that South Asian states can evolve a cooperative security frame work in the region? What are the factors inhibiting progress towards cooperative security framework despite positive changes in the region and at the global level?\nWhat role can SAARC play to enable an effective dialogue on cooperative security in south Asia? Will Track-II initiatives be of any help?\nWhat are the existing models of cooperative security in different regions of the world? What model would be appropriate for South Asia?\n\n\n\n\n\nProgramme Schedule\n\n\n\n\n\n\nDay 1- Tuesday\, 15 November 2011\n\n\n\n09:00 – 09:30\nRegistration \nGround Floor of IDSA\n\n\n\n09:30 – 10:00\nInaugural Session\n\n\n\n\nOpening remarks\nShri N S Sisodia\, DG\, IDSA\n\n\n\nBook release and Inauguration\nShri A K Antony\, Hon’ble Raksha Mantri\n\n\n\nVote of Thanks\nDr Arvind Gupta\, \nLBSC\, IDSA\n\n\n10:00 – 10:30\nTea\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nSession I: 10:30 – 13:00 hrs\nIs there a need for cooperative security framework in South Asia? \nThis session will focus on the concept of cooperative security in South Asia and will also explore the need of cooperative security architecture in South Asia context \nChair: N. S. Sisodia\n\n\nSecurity Architecture in South Asia: Conceptual Parameters\nS. D. Muni\n\n\nNew Opportunities for Populous Asia\nShahid Javed Burki\n\n\nCooperative Security Framework in South Asia: A Bangladesh Perspective\nFarooq Sobhan\n\n\nMaritime Security Cooperation in South Asia: A Maldivian Perspective\nAhmed Shaheed\n\n\nProspects of Cooperative Security Framework for Afghanistan\nDaoud Sultanzoy\n\n\nCooperative Security Framework for South Asia: A Sri Lankan Perspective\nW. I. Siriweera\n\n\n\nQuestion and Answer\n\n\n\n13:00 – 14:00\nLunch\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nSession II: 14:00 – 16:30\nSecurity Challenges for South Asia: Traditional and Non-Traditional Security \nWhat are the key non-traditional security challenges to South Asia? \nHow do these impact South Asian securities as a whole?  \nWhat is the nature of interaction between non-traditional security and traditional security?\nChair: I P Khosla\n\n\nShould India and Pakistan Look Beyond Indus Water Treaty? Why and How?\nShaista Tabassum\n\n\nA Cooperative Security Framework – Environment and Climate Change\nPK Gautam\n\n\nNon-Traditional Security in Afghanistan\nSaifullah Ahmadzai\n\n\nCooperative Security Framework for South Asia: Economic Development and Regional Integration\nDushni Weerakoon\n\n\nClimate Change Security: A Case Study from Bhutan\nChhimi Dorzi\n\n\nEngaging ‘Water’ in South Asia: Is Cooperative Security Plausible?\nMedha Bisht\n\n\n\nQuestion and Answer\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nDay II – Wednesday\, 16 November 2011\n\n\n\n\nSession 1: 09:30 – 13:00 hrs\nIs cooperative security feasible in South Asia? \nGiven the history of conflict and cooperation in South Asia\, what are the challenges to evolving a cooperative security framework for South Asia? What are the possible models? Are they feasible? How to realize them?\nChair-Tan Tai Yong\n\n\nRegional Integration in South Asia: Possibility or Pipe Dream\nSrinath Raghavan\n\n\nCooperative Security in South Asia: Prospects and Challenges\nRajan Bhattarai\n\n\nCooperative on Maritime Security in South Asia\nChaminda Dilhanake Hettiarachchi\n\n\nDoes South Asia Need a Cooperative security Architecture?\nSmruti S Pattanaik and Nihar Nayak\n\n\nCooperative Security in South Asia: An Elusive Dream or the Need of Hour\nMahwish Hafeez\n\n\n\nQuestion and Answer\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n13:00 – 14:00\nLunch\n\n\n\n\nSession II (Panel Discussion): 14:00 – 16:00 hrs\nThe Way Ahead \n14:00 – 16:00                Panel discussion \nWhat are the mechanisms? Panelist will give their views on how they see the way forward. They will also interact with audience.\nChair- S. D. Muni\n\n\n\n\nDaoud Sultanzoy – Afghanistan\nShahid Zaved Burki – Pakistan\nFarooq Sobhan – Bangladesh\nAnjoo Sharan Upadhyaya – India\nHla Than Moung- Myanmar\n\n\n\n\n16:00 – 16:10\nVote of Thanks\n\n\n\n16:10 – 16:20\nTea\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nConference Booklet\nRapporteurs Report\nKeynote Address at by Hon’ble Defence Minister\, Shri A. K. Antony \nPress Release: Day 1
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/5th-south-asia-conference-cooperative-security-framework-for-south-asia
CATEGORIES:Previous South Asia conference,South Asia Conference,CONFERENCES
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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20101102T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20101103T053000
DTSTAMP:20261107T220156
CREATED:20231223T125723Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250120T040819Z
UID:62798-1288675800-1288762200@idsa.in
SUMMARY:4th South Asia Conference: The Common Challenge of Terrorism in South Asia and Prospect of Regional Cooperation
DESCRIPTION:Concept Note\n\n\nSouth Asia  has faced political violence for a long time. Some of it has been called  terrorism. However\, counter-terrorism came on global agenda after a major  terror attack was launched on the US on 9/11. Though the US has managed to thwart terror after that\,  south Asia has not been equally lucky. Most  south Asian nations still have been facing the problem of terrorism\, and if  anything the problem of terrorism has only intensified in several cases. Nevertheless\,  some positive developments have also been noticed on this front during the last  one or two years. This has placed south Asia  at a crucial juncture where further cooperation can help the region overcome  this problem.  \n                    Terrorism has so far defied an  agreed definition. But after 9/11 there seems to be a growing opinion that this  disadvantage should not be allowed to come in the way of fighting a phenomenon\,  which is harmful to everyone. The United Nation’s Resolution 1390 (2002)  adopted by the Security Council at its 4452nd meeting\, on 16 January 2002  reaffirmed that acts of international terrorism constitute a threat to  international peace and security.  \n                    Terrorism has influenced domestic  political structures in South Asian countries in a negative way. It has  encouraged militarism\, chauvinism and a distinct tilt towards right-wing  extremism. It has been used as an excuse for undermining democracy.  \n                    Terrorism has hindered economic  development in south Asia. It has imposed  heavy economic cost on most of these nations. Direct costs are in the nature of  the destruction of infrastructure\, factories and standing crops and stoppage of  economic activities. Indirect costs are varied and arise out of general loss of  confidence in the economy and the consequent inability to attract foreign  investment\, brain drain\, enhanced military expenditure\, high transaction costs  and various kinds of economic distortions.  \n                    Terrorism harms the economy of a  country but the terrorist groups themselves require lot of money to carry out  their activities. Often these groups finance their activity through drug trade.  The terrorist groups also indulge in smuggling of small arms which is used in  terrorist violence against the innocent civilians or state. Besides\,  gun-running is also used as a business to finance their activities. \n                    The terrorist attacks which took  place in New York\, Washington  and Pennsylvania on 11 September 2001 has  brought external forces in south Asia. Whether  it has succeeded in containing terrorism or not is arguable.  \n                    Almost every country of south Asia is facing problem of terrorism in one form or the  other. Some progress was achieved during the Colombo SAARC summit in 2008 where  leaders of south Asian countries reached an agreement to put in place a  regional legal framework to tackle the scourge. The SAARC Convention on Mutual  Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters is expected to strengthen regional  cooperation in the fight against cross-border crimes\, specially the fight  against terrorism.   \n                    To achieve this objective\, the  Convention calls on all member states to provide each other the widest possible  measures of cooperation in combating crime by strengthening cooperation in the  prevention\, investigation and prosecution of crimes. The support extended is  subject to the national laws of the State Parties to the Convention. The  Convention outlines the procedure to be followed in investigations\, including  search and seizure\, obtaining evidence\, documents and witnesses in the  provision of mutual legal assistance.  Though  the intention is positive\, unfortunately the results of SAARC convention have  not been so encouraging. This highlights the need for taking a fresh look at  regional efforts to tackle terror.  \n                    The Conference: \n                    The conference seeks to discuss  among others the following questions: \n\nWhat kind of problem south Asia       faces from Terrorism?\nHow have individual countries coped with terrorism?\nWhat kind of regional cooperation has taken place in       south Asia?\nWhat is the prospect of regional cooperation?\n\n\n\n\n\nProgramme Schedule\n\n\n\n\n\nDay 1\n\n\n\n\nTuesday\, 2nd November 2010\n\n\n\n \n \n\n\n \n0930 – 1000 hrs: Registration  \n                          1000 – 1200  hrs: Session I :  Problems of  Terrorism in South AsiaChair: N S Sisodia\n                           S. D. Muni: Beyond Terrorism” or “Need to Understand  Terrorism in a Wider Context\n                          Jehan Parera: Lessons Learnt and Post War Developments in Sri Lanka\n                          Deepak Thapa: Cycles of Violence: Conflict in ‘Post-Conflict’ Nepal\n                          Sumit Ganguly \n                          1200 – 1230 hrs: Tea \n                          1230- 1300 hrs: Keynote address – Gen V P Malik\n                                                       \n\n\n\n \n \n\n\n \n1300 – 1400 hrs: Lunch – IDSA Lawn\n\n\n \n \n\n\n \n1400 – 1700 hrs: Session II: Country  Perspective I \n                              Chair: Afsir Karim \n                          Mohamed Ziad:	Countering Terrorism – A Small State  Perspective \n                          Arvind Gupta\, Ashok Behuria\, \nPushpita Das       & PV Ramana:	India’s Experience in Dealing with   Terrorism\n	Karma Tsering Namgyal:	Statement on Combating Terrorism: Country Presentation \n\n    Shivaji Felix:	The Impact of Terrorism on Sri Lanka: a Multifaceted Analysis \n\n\n\n \n \n\n\n \n \n\n\n\nDay 2\n\n\n\n\nWednesday\, 3rd November 2010\n\n\n\n \n\n\n \n1000-1030 hrs: Keynote Address – K Subrahmanyam \n                          1030-1300 hrs:  Session I \n:Country  Perspective II \n                              Chair: S. D. Muni \n                              Davood Moradian \n                              Imtiaz Ahmed:	Role of Academics in Combating Terrorism: A Closer Look at Bangladesh\n                        Shyam Tekwani \n\n\n\n \n \n\n\n \n1300 – 1400 hrs: Lunch – Banquet Hall\n\n\n \n \n\n\n \n1400-1700 hrs Session II:Regional  Cooperation in Counter Terrorism \n                              Chair: Shri Prakash Singh \n                          Shehryar Fazli:	Opportunities for Regional Stability: The View from Pakistan\nC. Thapa:	Counter-Terrorism and Regional Cooperation in South Asia \n\nAnand Kumar:	Assessing Counter-Terror Cooperation in South Asia \n\n\n\n \n \n\n\n \n \n\n\n \n1700 – 1800  hrs: Session III:The Way Forward \n                          Mr. Jayant Prasad\n                          Mr. Arvind Gupta \n\n\n\n \n \n\n\n \n1800 – 1815  hrs: Vote of thanks\n\n\n \n \n\n\n\n\n\n\nRapporteurs Report\nSpeakers
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/4th-south-asia-conference-the-common-challenge-of-terrorism-in-south-asia-and-prospect-of-regional-cooperation
CATEGORIES:Previous South Asia conference,South Asia Conference,CONFERENCES
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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20091104T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20091105T053000
DTSTAMP:20261107T220156
CREATED:20231223T125734Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250317T062148Z
UID:62803-1257312600-1257399000@idsa.in
SUMMARY:3rd South Asia Conference: South Asia 2020: Towards Cooperation or Conflict?
DESCRIPTION:Concept Note\n\nDemocratic political transitions in the South Asian countries have generated immense hope and aspirations among the masses of the region for a promising future that would deal with issues of poverty\, better access to health care facilities\, education and provide employment opportunities to its youth. Aspirations embedded in movements for restoration of democracy in some countries and greater democratization and transparency in others have provided opportunity for the countries of South Asia to think of a cooperative future that can help the countries of the region to achieve these goals. SAARC as a process has tried to strengthen the spirit of regional cooperation by providing a political platform to the leaders of these countries to come together and address some of these issues.South Asian countries face various challenges that have undermined efforts of cooperation. Mutual distrust has not let the countries undertake cooperative efforts to deal with issues like poverty\, terrorism\, fundamentalism\, unemployment and environment that affect all the countries. There are many endeavors underway driven mainly by initiatives of the civil society. There is a growing feeling that the states need to make earnest efforts to build on some of these civil society initiatives and take concrete actions. There are several issues: visa relaxation\, facilitating people to people contacts and cultural exchanges in areas like culture\, art and cinema. The countries of South Asia are reluctant to facilitate movement of people across borders. People are yearning for good relations among the countries of the region so as to take advantage of growing economic opportunities and facilities like cheaper medical care. Since all the countries now have democratically elected governments in place the people of South Asia are in a position to nudge the governments towards greater cooperation. \nBilateral disagreements will take their own time to be resolved. Past engagements have shown that conflict does not bring about any solution. Rather it exacerbates suspicion and deepens antagonism thereby impeding regional cooperation. It is imperative therefore to develop a vision for the region’s future. The questions that we need to answer are: how do we see the future of our countries\, our future as South Asians? And how do we see the interstate relations in that future? Are we moving towards a future that is marked by mutual antagonism and uncertainty or a cooperative future marked by prosperity\, peace and stability? \nThis international seminar aims to bring together scholars of the region to explore some of these ideas and initiate a debate on how we look at our respective countries and the region from the prism of conflict or cooperation in 2020. The goal is to exchange ideas and reflect on a collective future in which regional cooperation can resolve common problems and achieve common goals. The objective of the seminar is to chart out a path for mutual cooperation and let differences not hinder cooperation. The conference will reflect on some of these questions: \n\nCan the countries of the region look forward to better political relations in 2020?\nHow will democratization impact civil society movements and enable greater people to people contact?\nWhat will be the framework of cooperation to deal with non-state actors?\nWill there be greater trade and investment from within the region?\nWhat will be the role of external powers in the region?\nHow do countries of South Asia look at the future given the development in communication network\, transnational security threats\, environment challenges and problems of development in 2020?\nWill the region be able to cope with issues food\, water and energy security?\nWill the countries and the region be able to deal with climate change?\n\n\n\n\n\nProgramme Schedule\n\n\nNovember 4 (Day one)\n0930: Welcome remarks by Director General\, IDSA\n09.35: Keynote Address by Ms Nirupama Rao\, Foreign Secretary\n0955: Vote of Thanks\n1000: Tea \nFirst Session: 10.15-12.00: Forging Regional Consensus on Core Areas of Cooperation\nChair: Shri N.S.Sisodia \n\nSouth Asia 2020: A futuristic Perspective\n— Dr Arvind Gupta \nDealing with Terrorism in 2020: Can there be a Regional Approach?\n— Brig (retd) Shahidul Anam\nSouth Asia between Co-operation and Conflict: Globalization\, Peace Building & Violence\n— Dr. Darini Rajasingham Senanayake\n\nSecond Session: 1200-1330: Regional approach to a Cooperative Future\nChair: Shri Rajiv Sikri \n\nSouth Asian Regional Security Architecture: Creating Order from Anarchy\n— Dr Sujit Dutta \nChanging Pattern of Security Threats: Time for Realignment\n— Dr Kaiser Bengali\nSharing Common Rivers: Is it a Source of Cooperation or Conflict?\n— Dr. Uttam Kumar Sinha\n\nLunch 1330-1430 \nThird Session: 1430-1700 hrs: Securing South Asia: Country Perspectives\nChair :Lt Gen. B. S. Malik  \n\nStabilising Afghanistan: Challenges Ahead\n— Dr Davood Moradian\nThe Tamil National Question in Sri Lanka: Current Dynamics and Future Trends\n— Dr. Sumansiri Liyanage \nFedralising the Nepali State: Challenges and Opportunities\n— Prof. Krishna Khanal\nRadicalisation of Civil Society in Pakistan: What laid Ahead?\n— Dr. Tahmina Rashid \nSouth Asia 2020: A Maldivian Perspective\n— Mr. Ibrahim Hussain Zaki\n\nNovember 5 (Day two)\nFirst Session: 9.30-11.30 hrs: Role of Regional Organisations in the future of South Asia\nChair: Amb. I.P.Khosla  \n\nFuture of Regional Organisations: Case study of BIMSTEC\n— Dr Amita Batra\nRegional Economic Integration and SAFTA: What does it portend?\n— Dr. Nitya Nanda & Mr. Souvik Bhattacharjya \nDoes SAARC have a Future?\n— Dr. Smruti S Pattanaik\n\nSecond Session: 11.45-1330 hrs: Role of Extra-regional Powers\nChair: Prof Madhu Bhalla  \n\nRole of Extra Regional Powers and Future of Peace Process in Nepal\n— Mr. Nishchal Nath Pandey\nAfghan Conundrum: Can there be a Regional approach\n— Dr Ahmad Shayeq Qassem \nExtra-regional Powers and Emerging Security Scenario in South Asia\n— Prof Rajesh Rajagopalan \nChina and South Asia\n— Prof Swaran Singh \n\nLunch 1330-1430 \nThird Session: 1430-1700hrs: Way Forward: Building a Common Future\n\nIs there a Future to Indo-Pak Economic Relations?\n— Asad Sayeed \nRegional Connectivity: Getting Past the Impediments\n— Dr Rahmatullah \nRegional Framework for Non-state Actors in South Asia\n— Ms Swadesh M Rana \n\n1700-1730 hrs : Valedictory address by Amb. Leela Ponappa\, Former Deputy NSA \n1730-1800hrs : Tea \n\n\n\n\nRapporteurs Report\nSpeakers & Abstract\n \n\n\n\n For further information kindly get in touch with Dr. Smruti S. Pattanaik\, Research Fellow and Conference Coordinator of Third International Conference on South Asia\, IDSA.\nEmail: smrutipattanaik@rediffmail.com\nCell No: +91 9810991723\nPhone: 91-11-2671 7983
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/3rd-south-asia-conference-south-asia-2020-towards-cooperation-or-conflict
CATEGORIES:Previous South Asia conference,South Asia Conference,CONFERENCES
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