BEGIN:VCALENDAR VERSION:2.0 PRODID:-//MP-IDSA - ECPv6.15.12.2//NONSGML v1.0//EN CALSCALE:GREGORIAN METHOD:PUBLISH X-WR-CALNAME:MP-IDSA X-ORIGINAL-URL:https://idsa.in X-WR-CALDESC:Events for MP-IDSA REFRESH-INTERVAL;VALUE=DURATION:PT1H X-Robots-Tag:noindex X-PUBLISHED-TTL:PT1H BEGIN:VTIMEZONE TZID:Asia/Kolkata BEGIN:STANDARD TZOFFSETFROM:+0530 TZOFFSETTO:+0530 TZNAME:IST DTSTART:20130101T000000 END:STANDARD END:VTIMEZONE BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20251111T080000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20251112T170000 DTSTAMP:20261108T012629 CREATED:20251209T093828Z LAST-MODIFIED:20251209T094220Z UID:94889-1762848000-1762966800@idsa.in SUMMARY:Delhi Defence Dialogue 2025 DESCRIPTION:About DDD Concept Note Programme Contact Us Registration Form\n \n\n \n\n  \n\n \nLive Streaming: Day One\n\n \nLive Streaming: Day Two\n\n\nThe Delhi Defence Dialogue (DDD) is a premier platform instituted by the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA) to address the multifaceted challenges of defence and security. Organised annually\, the DDD brings together a diverse range of stakeholders\, including government officials\, military leaders\, defence experts\, industry representatives and international delegates\, to engage in constructive dialogue and exchange ideas. The inaugural edition of the DDD was held in 2024\, and the second edition is scheduled for 11–12 November 2025\, with the focus on “Harnessing New Age Technology for Defence Capability Development”. This edition will explore how emerging technologies\, such as Artificial Intelligence\, Quantum Computing and Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs or drones)\, can be leveraged to enhance defence capabilities and address evolving security challenges. The DDD serves as a platform for knowledge-sharing\, collaboration\, and the development of strategies to strengthen defence preparedness\, contributing to the formulation of evidence-based policies and the shaping of defence and security landscape. \n \nPrevious Conference: 2024\n \n\n\n\n  \n\n\n  \n\nConcept Note\nHarnessing New Age Technology for Defence Capability Development\n\nTechnology has long been accepted as a driver for creating paradigm shifts in warfare. It is considered a key component of the “revolution in military affairs” (RMA) and Net-Centric Warfare (NCW). Over time\, it has remained one of the most important and abiding agents of “military change”. Emphasising the relevance of new-age technology in modern warfare would be stating the obvious. The nexus between technology and military change reinforced by fast-evolving trends of the last decade that emphasise the growing impact of technology in the foreseeable future. To that extent\, it is not the relevance of technology that remains a question – it is more the transformational effect that could well be different from what planners and practitioners have been used to until now. \nThis rapid rate of change has left strategic thinkers struggling to deconstruct “what” is the nature and scope of impact that new-age technology like AI and robotics might have on the conduct of warfare. Does this pace of change even allow for long-term planning wherein\, the line between fact and fiction is being compressed by technology? Therefore\, the natural corollary to understanding the impact of new-age technology is “how” planners adapt to its impact on defence planning and preparation and that too in an environment that remains constrained by time. \n \nWithin the scope of discussions during this seminar\, it is proposed to focus on six key areas to help stakeholders better understand the implications and impact of the change underway. This includes technological breakthroughs\, their effects on the military domain\, and the development of defence capability challenges likely to emerge due to these technologies. \nEvolution and Impact of New Age Technology \nFrom a stage when information and more so intelligence about the adversary was scarce and could become the basis for suffering defeat in a battle to more recent times when “information overload” could potentially lead to “decision paralysis”\, technology is yet again likely to become one of the crucial determinants for not only facilitating decision-making but also allowing autonomous decisions in the military domain. This change\, despite the inherent and understandable misgivings regarding ownership and responsibility involved\, is already underway. The question at this stage is no longer whether the change will occur; instead\, it is more a question of when and to what extent it will influence the changing character of modern warfare. \nThe concept of “new-age” technology is fast evolving\, given the pace and rate of development in fields like artificial intelligence (AI)\, robotics\, and quantum computing. Policy planners and corporate leaders struggle to keep pace with this transformational change. The potential impact of these changes continues to influence all aspects of policy\, business and from the perspective of this seminar\, the art and science of warfighting. \nMilitary planners face a tough choice. While\, they are expected to prepare for future events\, unlike any single instance in history\, the human race stares at the possibility of fighting a war they may not entirely control and perhaps even fight! \nThe military leadership struggles to come to terms with the impact of new-age technology\, two key aspects dominate the mind space concerning the “what” and “how” of the ongoing changes. \nMost seminar participants who possibly preceded Gen Z\, grew up admiring the information age and the wonder that Moore’s Law represented. In 1965\, Gordon Moore forecasted a doubling of transistors on an integrated chip every year and later in 1975\, every two years without significant additional cost of ownership. Besides powering increasingly powerful desktops\, this gave rise to powerful supercomputers. Despite doubts about the continuing growth rate\, recent years have witnessed this predicted pace being outstripped by GPU chips. Nvidia’s Jensen Huang illustrated this with a 1000x improvement in its AI chips over a decade. In addition\, technologies like quantum computing and DNA computing have opened fresh avenues of research that are likely to have a profound impact on the military domain. \nThis improvement in computing power has been accompanied by the creation of algorithms that use data to replicate human decisions and actions\, but also learn with successive iterations and ultimately make independent choices. The possibilities are seemingly endless and perhaps even daunting given their likely impact. \nWhat is the likely trajectory of new-age technology with a special focus on AI and robotics? What is its possible impact on warfighting? \nAdapting to Excel – Structures\, Mechanisms and Challenges for Transformative Change \nTransformative shifts demand a far greater degree of understanding\, appreciation\, adaptation and implementation of change in the military domain. Decision-making processes\, mechanisms and structures honed over decades through the industrial and thereafter information age may struggle to keep pace with the rapid change. For once\, defence institutions may find traditional hierarchical processes rendered redundant by the quick succession of events and the heavy cost of decision dilemmas. It is yet to be seen how this impacts decision-making. Will it lead to greater decentralisation or over-centralisation? What will be the man-machine interface? How will it influence the tenets of military leadership? Will military leaders remain leaders or become the managers of military assets? At the outset\, these questions might seem far-fetched. Yet\, the ongoing changes are unlike any that the infusion of technology has witnessed in military affairs. Besides\, operators controlling a swarm of drones is already a reality that might be the beginning of the far more transformational shift. Accordingly\, what changes in defence structures and mechanisms are needed? Are there major challenges envisaged in implementing these?\n \nLevelling the Playing Field – Pre-requisites and Challenges of Leapfrogging \nTwo significant trends have dominated the march of technology and its impact on defence capability development. First\, major powers with the financial muscle\, talent pool and lead in advanced technologies dominate its integration into military systems. Second\, and more interestingly\, the relative democratisation of technology\, led by open-source architecture\, has allowed innovative individuals\, start-ups and astute leaders to bridge this gap significantly. The emergence of open-source Large Language Models (LLMs) and India’s Mars Orbital Mission (MOM) are examples that reinforce the success of innovative low-cost solutions to complex problems. \nArguably\, the case of achieving parity in a particular technology may not suggest a wider trend. Yet\, it indicates an ability or at least the possibility of countries and new-age tech companies to leapfrog established players in a shorter period and lower costs than what was associated with the military-industrial complex in the past. The probability of leapfrogging in a fast-evolving technological domain where innovation and adaptation are perhaps as important as access to funding and technology becomes an important factor. Especially because of the opportunity it creates for technology leaders and others to catch up in niche areas and create an impact that far outweighs the investment – both monetary and intellectual. \nHow is leapfrogging likely to bridge the haves and have-nots divide\, especially to create niche defence forces capabilities? Does the emergence of AI provide such an opportunity to states that may not have the same resources as more advanced and affluent countries? Does the experience of leapfrogging at the cost of indigenous technology development have lessons for implementing it in the future? How will leapfrogging be envisaged when future advancements are driven by software-defined emerging technologies/ algorithmic warfare? \nEnhancing Collaboration\, Co-development and Co-Production in a De-Globalising World \nThe potential of AI is harnessed not only through the power of its chips but also the data that facilitates learning and therefore the generation of decision models. Unlike commercial data\, military-grade data will remain controlled by states. The possibility of collaboration between partners and allies can potentially expand and enhance the qualitative edge enjoyed by the side generating more realistic and reliable support systems. It can further facilitate interoperability that is hinged around technology. This highlights the potential of multinational defence networks that could gain an upper hand against potential adversaries through access to shared data resources and the combined power to exploit its inherent potential. \nThis potential can best be achieved through a collaborative approach that envisages co-development and co-production as its constituents. What is the scope of defence collaboration specifically for harnessing the vast potential of new-age technologies through co-development and co-production initiatives? What legal\, security and operational controls would be required to enable such sharing? \nBest Practices and Challenges of Defence Policy Planning\, Structures and Implementation \nStates have recognised the challenges and opportunities associated with the influence and impact of new-age technology on defence capability planning. Predictably\, it involves the desire to harness the vast potential of technology advancements. Simultaneously\, there is an equally vibrant debate surrounding the abuse of its potential. This dialogue comes at a time when states and strategic analysts have a better appreciation of this debate and therefore the opportunity to assess existing policy guidelines and international frameworks. The United Kingdom MoD released its Defence Artificial Intelligence Strategy in June 2022. The Pentagon released its Data\, Analytics and Artificial Intelligence Adoption Strategy in 2023 giving an impetus to research\, development and early adoption of AI. The initiatives extend to machine learning and the employment of robotics to augment human involvement in combat. Israel released its policy on Artificial Intelligence Regulations and Ethics in 2023. South Korea released its National Strategy for Artificial Intelligence in 2019. \nWhat has been India’s approach to adopting new-age technologies? A series of initiatives have been launched by the government to harness the potential of emerging technologies. The NITI Aayog released the National Strategy for Artificial Intelligence in 2018. The National Quantum Mission focusses on developing and deploying quantum computing technologies. The National Supercomputing Mission will build a network of supercomputers across India to make high-performance computing more accessible. The National Strategy for Artificial Intelligence aims to leverage AI for economic growth\, social development and inclusive growth (AI for All). The Semiconductor Mission aims to develop a complete semiconductor ecosystem – design\, fabrication\, packaging and testing. \n The Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) will remain at the forefront of developing AI-based solutions for defence and security applications\, including autonomous systems and robotics. \nUnlike the past\, most advancements in new-age technologies like AI and robotics are dual-use. This will make framing policy\, creating structures\, and ensuring effective implementation much more challenging\, especially in light of inadequate transparency regarding the options and intentions of potential adversaries. What therefore should be the best practices for policy guidance\, creating structures and implementing reforms to enhance defence capability development? What would be the role of dual-use technology licensing protocols like Wassenaar and export control agreements like International Traffic in Arms Regulation? This includes the need for government entities to have roadmaps\, funding and timelines for problem statements to come up with innovative technologies. \nCivil-Military Fusion – Scope\, Challenges and Possibilities \nThe era of defence research preceding its adaptation for non-military use is fast being replaced by commercial innovations that are likely to witness implementation in the military domain. Despite this trend\, the defence eco-system will need to guard its proprietary data zealously and yet collaborate with the advancements in commercial technology. The use of geographical information systems (GIS)\, medical treatment\, weather forecasting\, inventory management\, collection\, collation and control of multiple sensor platforms like drones are certain areas that could witness cross-pollination of talent and research efforts. \nInitiatives like the Technology Development Fund (TDF) and Start-Up challenges can encourage talent in new-age technologies to complement the government’s R&D vision. This must\, however\, be accompanied by close monitoring of such initiatives to ensure accountability. \nThe possibilities generated by new-age tech are likely to find an unparalleled collaboration between businesses and state enterprises. Some cases of collaboration have already been witnessed during the Ukraine War\, highlighting its immense potential. On the face of it\, this can be contested since most private companies and platforms are essentially commercial ventures. While this may be true\, the line between the commercial and military application of technologies like AI is likely to remain ever so diffused. Technologies that are considered application-agnostic can be modelled for military applications. Similarly\, dual-use technologies will inherently remain potential tools for security agencies. This reinforces the inherent relevance of a more effective and efficient civil-military fusion model that is bound to vary from one country to another. \nA related field of rapid advancement is represented by robotics. There are varying estimates of the efficacy and impact of robotics in businesses and the military. This includes a statement from Jensen Huang: “Everything that moves will be robotised” within ten years. This possible reality is already being supplemented through autonomous weapon systems (AWS) in the air\, on land and at sea. It is difficult to judge if this will include robotising the battlefield. However\, even as the timeline may be flexible\, the writing seems to be on the wall! \nWhat is the scope for fostering better civil-military fusion in an era where commercial technologies are likely to take the lead in the developmental cycle? How can government policy formulation\, R&D establishments\, the private sector across its entire spectrum and academia better collaborate to achieve higher efficiency and output? \nThese initiatives will specifically need to focus on legacy policies and procedures\, which\, while suitable for a platform-centric evaluation\, testing\, certification and induction\, may not adequately handle the pricing\, comparative evaluation and procurement of new-age technological solutions. \nThe Delhi Defence Dialogue not only intends to facilitate conversations and the exchange of ideas on these issues but also generate insights and policy inputs that will help policy leaders and stakeholders better grasp the new wave of military change brought about by emerging technologies. \n \n\n\n\n  \n\n\n  \n\nProgramme\n\n\n\nDay One: Tuesday\, 11 November 2025\nVenue: Auditorium\, Second Floor\, MP-IDSA\n\n\n\n\n0930-1000 \n\n\nRegistration \n\n\n\n\n1000-1100 \n\n\nSpecial Address by Gen Anil Chauhan\, PVSM\, UYSM\, AVSM\, SM\, VSM\, Chief of Defence Staff – “Impact of Technology on Modern Warfare” \n Moderator: Amb Sujan R Chinoy\, Director General\, MP-IDSA\n Interactive Q&A\n Vote of Thanks by Col Vivek Chadha (Retd)\, Senior Fellow\, Military Affairs Centre\, MP-IDSA \n\n\n\n\n1100-1140 \n\n\nInaugural Address by Shri Rajnath Singh\, Hon’ble Raksha Mantri  and President\, MP-IDSA \n Moderator: Amb Sujan R Chinoy\, Director General\, MP-IDSA \n Vote of Thanks by Col Vivek Chadha (Retd)\, Senior Fellow\, Military Affairs Centre\, MP-IDSA \n\n\n\n\n1140-1200 \n\n\nHigh Tea \n\n\n\n\n1200-1300 \n\n\nSESSION-I: Impact of New-Age Technology on Modern Warfare \n Moderator: Amb Sujan R Chinoy\, Director General\, MP-IDSA\n Speakers: \n Ms Reena Dayal Yadav\, Founder and CEO\, Quantum Ecosystems and Technology Council of India\n “The Role of Ecosystem and Collaboration in the Context of Quantum\, a Dual-Use Technology”\n Dr Subrahmanyam Saderla\, Associate Professor\, IIT Kanpur\n “Integration of AI in Drone Warfare”\n Mr Leonid Nersisyan\, Senior Research Fellow\, APRI-Armenia (Armenia)\n “Role of Drones in Modern Warfare with a Case Study of the Ukrainian and Nagorno-Karabakh conflicts”\n Interactive Q&A \n\n\n\n\n1300-1400 \n\n\nLunch  \n\n\n\n\n1400-1430 \n\n\nSpecial Address by Dr Rituraj Kumar\, Director\, CAIR\, DRDO- "Harnessing New Technology for Defence Capability Development" \n Moderator: Lt Gen Raj Shukla\, PVSM\, YSM\, SM (Retd.)\, Member\, UPSC\n Interactive Q&A \n\n\n\n\n1430-1600 \n\n\nSESSION-II: Adapting to Excel – Structures\, Mechanisms and Challenges \n Moderator: Lt Gen Raj Shukla\, PVSM\, YSM\, SM (Retd.)\, Member\, UPSC \n Speakers: \n Mr Pranay Kotasthane\, Deputy Director\, Takshashila Institution\n “Challenges in the Semiconductor Industry” \n Dr Peter Layton\, Visiting Fellow\, Griffith Asia Institute & Associate Fellow\, RUSI (Online-Australia)\n “The Emerging New Model Air Force and Its Impacts” \n Lt Gen DS Hooda\, PVSM\, UYSM\, AVSM\, VSM*(Retd)\, Co-founder\, Council for Strategic and Defense Research \n “Role of AI in Defence Innovation and Structures”\n Interactive Q&A \n\n\n\n\n1600-1620 \n\n\nTea/Coffee Break \n\n\n\n\n1620-1650 \n\n\nSpecial Address by \n Vice Admiral Tarun Sobti\, UYSM\, AVSM\, VSM\n Deputy Chief of Naval Staff – "Levelling the Playing Field – Leapfrogging Challenges" \n Moderator: Vice Admiral Shekhar Sinha\, PVSM\, AVSM\, NM & Bar (Retd.)\, Member\, Governing Council\, Indian Council of World Affairs\n Interactive Q&A \n\n\n\n\n1650-1820 \n\n\nSESSION-III: Levelling the Playing Field – Leapfrogging Challenges \n Moderator: Vice Admiral Shekhar Sinha\, PVSM\, AVSM\, NM & Bar (Retd.)\, Member\, Governing Council\, Indian Council of World Affairs \n Speakers: \n Prof Balaraman Ravindran\, Head\, Department of DSAI\, IIT Madras \n "Artificial Intelligence in the Indian Military: Challenges in Adoption" \n Dr MS Prathibha\, Associate Fellow\, East Asia Centre\, MP-IDSA\n "The Chinese PLA and AI: Perspectives and Challenges" \n Dr Bhaskar Kanseri\, Associate Professor\, IIT Delhi\n "Role of Quantum Communication for Defence Capability Development"\n Interactive Q&A \n\n\n\n\n1820 \n\n\nEnd of Day One \n\n\n\n\n\n\nDay Two: Wednesday\, 12 November 2025\nVenue: Auditorium\, Second Floor\, MP-IDSA\n\n\n\n\n0930-1000 \n\n\nSpecial Address by Gen Upendra Dwivedi PVSM\, AVSM\,  Chief of the Army Staff– "Modernisation of the Indian Army\, Role of New-Age Technology" \n Moderator: Lt Gen (Dr) Subrata Saha\, PVSM\, UYSM\, YSM\, VSM** (Retd)\, Executive Chairman\, Manekshaw Centre for National Security Studies and Research \n Interactive Q&A \n\n\n\n\n1000-1030 \n\n\nSpecial Address by Dr Samir V Kamat\, Secretary of the Department of Defence R&D and Chairman\, DRDO– "Enhancing Collaboration\, Co-Development and Co-Production" \n Moderator: Lt Gen (Dr) Subrata Saha\, PVSM\, UYSM\, YSM\, VSM** (Retd)\, Executive Chairman\, Manekshaw Centre for National Security Studies and Research  \n\n\n\n\n1030-1045 \n\n\n Interactive Q&A \n\n\n\n\n1045-1100 \n\n\nTea/Coffee Break \n\n\n\n\n1100-1230 \n\n\nSESSION-IV: Collaboration\, Co-Development and Co-Production \n Moderator: Lt Gen (Dr) Subrata Saha\, PVSM\, UYSM\, YSM\, VSM** (Retd)\, Executive Chairman\, Manekshaw Centre for National Security Studies and Research  \n Speakers: \n Col Anurag Awasthi (Retd)\, CEO\, Escape Velocity Mediaworks – “Challenges for Collaboration and Co-Development of Semiconductors” \n Prof Hari Babu Srivastava\, Professor of Practice\, IIT Delhi\n “Challenges for Collaboration and Co-Development" \n Sqn Ldr Sameer Joshi (Retd)\, CEO- NewSpace Research & Technologies Pvt Ltd \n “Navigating Barriers to Growth: Challenges and Strategic Solutions for India’s Aerospace and Defence Startups" \n Interactive Q&A \n\n\n\n\n1230-1330 \n\n\nLunch \n\n\n\n\n1330-1400 \n\n\nSpecial Address by Shri Sanjeev Kumar\, Secretary\, Department of Defence Production\, Government of India- "Atmanirbharta in New Age Technology" \n Moderator: Shri Raj Chengappa\, Group Editorial Director (Publishing)\, India Today Group \n Interactive Q&A \n\n\n\n\n1400-1530 \n\n\nSESSION-V: Defence Policy Planning – Best Practices & Challenges \n Moderator: Shri Raj Chengappa\, Group Editorial Director (Publishing)\, India Today Group \n Speakers: \n Shri Atul D Rane\, Retired OS and Former DG\, BrahMos Aerospace\n "India’s BrahMos Experience: Lessons for the Future" \n Mr Iida Masafumi\, Director\, Security Studies Department\, National Institute for Defense Studies \n "Chinese Discourse on Military Application of AI"(Japan)\n Mr Dmitry Stefanovich\, Research Fellow\, IMEMO RAS\n “Planning of the Strategic Weapons Development and Deployment: Mapping Priorities Under Uncertain Conditions” (Online-Russia)\n Interactive Q&A \n\n\n\n\n1530-1545 \n\n\n Tea/Coffee Break  \n\n\n\n\n1545-1615 \n\n\nSpecial Address by Air Marshal Narmdeshwar Tiwari\, SYSM\, PVSM\, AVSM\, VM\, Vice Chief of the Air Staff- “Civil-Military Fusion to Harness Emerging Technologies to Overcome Challenges posed by an Increasingly Democratised Airspace" \n Moderator: Air Chief Marshal Vivek Ram Chaudhari\, PVSM\, AVSM\, VM (Retd)\, Former Chief of the Air Staff \n Interactive Q&A \n\n\n\n\n1615-1745 \n\n\nSESSION-VI: Civil-Military Fusion – Scope and Possibilities \n Moderator: Air Chief Marshal Vivek Ram Chaudhari\, PVSM\, AVSM\, VM (Retd)\, Former Chief of the Air Staff  \n Speakers: \n Ms Elsa B Kania\, Adjunct Senior Fellow\, Technology & New Security Program\, CNAS\n “Military-Civil Fusion in a New Era: China’s Strategy\, Emerging Capabilities\, and the Competitive Challenges” (Online-USA) \n Ms Kateryna Bondar\, Fellow\, Wadhwani AI Centre\, CSIS\n "The Future of Warfare: Innovation\, Iteration and Acquisition at Speed" (Online-USA) \n Gp Capt (Dr) RK Narang (Retd)\, Senior Fellow\, North America & Strategic Technologies Centre\, MP-IDSA\n "Civil-Military Fusion in the Drone Industry"\n Interactive Q&A \n\n\n\n\n1745-1830 \n\n\nValedictory Address by Shri Baba Kalyani\, Chairman & Managing Director\, Bharat Forge  \n Moderator: Amb Sujan R Chinoy\, Director General\, MP-IDSA \n\n\n\n\n1830-1835 \n\n\nVote of Thanks by Col Vivek Chadha (Retd)\, Senior Fellow\, Military Affairs Centre\, MP-IDSA \n\n\n\n \nDownload [PDF]\n\n \n\n\n  \n\n\n  \n\n\nInaugural Session\n\n \n\n \nShri Rajnath Singh\nMinister of Defence\, Government of India & President\, MP-IDSA\n \n \n\n \nAmb Sujan R Chinoy\nDirector General\, MP-IDSA\n \n\n\n  \n\nValedictory Address\n\n\n \nDr. Subrahmanyam Jaishankar\nHon’ble External Affairs Minister\, Government of India. (TBC)\n \n \n\n  \n\nSpecial Address\n\n \n\n \nGen Anil Chauhan\, PVSM\, UYSM\, AVSM\, SM\, VSM\nChief of Defence Staff\n \n \n\n \nDr Rituraj Kumar\nDirector\, CAIR\, DRDO\n \n \n\n \nAdmiral Dinesh Kumar Tripathi\, PVSM\, AVSM\, NM\n\nChief of Navy Staff\n \n \n\n \nGen Upendra Dwivedi PVSM\, AVSM\, ADC (TBC)\n\nChief of Army Staff\n \n \n\n \nDr Samir V Kamat\nChairman\, DRDO\n \n \n\n \nShri RK Singh\nDefence Secretary\, Government of India\n \n \n\n \nAir Chief Marshal Amar Preet Singh\, PVSM\, AVSM\nChief of Air Staff\n \n\n\n  \n\nModerators\n\n \n\n \nAmb Sujan R Chinoy\nDirector General\, MP-IDSA\n \n \n\n \nLt Gen Raj Shukla\, PVSM\, YSM\, SM (Retd)\nMember\, UPSC\n \n \n\n \nVice Admiral Shekhar Sinha\, PVSM\, AVSM\, NM & Bar (Retd)\n \n \n \n\n \nLt Gen (Dr) Subrata Saha\, PVSM\, UYSM\, YSM\, VSM** (Retd)\n \n \n \n\n \nProf (Dr) Vijay Raghavan\nFormer Chairman\, DRDO Review Committee\n \n \n\n \nAir Chief Marshal Vivek Ram Chaudhari\, PVSM\, AVSM\, VM\, ADC (Retd) (TBC)\n \n \n \n\n  \n\nSpeakers\n\n \n\n \nMs Reena Dayal Yadav\nFounder and CEO\, Quantum Ecosystems and Technology Council of India\n \n \n\n \nDr Subrahmanyam Saderla\nAssociate Professor\, IIT Kanpur\n \n \n\n \nMr Leonid Nersisyan\nSenior Advisor\, APRI-Armenia\n \n \n\n \nMr Pranay Kotasthane\nDeputy Director\, Takshashila Institution\n \n \n\n \nDr Peter Layton\nVisiting Fellow\, Griffith Asia Institute; Associate Fellow\, RUSI\n \n \n\n \nLt Gen DS Hooda\, PVSM\, UYSM\, AVSM\, VSM (Retd)\nCo-Founder\, Council of Strategic and Defense Research\n \n \n\n \nProf Balaraman Ravindran\nHead\, Department of DSAI\, IIT Madras\n \n \n\n \nDr MS Prathibha\nAssociate Fellow\, East Asia Centre\, MP-IDSA\n \n \n\n \nDr Bhaskar Kanseri\nAssociate Professor\, IIT Delhi\n \n \n\n \nCol Anurag Awasthi (Retd)\nVice President\, India Electronics Semiconductors\n \n \n\n \nProf Hari Babu Srivastava\nProfessor of Practice\, IIT Delhi\n \n \n\n \nMr Sameer Joshi\nCEO & Director\, NewSpace Research Technologies\n \n \n\n \nShri Atul D Rane\nScientist ‘H’\, DG\, BrahMos Aerospace\n \n \n\n \nMr IIDA Masafumi\nMr IIDA Masafumi\, Director\, Security Studies Department\, National Institute for Defense Studies \n \n \n\n \nMr Dmitry Stefanovich\nResearch Fellow\, IMEMO RAS\n \n \n\n \nElsa B Kania\nAdjunct Senior Fellow\, Technology & New Security Program\, CNAS\n \n \n\n \nKateryna Bondar\nFellow\, Wadhwani AI Centre\, CSIS \n \n \n\n \nGp Capt RK Narang (Retd)\nSenior Fellow\, North America & Strategic Technologies\, MP-IDSA\n \n \n \n\n\nSpeakers\n\n \n\n \nMs Reena Dayal Yadav\nFounder and CEO\, Quantum Ecosystems and Technology Council of India\n \n \n\n \nMr Leonid Nersisyan\nSenior Advisor\, APRI-Armenia\n \n \n\n \nMr Pranay Kotasthane\nDeputy Director\, Takshashila Institution\n \n \n\n \nDr Peter Layton\nVisiting Fellow\, Griffith Asia Institute; Associate Fellow\, RUSI\n \n \n\n \nMr James Black\nDeputy Director\, Defence Security Research Group\, European Lead\, RAND\n \n \n\n \nProf Balaraman Ravindran\nHead\, Department of DSAI\, IIT Madras\n \n \n\n \nDr MS Prathibha\nAssociate Fellow\, East Asia Centre\, MP-IDSA\n \n \n\n \nDr Bhaskar Kanseri\nAssociate Professor\, IIT Delhi\n \n \n\n \nCol Anurag Awasthi (Retd)\nVice President\, India Electronics Semiconductors \n \n \n\n \nProf Hari Babu Srivastava\nProfessor of Practice\, IIT Delhi\n \n \n\n \nMr Sameer Joshi\nCEO & Director\, NewSpace Research Technologies\n \n \n\n \nShri Atul D Rane\nScientist ‘H’\, DG\, BrahMos Aerospace\n \n \n\n \nMr IIDA Masafumi\nMr IIDA Masafumi\, Director\, Security Studies Department\, National Institute for Defense Studies \n \n \n\n \nMr Dmitry Stefanovich\nResearch Fellow\, IMEMO RAS\n \n \n\n \nElsa B Kania\nAdjunct Senior Fellow\, Technology & New Security Program\, CNAS\n \n \n\n \nKateryna Bondar\nFellow\, Wadhwani AI Centre\, CSIS \n \n \n\n \nGp Capt RK Narang (Retd)\nSenior Fellow\, North America & Strategic Technologies\, MP-IDSA\n \n \n \n\n\n\n\n  \n\n\n  \n\nContact Us\nConference Coordinator\nEmail: conferencecoordinator[at]delhidefencedialogue[dot]net \nConference Cell\nEmail: cc.idsa[at]nic[dot]in URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/delhi-defence-dialogue-2025 CATEGORIES:CONFERENCES,The Delhi Defence Dialogue (DDD) ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20250325T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20250326T053000 DTSTAMP:20261108T012629 CREATED:20250504T232923Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250526T060058Z UID:92280-1742880600-1742967000@idsa.in SUMMARY:Event Report: 5th India-Africa Strategic Dialogue on India And Africa: Partnership In The Next Decade DESCRIPTION:Opening Remarks by Amb Sujan R. Chinoy\, Director General\, MP-IDSA\, New Delhi\, India \nSpecial Address by H E Amb Anil Sooklal\, High Commissioner of Republic of South Africa to India \nKeynote Address by Shri Dammu Ravi\, Secretary (Economic Relations)\, Ministry of External Affairs\, Government of India\, New Delhi\, India \nSession 1: Framework for Cooperation\nChair: Amb Sujan R. Chinoy\, Director General\, MP-IDSA\, New Delhi\, India \nSpeakers:\nDr Sharkdam Wapmuk\, Associate Professor and Head\, Dept of Defence and Security Studies\, Nigerian Defence Academy\, Nigeria \nDr Folashadé Soulé\, Senior Research Associate\, Blavatnik School of Government\, University of Oxford\, UK \nProf David Monyae\, Associate Professor of Political Science and IR\, Co-Director University of Johannesburg Confucius Institute and Centre for Africa China Studies\, South Africa \nMs Ruchita Beri\, Senior Fellow\, Vivekananda International Foundation\, New Delhi\, India \nSession II: Partnership for Deepening Trade and Investment Ties\nChair: Amb Gurjit Singh\, Former Indian Ambassador to Germany\, Indonesia\, Ethiopia\, ASEAN and the African Union\, Hon. Professor\, IIT Indore\, New Delhi\, India \nSpeakers:\nProf Stephen Onyeiwu\, Professor of Economics and former Chair of Dept\, Allegheny College\, US \nMr Kwame Owino\, Chief Executive Officer\, Institute of Economic Affairs\, Kenya \nProf Hebatallah Adam\, Professor and Associate Dean for Academic Affairs\, Jindal School of International Affairs\, India \nSession III: Partnership in Multilateral Forum and Global Governance Reforms \nChair: Prof Ajay Dubey\, Professor\, School of International Studies\, JNU\, India \nSpeakers:\nAmb Ruchira Kamboj\, Former Permanent Representative of India to the United Nations in New York and former Indian High \nCommissioner to South Africa \nMr Aly Verjee\, Senior Associate\, Amani Africa and Researcher at University of Gothenburg\, Sweden \nDr Kwaku Danso\, Dean\, Faculty of Academic Affairs\, Kofi Annan International Peacekeeping Training Center\, Ghana \nSession IV: Defence Cooperation and Maritime Security\nChair: VAdm Shekhar Sinha (Retd)\, Chairman\, Board of Trustees\, India Foundation\, New Delhi \nSpeakers:\nMr Raj Mohabeer\, Officer in Charge\, Indian Ocean Commission\, Mauritius \nCapt Sarabjeet S Parmar (Retd)\, Distinguished Fellow\, Council for Defence and Strategic Research\, New Delhi\, India \nDr Nicodemus M Minde\, Researcher\, Institute for Security Studies\, Nairobi\, Kenya \nSession V: Partnership in Critical Minerals and Energy Security \nChair: Dr Shailly Kedia\, Senior Fellow and Associate Director\, The Energy and Resources Institute\, New Delhi\, India \nSpeakers:\nDr Annika Bose Styczynski\, Associate Professor and Associate Dean\, Research & International Collaboration\, Jindal School of Government and Public Policy\, O.P. Jindal Global University\, Haryana\, India \nDr Sanjay Kumar Pradhan\, Associate Professor and Head of the Department of International Relations\, Pandit Deendayal Energy University\, Gujarat\, India \nDr Sandipani Dash\, Assistant Professor\, Department of African Studies\, University of Delhi\, India \nVote of Thanks: Dr Abhishek Mishra\, Associate Fellow\, MP-IDSA\, New Delhi\, India \nEXEUTIVE SUMMARY\nThe 5th IASD (25-26 March 2025) hosted by the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA) underscored the importance of India-Africa partnership and proposed new areas of cooperation that can be further explored to strengthen their ties. MP-IDSA undertook this initiative in the wake of the African Union’s (AU) inclusion as a permanent member in the G20 under Indian G20 Presidency in 2023 and in the run up to a possible fourth India-Africa Forum Summit (IAFS) to be held later in the year. The opening remarks stressed that India and Africa’s relation will continue to be anchored on the principles of equality\, mutual respect and mutually beneficial partnerships which are centred on Africa’s priorities. The special remarks called upon the African diplomatic corps in India to have sustained and regular interactions with their Indian counterparts and highlighted the role of think tanks\, universities\, and academic research in strengthening the India-Africa partnership. The special remarks called for greater involvement of the Indian private sector in areas like agriculture\, pharmaceuticals\, energy transition\, education and skills development and digital public infrastructure. \nSession I highlighted the bilateral dimension of India-Africa partnership and noted that as India has emerged as an important partner at a time when African nations are pursuing strategic autonomy through diversification of international partnerships. From a steady and incremental approach\, the partnership has now evolved into a dynamic one with greater diplomatic engagement. Session II examined how India can maximise trade and investment relations with Africa and called for Indian private companies to set up manufacturing hubs and Special Economic Zones (SEZ) in Africa and work together with African partners to create an alternative global value chain under the opportunities offered by the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). Session III emphasised the unfair distribution of power in the current global governance system and the need to reform multilateral institutions. Participants highlighted India’s consistent support for encouraging greater African representation and voices in institutions of global governance if the world is to truly become inclusive. Session IV discussed defence and security ties and underscored that Africa occupies a central position in both of India’s primary and secondary areas of maritime interest. Participants discussed the evolution of India’s maritime outlook in the Indian Ocean from SAGAR to MAHASAGAR and the importance of enhancing maritime domain awareness\, capacity building programmes\, and building on new initiatives like the Africa India Key Maritime Engagement (AIKEYME 2025). Session V examined how India and African countries can partner together in the field of strategic minerals and how India can enhance its renewable energy footprint while supporting Africa’s energy transition and provide clean\, affordable and accessible energy. In exploiting critical mineral resources\, India and African countries must consider the corporate social responsibility diligently. \nInaugural Session\nOpening Remarks by Amb Sujan R Chinoy\, Director General\, MP-IDSA\, New Delhi\, India \n\nThe India-Africa Dialogue (IASD) hosted by the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA) is a useful platform to discuss the various aspects of a rapidly and deeply evolving partnership. It aids India’s policy and helps to redefine and transform relations with countries in the African continent.\nThe presence of a large Indian diaspora\, along with Mahatma Gandhi’s ideals which shaped the struggles of the people of South Africa\, provided the foundations for India’s linkages with Africa.\nMore recently\, India facilitated the entry of the African Union (AU) into the G20 during its Presidency in 2023. Today\, as part of the Global South\, there is a need to work together to address challenges such as climate change\, natural disasters\, food and energy security and the adverse impact of rapidly evolving technologies such as Artificial Intelligence (AI) and data colonization on developing countries.\nGeo-politics and geo-economics are increasingly interlinked and India’s future is intertwined with the evolving dynamics of the Indo-Pacific. With the eastern coast of Africa being an integral part of this region\, developments there are of interest and concern to India. In the midst of current global disruptions\, India and Africa must work together to build a value-based future and lead the world in a better direction.\nAfrica remains a priority for Prime Minister Modi in his third term. The outreach and engagement of the last decade is set to gain new momentum. India is ready to work with Africa as an equal partner\, with opportunities to deepen engagement in the security sector through anti-piracy patrols and counter-terrorism exercises.\nThe MAHASAGAR initiative recently announced by the Indian Prime Minister adds further value and scope and therefore the role of scholars become critical in taking it to the next level.\nThe India-Africa partnership is anchored on the principles of equality\, mutual respect and mutually beneficial partnerships which are centred on Africa’s priorities. The concept of a free and open Indo-Pacific is further strengthening relations\, where individual priorities and interests are being reflected in this dynamic space.\n\nSpecial Remarks by H E Anil Sooklal\, High Commissioner of Republic of South Africa to India \n\nThe Bandung Conference of 1955 set the template for a close and strategic partnership between Asia and Africa. The role played by India during the conference provided the foundation upon which India and Africa’s ties rest. The Ten Principles for India-Africa Engagement elaborated by PM Modi in 2018 are an important template for the future partnership as it has various synergies with the African Union’s Agenda 2063.\nWhile there have been setbacks in advancing Agenda 2063\, the establishment of the continental wide African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) on May 30\, 2019 is expected to accelerate intra-African trade by 25% by 2035\, requiring strong partnerships.\nOver the decades there has been a proliferation of partnerships with the African continent\, which is a good sign. However\, there are questions on whether these partnerships are working towards advancing Africa’s goals and priorities.\nIndia is a trusted friend for Africa without any political baggage and no intent to disturb or influence the sovereignty and autonomy of any African nation. India must seek to leverage its tremendous goodwill across the continent. In this regard\, all sectors of the society need to step up with private businesses having a critical role to play in driving this process. The large number of Indian private sector companies operating across the continent is a clear indication that India views Africa as an important partner for mutual benefit and addressing shared economic challenges.\nThink tanks\, universities and academic scholars have a vital role in shaping this partnership. By studying the various aspects of the partnership\, policy-makers\, practitioners and officials could be better informed and help them make the right choices.\nThere is a need to re-organise the Africa Group (diplomatic corps) in India in order to fully leverage the opportunities in addition to having more regular and sustained interactions between the African Ambassadors and India’s Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) officials to discuss key issues of mutual interest.\n\nKeynote Address by Shri Dammu Ravi\, Secretary (ER)\, Ministry of External Affairs\, Government of India\, New Delhi\n\nThe geo-political shift from the Trans-Atlantic to the Indo-Pacific makes only the eastern part of Africa relevant in terms of the strategic thinking\, the India-Africa partnership has to become more inclusive by also having an Indo-Atlantic dimension.\nTwo narratives are emerging as the world is become more multilateral: development for Africa and development by Africa and Africans. From emerging as an aid recipient continent to driving its own growth agenda\, the African continent is shaping its own destiny. The current multilateral institutions set up in the post-Second World War period through the Washington consensus seeking structural changes in developing countries has not delivered\, particularly in promoting growth in Africa which continues to face health and education challenges.\nToday\, the G20 is enriched following the inclusion of the African Union. The task of making it credible and relevant requires the need to harness the talents towards shaping the future development and growth.\nThe concept of development and security are interlinked more closely than ever. The African continent is facing numerous challenges in maintaining peace and stability. The challenges have further broadened to energy security\, food security\, health security\, and education. With the widening in the scope of security and development\, the future partnerships that Africa would forge should include these new parameters.\nThe India-Africa partnership\, while on the right trajectory\, needs to grow in a number of areas. This includes in the area of trade\, one reason for this being the unavailability of hot currencies which could be addressed by doing trade in local currencies\, introducing fin-tech solutions\, and barter trade. This requires enabling greater investments through Public Private Partnerships and addressing the existing knowledge gaps for doing business in Africa.\nIndian entrepreneurship needs to collaborate with Africa in areas like education and skill formation\, energy transition\, and agricultural production\, and development. These gaps could be filled by entrepreneurs’\, not through grants but through commercial partnerships tailored to local needs of African people. India would be a good partner for collaboration in developing a digital public infrastructure which would be key towards reducing the developmental gaps\, through the application of new technologies.\n\nKey Takeaways:\n\nThe African Union needs to be the anchor of all partnerships to ensure the overall development and growth of Africa\, this collective action will provide better leverage than working individually.\nThere is a need to consciously work on reducing the knowledge gap in terms of business policies through greater interaction on various platforms.\nIndia is a net food exporting country\, while Africa despite having a large land mass\, and remains a net importer of food. The defining aspect of this partnership would be how India can help Africa move from being a net importer to achieving food self-sufficiency\, through the application of new technologies.\nThe one ocean concept would be the key towards dealing with the shared challenges being confronted especially in the security front.\nIndia proposes to host the next India-Africa Forum Summit in the second half of 2025.\nAfrica needs many partners with each bringing their individual expertise in which India can help\, especially in the area of education and skill development which is a critical area for its future growth.\nDespite our shared historical relations and vision of a multi-polar world order that reflects the current realities\, the future strength of the partnership would be shaped by deeper people-to-people interaction which would help reduce the existing knowledge gap and enhance engagements.\nThere are major positives in terms of the strategic partnership but much needs to be done on the part of Africa through deeper engagements and undertaking collaborations with private India businesses.\n\nReport prepared by Dr Temjenmeren Ao \nSession – I: Framework for Cooperation\nThe first session examined how the present framework of India and Africa’s engagement is progressing. Speakers deliberated on the main priorities and challenges which shape and impact India’s relationship with African countries. \nThe chair set the tone for the discussions by highlighting the importance India attaches to developing its partnership with Africa which became evident in India facilitating the African Union’s membership into the G20 under the Indian Presidency. The chair highlighted that India has now become Africa’s third-largest trading partner\, after China and the European Union\, with trade volume reaching US$ 83.34 billion in 2023-2024 and cumulative Indian investments in Africa worth to be estimated around US$ 75 billion. \nChair:  Amb. Sujan R. Chinoy\, Director General\, MP-IDSA\, New Delhi\, India \nSpeakers: \n\nDr Sharkdam Wapmuk\, Associate Professor and Head\, Dept of Defence and Security Studies\, Nigerian Defence Academy\, Nigeria on Nigeria and India as Strategic Partners in Africa: A Springboard for Deepening Indo-Africa Relations\nDr Folashadé Soulé\, Senior Research Associate\, Blavatnik School of Government\, University of Oxford\, UK on India-Africa Relations: Towards a Strategic Alignment of Interests?\nProf David Monyae\, Associate Professor of Political Science and IR\, Co-Director University of Johannesburg Confucius Institute and Centre for Africa China Studies\, South Africa on Africa-India Relations in Changing Geopolitics\nMs Ruchita Beri\, Senior Fellow\, Vivekananda International Foundation\, New Delhi\, India on India-Africa Partnership: Priorities and Prospects\n\nDr Sharkdam Wapmuk \n\nRecalled India’s first Prime Minister\, Jawaharlal Nehru’s visit to Nigeria in 1962 and highlighted why it was important to resonate with the vision of leaders who played a crucial role in setting the foundations of India-Africa engagement as we look ahead to ‘A Decade of Progress in India-Africa relations’.\nNigeria’s strategic position in West Africa and its maritime access (through major ports in Lagos\, Port Harcourt\, Calabar\, and Lekki deep sea port) makes it a logistics hub and potentially a gateway for India’s entry into West Africa\, both at the sub regional and continental level.\nDuring former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s visit to Nigeria in 2007\, the Abuja Declaration elevated India-Nigeria ties to a ‘Strategic Partnership’ level.\nPrime Minister Modi’s address to the Ugandan parliament in 2018 (known as Kampala principles) stressed on a relationship between India and Africa based on an equal footing. His visit to Nigeria in November 2024 during which he received the country’s second-highest civilian award\, served as a strategic signal to various audiences\, including investors.\nEconomic cooperation remains a key pillar of bilateral ties and has increased following the COVID-19 pandemic. Previously\, palm oil and crude oil constituted a major part of bilateral trade\, and the balance of trade favoured Nigeria. However\, the trade imbalance remains an issue\, as India’s exports are primarily manufacturing goods\, while imports from Nigeria are raw materials.\nSince the 1961 visit of the Nigerian national security advisor Nuhu Ribadu to Delhi calling for Indian assistance in setting up the country’s strategic institutions and India’s role in establishing the Nigerian Defence Academy\, Command and Staff College in the 1960s and Naval College in 1980\, security and defence collaboration has remained a key pillar of ties.\nIndia and Nigeria have engaged in intelligence sharing and military and technical collaboration in recent years through defence missions\, peacekeeping\, counterterrorism\, and maritime security cooperation.\nPartnerships in the health sector and medical tourism are also pillars of bilateral ties. It is important to address bureaucratic and policy hurdles in order to strengthen bilateral ties. Gaps in ease of travel\, visa procedures\, and identity perceptions between the two sides have a negative bearing on people-to-people ties.\n\nDr Folashadé Soulé \n\nThere has been a rapid expansion of India’s diplomatic engagement with Africa since the 2000s\, including the 2015 India-Africa Forum Summit (IAFS)\, ‘The Ten Guiding Principles for India-Africa Engagement’ in 2018\, the opening of 16 new missions and e-visa facilities extended to 33 African countries. This has helped overcome the longstanding criticism that governmental engagement lacked depth and was not sufficiently sustained.\nHistorical elements and a shared past in anti-colonial resistance and the Non Aligned Movement (NAM) – provided the foundations of India’s ties with Africa. By increasing engagement with other strategic partners such as India\, African countries are seeking to move beyond the US-China rivalry.\nIn present times\, African countries and their leaders are exercising greater agency in the ‘Age of Choices’ through trade\, security\, and investment partnerships. Attracting investment is a common priority for African countries\, and with the multiplication of ‘Africa+1’ summit platforms\, they are competing among themselves to be attractive Foreign Direct Investment destinations.\nAfrican countries are pursuing strategic autonomy through diversification of international partnerships.\nAs African countries deepen their economic integration through the AfCFTA\, they have taken centre stage in the global investment agenda. They are interested in pushing their strategic priorities\, such as non-reciprocal duty-free market access.\nIndia and Africa have moved from a steady and incremental approach in ties to a dynamic partnership\, as demonstrated by India facilitating the entry of the African Union into the G20 in 2023.\nAlongside long-standing cooperation in health\, and digital infrastructure\, especially the possibility of replicating India’s success in ‘India Stack’ and biometric identification by African countries\, is now receiving attention for leapfrogging the development stages.\nA key security challenge is the threat of terrorism in the Sahel region and its spillover to coastal countries. India’s security cooperation with African countries in areas like defence training\, intelligence and information sharing\, and arms sales will be important.\nIndia and its African partners need to scale up their communication and visibility strategies\, utilising media\, social media reports\, and high-level visits.\n\nProf. David Monyae \n\nThe India-Africa relationship is much deeper today than in previous decades. The scope of interactions covers a large canvas of various fields including politics\, culture\, health\, and agriculture.\nIndia led the campaign to include the African Union in G20\, which is a testament to the importance India attaches to strengthening its partnership with Africa.\nAfrica is important to India\, including its Africa’s role today in the global economy\, presence of critical mineral resources like lithium\, platinum and cobalt\, a growing and vibrant market\, and most importantly\, Africa’s ability to provide valuable diplomatic support as a bloc of 54 countries at various multilateral fora.\nOn India-Africa economic cooperation\, it is seen that since the 1960s\, India has engaged with Africa through initiatives such as Indian Technical Economic Cooperation (ITEC) and Special Commonwealth Africa Assistance Plan (SCAAP). These initiatives are part of India’s development cooperation model with Africa through scholarships\, information technology and healthcare.\nThe launch of the India-Africa Forum Summit (IAFS) process in 2008 expedited cooperation on multilateral platforms. The initiative resulted in significant growth in trade and investment. Today\, India has not only emerged as the fourth largest trading partner of Africa but also has a cumulative investment of US$ 70 billion in Africa which the Confederation of Indian Industries aims to increase to US$ 150 billion by 2030.\nIndia through its SAGAR policy intends to increase its footprint in Africa’s maritime zone. In 2015\, it signed agreements with Mauritius and Seychelles to develop infrastructure on the islands of Agalega and Assumption. Several MoUs including defence cooperation and two Lines of Credit worth US$ 60 million\, were singed during Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Kenya in July 2016.\nThe Indian Navy collaborates with African countries in the Indian Ocean for anti-piracy\, surveillance\, and disaster relief operations. It was the first international partner to respond during cyclones in Mozambique in 2019 and Madagascar in 2020. African navies actively participated in Indian Navy’s MILAN biennial exercises. Besides\, new initiatives like the Africa-India Field Training Exercise (AFINDEX) and the India-Africa Defence Ministers’ Conclave in 2020 have been launched with the aim of exploring avenues for defence cooperation.\nIndia’s role in UN Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKOs) in Africa must be highlighted. There is scope for expansion of people-to-people relations and sustained and regular engagement between India and Africa in the future.\n\nMs. Ruchita Beri \n\nIndia attaches immense importance to its relationship with Africa.\nIndia views Africa positively and refers to it as a continent of hope. At least four to five African economies are part of the ten fastest-growing economies of the world. India’s partnership with Africa is based on the demand and priorities of Africa and is intended to enhance local capabilities\, and open new diplomatic missions.\nWhen it comes to priorities\, these are decided in consultation with African countries. There are a number of projects initiated under the Line of Credit offered by India. The two sides have a number of shared concerns in the fields of health\, food and infrastructure. During Covid-19 pandemic\, India stepped up its efforts to help the African countries deal with the crisis. India played a vital role through its ‘Vaccine Maitri’ initiative.\nIndia intends to help Africa deal with issues related to food security. Africa has 65% of the world’s arable land but continues to suffer from food shortages. India can offer its expertise in the field of food security and become self-sufficient.\nDigital infrastructure is another priority area where digital infrastructure such as Unified Payments Interface (UPI) and the India Stack could be shared.\nIndia and Africa must organise the fourth IAFS at the earliest possible date. While facilitating private engagement\, India must ensure that building local capabilities in Africa gets requisite attention and importance.\n\nReport prepared by Dr. Deepika Saraswat and Dr. Ashish Shukla \nSession – II: Partnership for Deepening Trade and Investment Ties\nThe second session examined how India could maximise trade and investment relations with Africa by leveraging the existing frameworks. It discussed strategic ideas to enhance economic partnership and promote sustainable prosperity between India and African nations. \nThe session was chaired by Amb. Gurjit Singh\, who in his opening remarks noted that the African continent provides various trade and infrastructure opportunities to its international partners at a time when the world has become more transactional. He emphasised the importance of India and Africa working together to build a mutually beneficial relationship. He highlighted several components of India-Africa relations including trade\, development cooperation\, Duty-Free Tariff Preference (DFTP) and Information Technology (IT). \nHe recalled that investments in Africa since 2008 have helped India gain economic credit and garner diplomatic influence. He suggested that a trade and investment-led model of bilateral ties does not follow political dictates but looks at the sheer possibility of profit and development. On the other hand\, FDI-led investment provides opportunities to access regional markets and expand economic influence. He emphasised the role of academia\, governments\, business and Indian diaspora in strengthening trade and investment ties with Africa and also added that the Indian government should seek to encourage more investment in Africa by the Indian private sector. \nChair: Amb Gurjit Singh\, former Indian Ambassador to Germany\, Indonesia\, Ethiopia\, ASEAN and the African Union\, Hon. Professor\, IIT Indore\, New Delhi\, India. \nSpeakers: \n\nProf Stephen Onyeiwu\, Professor of Economics and former Chair of Dept\, Allegheny College\, US on Strengthening India-Africa Strategic Trade and Investment Partnerships in Frontier Industries\nMr Kwame Owino\, Chief Executive Officer\, Institute of Economic Affairs\, Kenya on India and Africa: Exploring the Path Towards a Free Trade Area\nProf Hebatallah Adam\, Professor and Associate Dean for Academic Affairs\, Jindal School of International Affairs\, India on Enhancing India-Africa Trade and Investment: Leveraging AfCFTA and DFTP Programs for Mutual Growth and Economic Integration\n\nProf Stephen Onyeiwu \n\nIndia and Africa’s trade and investment ties are on solid footing and both sides need to strengthen it further. India and Africa trade figures are increasing year-on-year reaching US$ 83 billion in 2023. One of the key drivers of bilateral trade is India’s import of oil resources from the continent. That has resulted in India becoming Africa’s fourth-largest trading partner.\nIndia should seek to export high-quality manufacturing goods. At present India is exporting goods to African nations in sectors like textiles\, pharmaceuticals\, and automobiles but must seek to diversify its export basket to the continent by selling hi-tech products.\nAt present\, most of India’s investments are for huge projects from bigger businesses such as Adani\, Ambani\, Tata\, Mahindra & Mahindra\, etc.\, overlooking the informal sectors. The focus of investment must shift to the 80% of informal sectors in Africa that empowers more people.\nAfrica and India should emphasise cooperating on new and emerging technologies such as AI\, robotics and digital public infrastructures in order not to fall behind. These frontier technologies are going to create a huge market all over the world which is very likely to be exploited by the US and China in the near future.\nFood and agro-processing sectors are important areas for targeting Indian investments due to Africa’s constant challenge of dealing with food insecurity. Investments in agro-processing can create jobs\, especially for rural women of the continent. He also suggested that India and Africa should create an alternative global value chain (GVC).\nThe Chair noted India’s investment in Africa is difficult to monitor and calculate accurately because many big Indian investments comes from foreign lands. For example\, Airtel’s investment in Africa is an Indian investment that comes from the Netherlands\, and the Indian company Godrej’s investment in Nigeria comes from Singapore.\n\nKwame Owino \n\nIndia-Africa trade patterns have witnessed significant shifts\, including trade diversification\, strategic partnerships and geographical expansion. The trade basket has expanded\, leading to increased volumes and mutual economic benefits.\nThere is great scope for engagement with one-third of land-locked countries in Africa who are dependent on open trade regimes.\nThere has been an eight-fold increase in trade volumes between India and Africa from 2000 to 2010. The bilateral trade has further diversified with the evolution of the IT sector.\nIndia-Africa trade ties have revived since the Covid-19 pandemic resulting in the recognition of the vitality in strengthening value chains in critical sectors at a time when there is a freeze in multilateral advancement.\nLastly\, the importance of the Indo Pacific region for Africa must be underlined\, in which significant number of global activities are concentrated. This region provides immense potential for Africa and India to collaborate.\n\nProf. Hebatallah Adam \n\nTrade and investment partnership between India and Africa has experienced substantial expansion\, with bilateral trade reaching US$ 83.34 billion in 2023-24 and India’s cumulative investments in Africa reaching US$ 75 billion. This partnership is set for further growth with the implementation of the AfCFTA\, which presents a consolidated market of 1.3 billion people\, and India’s DFTP program\, which grants preferred access for African products to enter the Indian market.\nSignificant potential exists in terms of expanding trade portfolios\, improving infrastructure\, and digital connectivity\, promoting value addition in African companies\, and engaging in sectors such as renewable energy\, healthcare\, and agriculture.\nChallenges like regulatory barriers\, infrastructure deficiencies\, and political uncertainties must be resolved to realise the complete potential of India -Africa cooperation. By aligning with the objectives of the AfCFTA and using the DFTP program\, India can enhance Africa’s integration into global value chains\, facilitate Africa’s industrialisation\, and establish a mutually beneficial partnership for both regions.\nIndia and Africa’s ties are based upon South-South cooperation\, mutual trust\, Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and two-way collaborations. Potential sectors for collaboration are energy\, security\, peacekeeping\, trade and investments.\nIndia’s model of engagement with Africa is more transformational than transactional and aimed at people’s development. Progressing together encompasses the motto of India and Africa’s ties. .\nIndia is already providing technical training to African students in various IT programs. Many Africans have benefitted from the Pan African e-Network Project (PAeNP) under which India set up a fibre-optic network to provide satellite connectivity\, tele-medicine and tele-education to university students and medical practitioners based in Africa.\nIndia should look to invest in Africa’s education\, technology\, capacity building\, and enhance trade and investment. India must diversify beyond traditional sectors such as IT\, renewable energy\, and agro engineering. India should manufacture in Africa to export value added products\, and build Africa’s manufacturing and transportation infrastructure which the continent lacks.\nIndia should share its experiences in agro processing\, renewable energy and pharmaceutical. These sectors will create jobs in Africa that will empower the people. India should invest more to cater to Africa’s huge market and explore possibility of setting up Special Economic Zones. India should also consider Africa for investment because the continent has rich natural resources\, high percentage of youth population\, and growing middle class.\nThe chair remarked that Africa can grab the opportunity of exporting lentil pulses to India (only Tanzania and Mozambique presently does) and cited the example of Myanmar that exports lentils to India of worth US$ 1 billion a year. India has made a progress by investing in lentils in Africa and have also set up processing centre.\n\nKey Takeaways:\n\nIndia should follow a new structure of trade in Africa dealing with high-quality manufacturing goods.\nIndia’s investments must cover Africa’s 80% of informal sectors.\nFood and agro sector are significant field for Indian investment in Africa.\nAfrica can find new opportunities in the Indo-Pacific region because of the increasing global activities in the region.\nIndia must diversify beyond traditional sectors such as emerging technologies\, IT\, renewable energy\, agro engineering that can empower the Africans.\nIndia should work together with Africa in creating an alternative global value chain.\nIndia should set up manufacturing hubs and SEZs in Africa.\n\nReport prepared by Dr. Abhishek Kumar Darbey \nSession–III: Partnership in Multilateral Forum and Global Governance Reforms\nThe third session discussed the issues of weakening of the multilateral institutions which were created in the post-World War II period\, the uneven distribution of power in the international order\, and the partnership between Africa and India for the democratisation of the global governance system. \nChair: Prof Ajay Dubey\, Professor\, School of International Studies\, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU)\, India \nSpeakers: \n\nAmb Ruchira Kamboj\, Former Permanent Representative of India to the United Nations in New York and former Indian High Commissioner to South Africa\, on India’s advocacy for the inclusion of the African Union in the G20\nMr Aly Verjee\, Senior Associate\, Amani Africa and Researcher at University of Gothenburg\, Sweden on Approaching Multilateral Forums and Global Governance Reforms during the Decline of Multilateralism and Global Governance\nDr Kwaku Danso\, Dean\, Faculty of Academic Affairs\, Kofi Annan International Peacekeeping Training Center\, Ghana on From Objects to Subjects of Global Governance: Partnering to Center Africa and India in a Changing World Order\n\nAmb Ruchira Kamboj\, Former Permanent Representative of India to the United Nations in New York and former Indian High Commissioner to South Africa\, made a presentation on “India’s advocacy for the inclusion of the African Union in the G20”. \n\nIn her presentation\, Amb Kamboj discussed about India’s relations with the African continent. She referred to the historical injustices done to Africa and issues that have brought India and Africa closer.\nThe inclusion of the African Union in G20 in September 2023 was a historic moment which reflected New Delhi’s efforts to elevate the international position of Africa and make the multilateral institution and system more inclusive.\nIndia has committed to give priorities to the interests of the African countries and those of the Global South. From the Indian perspective\, the multilateral intuitions are important and they need to be reformed to make them democratic and reflective of the global challenges confronted by the world today.\nAmb Kamboj emphasised that the African nations applauded India’s role in facilitating the participation of the African Union in the G20.\n\nMr Aly Verjee\, Senior Associate\, Amani Africa and Researcher at University of Gothenburg\, Sweden presented his paper online on “Approaching Multilateral Forums and Global Governance Reforms during the Decline of Multilateralism and Global Governance”. \n\nMr Verjee in his presentation describing the ongoing chaos in the multilateral institutions. The exit of the United States from the World Health Organisation (WHO) and Washington’s withdrawal of aid and assistance to the developing countries under President Donal Trump’s second term would be detrimental for African nations.\nThe speaker highlighted that the response from India and Africa would be significant in meeting the challenges posed by ongoing developments in the global order. In this regard\, the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi in India has been supportive of greater participation of Africa in forums of global governance.\nMr Verjee discussed the cooperation between India and the African countries to meet the challenges posed by the shifting global order\, and the damages caused to the multilateral institutions due to the advent of second Donald Trump administration in the United States.\nAccording to Mr Verjee\, greater participation in the multilateral institutions by the African countries may not be beneficial for the latter if the former lose influence and power. For\, example Africa’s or India’s participation in the G20 or the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) would have less impact if the powerful nations do not cooperate among themselves.\n\nDr Kwaku Danso\, Dean\, Faculty of Academic Affairs\, Kofi Annan International Peacekeeping Training Center\, Ghana presented his paper on “From Objects to Subjects of Global Governance: Partnering to Center Africa and India in a Changing World Order”. \n\nDr Danso in his presentation critiqued the present global governance system which was established after the end of the World War II. The inherent “double standards” in the current international order has led to the dominance of the Global North and marginalisation of the Global South.\nHe asserted that the need to reform and “decolonise” the institutions of global governance in order to make them suitable in the current global circumstances and mitigate the existing disparities in the international system.\nIn this regard\, Africa and India could make significant efforts to bring a desirable shift in democratising the global and multilateral institutions\, and establish a fair distribution of power in the world.\nDr. Danso concluded by remarking that the level of collaboration between Africa and India would be important in making them either the “subjects” or the “objects” of the international order in the coming times.\n\nKey Takeaways\n\nThe papers presented in this session largely emphasised on the unfair distribution of power in the current global governance system\, and the need to reform the multilateral institutions.\nThe papers also asserted the need for closer engagement between the African countries and India to overcome the challenges posed by the weakening of the global institutions\, and to democratise the international system.\nIndia’s commitment to make the multilateral intuitions more inclusive has been significant in developing India-Africa partnership.\nDespite closer engagement between India and the African countries\, the cooperation of the powerful nations would be essential to maintain the viability of the multilateral institutions.\n\nReport prepared by Dr Ranjit Kumar Dhawan \nSession IV – Defence Cooperation and Maritime Cooperation\nThe fourth session examined how African nations in recent years have made greater efforts towards evolving a common vision for dealing with the continent’s maritime challenges for sustainable development. The participants discussed the scope for India to enhance maritime security cooperation with African countries and the common maritime challenges that are faced by both India and Africa. \nVice Admiral Shekhar Sinha\, in his opening remarks\, highlighted the growing uncertainty in the international system following the election of Donald Trump as the US President. He stated that these uncertainties will create new alignments and alter the dynamics of international cooperation\, particularly in the maritime domain. VAdm Sinha pointed out that the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) is bound to become a centre for geopolitical competitions and territorial contestations. He highlighted the need for India to foster greater collaboration with other IOR littoral nations\, including countries in the East African Coast\, to address common maritime security challenges. \nChair: VAdm Shekhar Sinha (Retd)\, Chairman\, Board of Trustees\, India Foundation\, New Delhi \nSpeakers: \n\nMr Raj Mohabeer\, Officer in Charge\, Indian Ocean Commission\, Mauritius on Scope for enhancing India-Africa cooperation to address maritime security challenges in the Western Indian Ocean\nCapt Sarabjeet S. Parmar (Retd)\, Distinguished Fellow\, Council for Defence and Strategic Research\, New Delhi\, India on India and Africa: Enhancing Defence Cooperation and Maritime Security\nDr Nicodemus M Minde\, Researcher\, Institute for Security Studies\, Nairobi\, Kenya on India-Africa Defence Cooperation and Maritime Security: The Case of Kenya\n Abyssinia Abay Mengistu\, India Africa Security Fellow\, MP-IDSA and Lecturer in International Law and Organizations\, Bahir Dar University\, Ethiopia on Assessing the Impact of AfINDEX 2023 on India’s Security role in Africa\n\nMr Raj Mohabeer \n\nThere is a need to enhance the India-Africa cooperation to address maritime security challenges\, particularly in the Western Indian Ocean (WIOR). Intergovernmental organisations such as the Indian Ocean Commission (IOC) have a key role in promoting security and stability in the WIOR. Drug trafficking\, arms smuggling\, human trafficking and Illegal\, Unreported\, and Unregulated (IUU) fishing are the major maritime security challenges faced by WIOR nations. In this context\, the following recommendations are made to enhance India-Africa Cooperation for jointly addressing the maritime security challenges of the WIOR:\nPromoting Regional Institutions and Mechanisms: It is impossible for a single nation to ensure the security and stability of vast maritime regions such as the WIOR. Hence\, it is important to foster greater regional and international cooperation particularly on issues such as piracy off the coast of Somalia. Promoting regional institutions can lead to stronger cooperation between India and the WIOR Nations on maritime security issues. The creation of regional conventions and enforcement mechanisms for implementing joint efforts to address security challenges in the WIOR is vital. This will also lead to the streamlining of capacity-building efforts jointly undertaken by India and African nations at a bilateral level.\nGreater Focus on Maritime Domain Awareness (MDA): One of the key challenges of the WIOR is the lack of MDA. Hence\, there is an urgent need to adopt an intelligence- based focus for tracking the movement of vessels and other activities on the high seas of the WIOR.\nReorientation of National Perspective on Maritime Security Issues: As the national security perspective of most WIOR nations has been shaped by colonial heritage\, there is considerable sea-blindness. This has led to an inadequate national framework among WIOR nations for addressing maritime security challenges. Due to this\, independent maritime security agencies in the WIOR nations often work in silos\, leading to a lack of coordination. India as an observer of IOC can play a vital role in guiding the security discourse of the WIOR.\n\nCapt Sarabjeet S. Parmar (Retd.) \n\nAfrica occupies a central position in both of India’s primary and secondary areas of maritime interest. Maritime threats in the region are fundamentally hybrid in nature with challenges like piracy\, terrorism\, natural disaster and pandemics. Apart from these threats\, there is the looming threat to submarine cables in the IOR\, which are economic lifelines of the entire region. In this context\, the following recommendations for enhancing synergy between India and Africa to address this range of maritime security issues is given below:\nEnvisaging a Strategic Framework for Collaboration: India’s Maritime Outlook based on Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR) and Mutual and Holistic Advancement for SAGAR (MAHASAGAR) can serve as a broad template for envisaging a strategic framework required for guiding collaboration between India and Africa on maritime security issues. Apart from that\, the Gandhinagar Declaration made in 2020 during the India Africa Defence Dialogue (IADD) can provide a holistic roadmap for tangibly enhancing collaboration between India and Africa.\nCooperation in Capacity Building Programmes: Joint training programmes between the Indian Navy and the navies of Africa can be a critical component for maritime capacity building and capability enhancement. This will particularly help African navies to conduct maritime security operations\, both independently and in coordination with other maritime forces in the region. Joint exercises can enable both Indian and African Navies to share best practices\, procedures and doctrinal learnings with each other. Exercises like the Africa-India Key Maritime Engagement (AIKEYME)\, Indian Ocean Ship (IOS) Sagar\, and India-Mozambique Tanzania Trilateral Exercise (IMT-TRILAT) can play a crucial role in this endeavour.\nJoint Deployment in the High Seas: Policing the High Risk Areas (HRA) of the WIOR requires the pooling of resources between India and African navies. Hence\, envisaging frameworks for enabling joint deployment of the assets of the Indian and the African navies in common areas of interest can play a crucial role in shaping a favourable maritime environment.\nCollaboration in Enhancing MDA and Underwater Domain Awareness (UDA): There must be collaborative efforts between India and Africa to enhance MDA and UDA in the WIOR. This is particularly important for securing the Sea Lines of Communication and undersea infrastructure which are critical for the economy of the region.\n\nDr. Nicodemus M Minde \n\nMaritime security\, defence cooperation and regional stability have always been the key areas of focus in India-Kenya bilateral relations. Kenya as a gateway to East Africa and the IOR is fully aligned with India’s SAGAR initiative. Both nations have a long history of joint military training\, naval exchanges and technological assistance. Both India and Kenya view piracy\, maritime terrorism and IUU fishing as common maritime threats. In this context\, the following challenges and opportunities for maritime cooperation between India and Kenya are elucidated below:\nKenya’s Consonance with India’s SAGAR Initiative – Kenya’s Blue Economy goals are strongly aligned with India’s SAGAR initiative. The Indian Navy has safely escorted over 3\,500 vessels in the region since 2008. As a result of this Kenya’s fish exports have increased by 20% to US$ 100 million in 2023.\nKenya’s Preference of India as a Security Partner – The Indian Navy’s soft power outreach to Kenya through training\, goodwill visits and technological aid has been a great success. India’s US$ 250 million aid to Kenya in 2024 has been very well received. As a result\, Kenya rejected the Chinese naval base proposal in 2019\, favouring India’s non-hegemonic approach.\nIndia’s Limitation and Constraints: The potential of India’s security assistance to Kenya is constrained by India’s US$ 73 billion defence budget as opposed to China’s US$ 230 billion. Also\, there have been maintenance issues with the patrol vessels donated by India to Kenya. This has undermined Kenya’s ability to counter Al-Shabaab in their territorial waters.\nExploring the Avenues of Defence Cooperation: The proposed US$ 20 million India-Kenya joint naval task force has the potential to cut piracy and terrorism response times by 50%. Also India can consider increasing the officer training slots for Kenyan military personnel to 100 annually by 2025. India can contribute to advanced MDA cooperation with Kenya by a US$ 5 million investment in drones and satellite systems by 2027 to reduce IUU fishing losses by 50 percent.\n\nMr. Abyssinia Abay Mengistu \nThe following challenges regarding India-Africa cooperation on maritime security were highlighted: \n\nPrioritisation of Domestic Politics over Maritime Security Issues: Cooperation between India and Africa in defence and maritime security is deeply interwoven or interlinked with domestic political dynamics which prioritises regional survival than national survival. Due to this\, national security is deprioritised in a sense that leaders divert resources away from the maritime security initiatives to maintain political power. Reports from the African Union regional bodies also highlighted how domestic politics often overshadow strategic maritime concerns.\nDetrimental Role of Regional Power Rivalry: Cooperation in the maritime domain is further undermined by regional power rivalries. For instance\, rivalries between these regional nations such as South Africa\, Nigeria\, Ethiopia versus Egypt issues. These rivalries eventually lead to fragmented efforts in addressing collective maritime security challenges.\nAdapting Engagement Policy: India’s reputation of non-interference in the internal affairs of other nations is a major asset to foster greater collaboration with the African nations. India could still adopt a more adaptive engagement strategy that would allow for informal support and capacity building\, focusing on local government structures. India can adopt community-based maritime security initiatives that would engage local populations and governance structures.\n\nReport prepared by Dr. R. Vignesh \nSession – V: Partnership in Critical Minerals and Energy Security\nThe fifth session examined how India and African countries can partner together in the field of strategic minerals and how India can enhance its renewable energy footprint while supporting Africa’s energy transition and provide clean\, affordable and accessible energy. \nThe session was chaired by Dr. Shailly Kedia who set the tone of discussion by highlighting the growing importance of critical minerals in the world and in particular to India’s growing demand of critical minerals to meet renewable energy source. She underscored that although African countries remained the backbone for critical mineral resources\, yet the mineral sector continues to remain trapped in the bottom of value chain\, where the African region are lacking in processing and manufacturing technologies. Due to domination of mineral industries by China\, African countries are finding it difficult and challenging to fully realize the development of its economy. \nChair: Dr. Shailly Kedia\, Senior Fellow and Associate Director\, The Energy and Resources Institute\, New Delhi. \nSpeakers: \n\n Annika Bose Styczynski\, Associate Professor and Associate Dean\, Research & International Collaboration\, Jindal School of Government and Public Policy\, O.P. Jindal Global University\, Haryana\, India on Getting Real About Low-Carbon Energy Technologies: Partnerships in Critical Minerals for Energy Security\n Sanjay Kumar Pradhan\, Associate Professor and Head of the Department of International Relations\, Pandit Deendayal Energy University\, Gujarat\, India on India\, Africa and Energy Transition: Partnership for Critical Minerals\n Sandipani Dash\, Assistant Professor\, Department of African Studies\, University of Delhi on Bharat-Africa Partnership: Progress and Possibility in Sub-Soil Resource Sector\n\nDr. Annika Bose Styczynski   \n\nExplained the importance of critical minerals and their applications through presentation on\, “Getting Real about Low-Carbon Energy Technologies: Partnerships in Critical Minerals for Energy Security.” India needs to collaborate with other states in order to counter Chinese hegemony in mineral sector.\nEnergy is vital for the economic development of society. Though coal and petroleum still dominate the energy sector\, in recent times critical minerals have become increasingly imperative due to transition of energy resources to clean energy in order to mitigate the Impact of climate change.\nCritical minerals are a subset of minerals that are essential for the manufacturing and technological applications. Various countries have identified several minerals as critical minerals. However\, minerals like nickel\, manganese\, lithium\, and copper have been designated as critical minerals by most countries. Each critical mineral has its own specific purpose or usage. For instance\, light rare earth elements are used for generators and motors for wind power and electric vehicles and lithium is used in batteries.\nIn the critical minerals sector\, China continues to dominate in terms of raw material extraction and processing as well as in producing goods. It is only in recent years that India and other Western countries have started taking steps to proactively pursue critical minerals.\nChina is the dominant player in the African market\, including in mining as well as in terms of investment and consumption of critical minerals. One of the key features of China’s policy is based on extending easy credit to the companies through state-sponsored entities.\nIn spite of Chinese domination in African region in critical minerals sectors\, there are concerns about the transparency of Chinese mining operations\, environmental impact and labour practices. There are also reports that local communities are not benefiting in terms of economic development like adequate employment opportunities.\nIndia largely depends on the import of critical minerals\, with nearly 80% of Lithium being imported from China. In order to counter China’s domination in critical minerals sector\, one key element is for India to establish collaborations with African countries. India’s signing of an MoU in October 2024 on critical minerals with the United States and the launch of ‘National Critical Mineral Missions’ in January 2025 will also help streamline the supply chain of critical minerals and reduce China’s monopoly in this sector.\nCooperation on critical mineral sectors between India and Africa has emerged recently. However there are fundamental issues\, which need to be addressed\, i.e.\, transparency\, regulations\, human rights issue and environmental degradation. Every stakeholder needs to remember the UN Sustainable Development Goals as most African countries are lagging behind. Hence\, in exploiting critical mineral resources\, India and African countries must consider the corporate social responsibility diligently.\n\nDr. Sanjay Kumar Pradhan \n\nMitigating climate change is one of the fundamental factors driving the world’s search for critical minerals. Several minerals such as nickel\, manganese\, PGM\, cobalt\, lithium\, silica and tantalum fall under the category of critical minerals.\nAs India is one of the largest emitters of carbon dioxide\, achieving the Paris agreements remain crucial. Hence\, transition to clean energy becomes necessary. Yet\, India largely depends on imports of several critical minerals to support clean energy. Report indicates that by 2030\, the demand for lithium will increase to 20\,845 tonnes and the demand for cobalt to 5\,914 tonnes.\nThe African region possesses about 30% of global critical minerals. Hence\, cooperation with African countries is vital. Currently\, India imports a large percentage of critical minerals from South Africa\, Gabon\, Madagascar\, Zambia and Tanzania. Meanwhile\, 10 MoUs have been signed for geological surveys\, access\, and processing of critical minerals. The Indian Government has also initiated for getting a block (where?) on priority basis\, assisting Indian private companies and in 2021 launched the Supply Chain Resilience Initiative with Japan and Australia.\nThough\, in recent years the African Union has adopted several mechanisms for the sustainable development of mineral resources\, i.e.\, African Mining Vision\, African Minerals Governance Framework\, several challenges including transparency in the mineral sector continues to remain.\nThere is a need for India and Africa to maintain a win-win situation in the mineral sector particularly by exploring joint ventures with foreign companies and developing an ecosystem for refining and processing critical minerals. Establishment of a critical minerals fund\, recovery of critical metals through recycling\, and the establishment of national institute to conduct research on critical mineral resources and empower training skills to the African mining practitioners is imperative.\n\nDr. Sandipani Dash \n\nElaborating on the topic “Bharat-Africa Partnership: Progress and Possibility in Sub-Soil Resource Sector”\, the speaker explored the common shared values between India and African countries\, the policy frameworks that have been implemented over the years and the practical approach in relations to natural resources.\nOn the shared value\, the concept of ‘mother earth’ was underscored where both India and African have deep-rooted belief and reverence of nature. In other words\, communities in India and Africa have deep respect for nature from where food and water resources are derived for the prosperity of human civilization. Such reverence of nature is evident in numerous philosophical literatures as well as archaeological sources. Evidence indicates that communities in India and African region worship nature for prosperity.\nFrom the late 18th century\, however\, such traditional beliefs and reverence of nature has change into an object of control\, particularly unleashed by the European colonial powers. Consequently\, slavery system and industrial revolution managed to flourish in England and in other European imperialist empire. Hence\, in the name of resources capture\, conflict and wars were regular feature in the African region and in India.\nFollowing decolonization\, both the African region and India have witnessed a common policies orientation by opening up their market to the outside world for pursuing development. Indeed\, economic liberalization led to market drive-export growth. Meanwhile\, in international forum both India and African region had common agenda for inclusive development. Such principle implies that both India and African have shifted from the scramble for resources to pursuing inclusive\, sustainable development.\n\nKey Takeaways:\n\nCollaborations between India and African countries in critical minerals is vital for win-win situation. However in the backdrop of signing MoUs for accessing critical minerals\, stakeholders need to ensure sustainable development.\nFormulation of sound policies\, especially for critical mineral resources is crucial. Hence\, setting up national institute for conducting research critically is indispensable\, where it will aid policymakers to implement strategy effectively.\n\nReport prepared by Dr. Opangmeren Jamir URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/event-report-5th-india-africa-strategic-dialogue-on-india-and-africa-partnership-in-the-next-decade CATEGORIES:EVENT REPORT,ANNUAL CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20241112T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20241113T053000 DTSTAMP:20261108T012629 CREATED:20241226T033033Z LAST-MODIFIED:20251209T094014Z UID:83952-1731389400-1731475800@idsa.in SUMMARY:Delhi Defence Dialogue 2024 DESCRIPTION:The Delhi Defence Dialogue (DDD) is a flagship platform of the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA) for addressing the multifaceted challenges of defence and security\, in India. As the landscape of warfare becomes increasingly complex\, the platform is designed to discuss the evolving landscape of international security and defence strategies\, with a focus on India’s defence. The dialogue aims to exchange views and foster collaboration among defence experts\, policymakers\, and military leaders. Further\, as India navigates a complex geopolitical landscape\, the DDD serves as a critical forum for addressing the need for a robust defence strategy that not only addresses immediate threats but also anticipates future challenges. \n\nAbout DDD\n Programme\nSpeakers \n Team\n Publications \nKey Speeches\nNews & Media\n Contact Us\n\n\n\n\n\nAbout DDD\n\n\nThe Delhi Defence Dialogue (DDD)\, instituted by the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA)\, is a premier platform for addressing the multifaceted challenges of defence and security\, in India. The inaugural edition of DDD is scheduled on 12-13 November 2024. \nIn an era defined by geopolitical uncertainty and rapid technological advancement\, the landscape of warfare and aspects that facilitate and sustain countries at war are undergoing profound transformations. Traditional notions of war are being reshaped by emerging technologies and evolving strategic partnerships and by constantly shifting organisational dynamics within the armed forces\, resulting in newer doctrines and concept of operations. The DDD is envisioned to be a platform to deliberate the complexities of modern defence landscape and intricate layers of contemporary warfare with the aim to formulate strategic approaches that address the challenges of the of security in the evolving Asian and larger global security environment. \nThe DDD aims to delve into critical topics affecting military security\, including the emerging threats\, evolving character of warfare\, supply chain management issues and the role of technology in modern warfare. Issues such as bilateral and multilateral security cooperation\, geopolitical shifts\, the impact of non-traditional security threats\, among others\, will find a place on this platform. By fostering an inclusive environment for policymakers\, military experts\, and scholars the DDD seeks to generate innovative ideas and collaborative strategies to enhance India’s defence posture. Emphasising a comprehensive approach\, participants will explore how countries can navigate their defence challenges while promoting stability in the Indo-Pacific region and beyond. \nThe DDD aspires to contribute to India’s strategic vision\, emphasising a comprehensive approach and facilitating informed discussions that contribute to regional and international security. Through robust exchanges of ideas\, MP-IDSA aims to forge a resilient framework for India’s defence strategy\, ensuring that it is prepared to meet both current and future challenges in an interconnected world in close concert with partner nations. \n\n\n\n\n\n\nCONFERENCE PROGRAMME\n\n\n \n\n\n\n\n\n\nSpeakers\n\n\n\n\nProfiles of Participants & Abstracts\n\n \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nConference Coordinator\n\n\n\n\n\n\n COL RAJNEESH SINGH\, PhD (RETD) \nResearch Fellow\, \nMP-IDSA\, New Delhi\, India \nCol Rajneesh Singh\, PhD (Retd) was commissioned in the Infantry in December 1989 and has varied operational\, staff and instructional experience. He has commanded a Rashtriya Rifles company and battalion in Jammu and Kashmir. He has been a military observer in Congo for a year. His staff experience includes tenure in the Military Operations Directorate and in Military Secretary’s Branch. The officer has also been an instructor at the NDA\, Khadakwasla and at DSSC\, Wellington. During his service Col Rajneesh Singh (Retd) pursued PhD at the JNU\, New Delhi and was awarded doctorate in 2019. Post superannuation from the army\, the officer was a Consultant for the Ministry of Defence for over a year before joining Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses in January 2023 (MP-IDSA). He is presently a Research Fellow at the Defence Economics and Industry Centre. Col Singh’s areas of research include higher defence management and military studies. His current area of research focusses on self-reliance in defence production.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n DR SAURABH MISHRA \nResearch Fellow\, \nMP-IDSA\, New Delhi\, India \nDr Saurabh Mishra is a Research Fellow at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA)\, New Delhi. Prior to MP-IDSA he was an Associate Professor at the Amity Institute for Defence & Strategic Studies (AIDSS)\, Noida\, preceded by his assignments as Research Fellow at the Indian Council of World Affairs (ICWA)\, an autonomous think-tank of the Ministry of External Affairs\, India and Research Assistant at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses. He has acquired his PhD from Banaras Hindu University\, Varanasi\, India. His areas of interest can be thematically charted as: Indian Defence and Strategy\, Indian Knowledge System\, International Institutions\, Peace & Conflict\, Globalisation\, and International Relations Theory. In his previous assignments\, he has worked on issues regarding United Nations\, Africa and the Arthashastra. He has been associated with the indigenous knowledge project at MP-IDSA as well as project Udbhav at the United Service Institution of India. His current projects at the MP-IDSA are on Latin America as well as Indian indigenous knowledge\, respectively from the perspectives of Defence Economics and Strategy.\n\n\n\n\n\n DR ABHISHEK K DARBEY \nAssociate Fellow\, \nMP-IDSA\, New Delhi\, India \nDr Abhishek Kumar Darbey is Associate Fellow at Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defense Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA). Dr Abhishek studies China Military that covers significant activities of China’s Armed Forces\, and China’s defence & security issues in foreign and domestic affairs for more than a decade. His research interests also include China-Africa relations and the Chinese language\, literature\, history and culture.  Earlier\, he held the posts of Research Associate and Research Fellow at the Centre for China Analysis and Strategy (CCAS)\, New Delhi\, from September 2013 to August 2023. He was awarded PhD and MPhil degrees in 2018 and 2014 respectively by JNU\, New Delhi. He completed his BA and MA in Chinese language in 2008 and 2010 respectively at JNU\, New Delhi.\n\n\n\n\n\n DR SHAYESTA NISHAT AHMED \nResearch Analyst\, \nMP-IDSA\, New Delhi\, India \nDr Shayesta Nishat Ahmed is a Research Analyst at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA)\, New Delhi. She is associated with the Defence Economics and Industry Centre. Her area of research includes defence industry and diplomacy\, nuclear security\, and maritime security. Previously\, she has worked as an Associate Fellow at the Centre for Air Power Studies (CAPS) and National Maritime Foundation (NMF)\, New Delhi. She has been a Teaching Assistant for the course on Arms Control and Disarmament Diplomacy\, School of International Studies\, Jawaharlal Nehru University\, and has interned at the Indian Council of World Affairs (ICWA)\, Sapru House\, New Delhi. She has completed her PhD and MPhil from the Centre for International Politics\, Organisation\, Diplomacy and Disarmament (CIPOD)\, Jawaharlal Nehru University. Her PhD thesis is titled “Explaining the Pursuit of Sea-Based Nuclear Deterrence: Case Studies of India\, the United Kingdom and the United States of America.\n\n\n\n\n\nMR MOHANASAKTHIVEL J \nResearch Analyst\, \nMP-IDSA\, New Delhi\, India \nMr Mohanasakthivel J is a Research Analyst with the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA)\, New Delhi. His area of research includes Foreign Policy Analysis\, International law\, Regional Integration and Ethnic Conflicts. He is a law graduate and holds an MA in Diplomacy\, Law\, and Business from Jindal School of International Affairs\, OP Jindal Global University. Before joining MP-IDSA he was Fellow and Academic Tutor at Jindal School of International Affairs\, OP Jindal Global University. He has also been a Researcher at the WION news agency\, Noida. He has published news articles in Manila Times\, Jerusalem Post\, Washington Times\, and South Asia Voices.\n\n\n\n\n\nDR MAYURI BANERJEE \nResearch Analyst\, \nMP-IDSA\, New Delhi\, India \nDr Mayuri Banerjee is a Research Analyst with the East Asia Centre at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA)\, New Delhi. Her research focus is on India-China relations. She primarily looks at the role of memory and trust in India-China relations after the 1962 war and Indian media perception of China. She completed her PhD from Department of International Relations\, Jadavpur University\, Kolkata. Her prior professional experience include working as a Research Assistant at the Observer Research Foundation (ORF)\, Kolkata. She received the Indu Bhushan Putatunda and Shanti Shudha Putatunda Memorial Award in 2013 from Jadavpur Alumni Association and Certificate of Merit in Political Science in 2014 from Jadavpur University. She was also a recipient of the prestigious Sasakawa Young Leaders Fellowship Fund (SYLFF) Masters’ Fellowship in 2015. Some of her writings have been published as web commentaries in ORF Expert Speak and South Asian Voices.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nPublications\n\n\n\nBOOK: ADAPTIVE DEFENCE: Navigating The Changing Landscape of Modern WarfareEditors: Amb. Sujan R. Chinoy and Rajneesh Singh\n  \nConference Booklet [PDF]\n  \n  \nRapporteurs Report [PDF]\n  \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nInaugural Address by Shri Rajnath Singh\, Hon’ble Raksha Mantri & President\, IDSA at Delhi Defence Dialouge\n\nFireside Chat with General Anil Chauhan\, CDS\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nMedia Clippings\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n News & Media Links\n\n\n\n\n\n\nShri Rajnath Singh’s Youtube Channel\nNDTV\nThe Print\nMSN News\nRediff News\nNews18\nMSN\nMSN News\nThe Week\nBusiness Standard\nEconomics Times\n\n\n\n\nBusiness Standard\nDaily Excelsior\nMSN News\nDevdiscourse\nTehelka\nEastern Mirror Nagaland\nMSN News\nEconomictimes\nThe Commune News\nDaijiworld\nCity Air News\n\n\n\n\n\n\nThe Hindu\nPIB\nMSN News\nIBEF\nMSN News\nDD India\nGlobal Security\nDeep Newz\nIndia Strategic\nMadyom.com\nIndian News Stream\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n  \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nContact Us\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nFor more visit News & Media Section URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/the-delhi-defence-dialogue-ddd CATEGORIES:CONFERENCES,The Delhi Defence Dialogue (DDD) ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20231214T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20231215T053000 DTSTAMP:20261108T012629 CREATED:20231223T125345Z LAST-MODIFIED:20260206T065848Z UID:62724-1702531800-1702618200@idsa.in SUMMARY:15th South Asia Conference - Achieving Regional Economic Integration in South Asia (December 14-15\, 2023) DESCRIPTION:CONCEPT NOTE\n\nThe process of globalisation has integrated production and supply chains as well as markets around the world. Trade and economic relations have a logic of their own\, with geo-economics often transcending geopolitics. In a globalized world\, strategic choices are often subject to economic considerations. Closer economic integration also provides stability among adversaries in a world in flux. \nRegional economic integration in sub-geographies has generally led to an improved and stable strategic architecture.  Regional integration plays a crucial role in overcoming divisions that impede the flow of goods\, services\, capital\, people\, and ideas among countries. These divisions\, often caused by geographical limitations\, inadequate infrastructure\, and inefficient policies\, hinder economic growth\, particularly in developing nations. By integrating markets for goods and services\, regional integration enables countries to surmount these barriers\, facilitating the flow of trade\, capital\, energy\, people\, and ideas. This process can be facilitated through the establishment of common physical and institutional infrastructure. Different regions across the world have adopted various institutional forms of cooperation\, with different levels of policy commitments and shared sovereignty\, prioritizing different aspects of regional integration. \nRegional integration can yield substantial economic gains for participating countries. It improves market efficiency\, enables cost-sharing for public goods and large infrastructure projects\, fosters cooperative decision-making\, acts as a catalyst for reforms\, and serves as a building block for global integration. Additionally\, regional integration offers non-economic benefits such as peace and security. \nIn different regions around the world\, regional integration efforts have been shaped by unique circumstances\, challenges\, and motivations\, which have influenced the outcomes and levels of success achieved by the respective organizations. \nIn North America\, the United States played a leading role and contributed to the successful establishment of organizations like USMCA (earlier NAFTA)\, promoting economic cooperation among member countries. \nOn the other hand\, South America witnessed the creation of MERCOSUR\, also known as the Southern Common Market\, initially comprising Argentina\, Brazil\, Paraguay\, and Uruguay. In the 1990s\, MERCOSURproved successful in enhancing trade within the group. However\, Brazil’s currency devaluation in 1999 and Argentina’s financial crisis in 2001 impacted on regional integration. The bloc faced challenges in later years when trying to open up to other markets. Moreover\, trade disputes and tensions arose between the two largest economies in the bloc. This also shows that intra-regional trade and economic frictions can thwart a region’s consensus and smooth interface with the rest of the world even after achieving a common market. An example is the UK\, which eventually exited the EU through BREXIT. \nIn Southeast Asia\, the establishment of ASEAN in 1967 by five nations was in response to curbing the spread of communism. Following the 1997 Asian financial crisis that originated in Thailand\, ASEAN members took significant steps to further integrate their economies and foster cooperation among member states. It also resulted in economic integration in the wider region\, with a rising economy such as China’s\, through currency swap arrangements under the Chiang Mai Initiative. ASEAN has seen a steady rise in its own integration with the Chinese economy since then. \nAdditionally\, China’s strong ties with its diaspora in Southeast Asian countries also contributed to improved relationships\, increased trade\, and enhanced commerce. The establishment of ASEAN further facilitated China-ASEAN integration. While China may have intentions to exert influence in neighboring countries\, its success largely depends on the acceptance and cooperation of these nations. \nIn some cases\, regional integration can be triggered by a domino effect\, exemplified by the enlargement of the European Union (EU) to include several East and Central European countries after the demise of the Soviet Union. These erstwhile communist economies anticipated economic benefits by joining the EU. The latter\, through the expansion\, created newer and more competitive centers of manufacturing for their union. \nChina has been successful in fostering integration with neighboring countries. Japan\, ROK\, Singapore\, Hong Kong and even Taiwan have played a key role in fostering the economic rise of China\, by integrating their manufacturing centers and supply chains with the Chinese economy. They have taken full advantage of the labour cost arbitrage in China and the latter’s hub and spokes connectivity with markets around the world. China has benefitted by absorbing technologies and capital. \nIn South Asia\, the situation is different. Achieving regional integration has been particularly challenging compared to other regions due to unique historical and geopolitical circumstances. South Asia has a shared history\, both civilizational and colonial\, but does not necessarily have a shared identity. Religious and linguistic differences act as a drag on regional integration. \nIn the past\, efforts to achieve economic integration in South Asia were made through SAPTA (South Asian Preferential Trade Agreement) and later through SAFTA (South Asian Free Trade Area). However\, these initiatives resulted only in limited success in fostering regional economic integration. \nUnlike some other regions\, South Asia lacks a consensus on emerging threats and challenges. Unlike China\, South Asia does not have some of the world’s most developed and dynamic economies on its periphery. The partition of the Indian subcontinent in 1947 after gaining independence from British rule left behind contested borders\, further complicating integration efforts. Besides\, the quest for national identity post-colonization has\, at times\, posed challenges to fostering a shared regional identity that facilitates integration. Moreover\, the rise of China has acted as a magnet for many of the smaller South Asian economies whose trade with China has outpaced their traditional trade with India. \nSouth Asia today has multiple choices. Apart from India and China as economic partners\, the US has also stepped up its efforts to engage the region through the economic lens and not just through a security lens. Given the logic of geography and India’s rise as the world’s fifth largest economy and the fastest growing of all\, regional economic integration in South Asia suggests India as the fulcrum. \nGiven the limitations of SAARC\, South Asia has witnessed the emergence of new regional initiatives driven by India’s Act East Policy. These initiatives\, which include the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC)\, the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA)\, Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar (BCIM) Economic Corridor and the BBIN (Bangladesh-Bhutan-India-Nepal transport agreement)\, are aimed at fostering cohesiveness among member states and achieving prosperity in the region. \nIn this context\, the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies & Analyses (MP-IDSA) intends to host the 15th South Asia Conference titled\, “Prospects of Regional Economic Integration in South Asia” on 14-15 December 2023. A cross-section of experts\, analysts\, and policymakers will be invited to discuss these issues and recommend the way forward. \nThe Conference:\nThe conference seeks to discuss among others the following questions: \n\nWhat is the current state of regional economic integration?\nRole of connectivityin promoting regional economic integration and its current status\nTariff\, Non-tariff and Technical barriers to trade\nEconomic Partnership Agreements in South Asia\nBanking and fiscal policies in the region\nDigital Public Infrastructure (DPI) in India and beyond\nTrade Settlement in Indian Rupee / Regional currencies / UPI/DPI\nFinancial Crisis and Regional Response / Regional crisis management / Impact on Regional Integration\nSub-regional integration – Including and excluding India\nAfghanistan and Myanmar as gateways to promote regional integration beyond South Asia\n\nParticipation in the conference is by invitation only. To participate\, please contact the conference coordinator. \n\nCONFERENCE PROGRAMME\n\n \nContact us\nDr. Anand Kumar\nCo-ordinator\, 15th South Asia Conference\nAssociate Fellow\, South Asia Centre\nManohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\nNew Delhi-110010\nTel (O): +91 11-26717983\nEmail: anandkmrai@gmail.com\, anand_rai@hotmail.com URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/15th-south-asia-conference-achieving-regional-economic-integration-in-south-asia-december-14-15-2023 CATEGORIES:Previous South Asia conference,CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20230117T133000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20230118T223000 DTSTAMP:20261108T012629 CREATED:20250210T224807Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250327T232219Z UID:84938-1673962200-1674081000@idsa.in SUMMARY:14th South Asia Conference - Think20@G20: Towards a Resilient South Asia DESCRIPTION:Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses is hosting its 14th South Asia Conference in New Delhi. The South Asia Conference\, which the Institute has been organising since 2007 seeks to draw on a cross-section of policy makers\, academics\, civil society actors and young professionals from all countries of the South Asian region\, to examine and discuss issues of common concern and interest. \nThe theme for this year’s conference is “Think20@G20: Towards a Resilient South Asia”. The Conference will be held on 17-18 January 2023 at MP-IDSA. \n\n \nWatch Video | DAY: ONE\n\n \nWatch Video | DAY: TWO\n\n\n  \n\nConcept Note\n\n\nThe Group of Twenty (G20)\, the central forum for international cooperation on financial and economic questions\, has been formulating and implementing policy decisions on the most pressing issues impacting countries across the globe since 1999. Since 2012\, the Think20 (T20) engagement group\, comprising prestigious think tanks and academia from the international community\, has been providing an analytical depth to G20 discussions and assisting the G20 leaders in developing concrete and sustainable policy measures centred around G20 priorities. Each year\, under a new G20 Presidency\, the T20 creates Task Forces to structure their proposals around the most critical issues and drive policy innovation. \nIndia has recently assumed the Presidency of G20 for the year 2022-23. The T20 is the ‘ideas bank’\, formed to provide insightful policy proposals during India’s Presidency. It has created eight task forces to take up issues related to macroeconomics\, trade and livelihoods; to discuss open\, accessible\, and inclusive digital public architecture; to create a mass movement for sustainable consumption; clean and green energy; to reassess the global financial order; to accelerate the sustainable development goals; and to create a roadmap for multilateralism. India is committed to play a significant role as President in the policy formulation in all these areas of tasks undertaken by the G20. \nThe Chair of the T20 engagement group this year is Ambassador Sujan R. Chinoy. He is the Director General of Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA) which is hosting its 14th Annual South Asian Conference in January 2023. This conference is structured\, under his leadership\, as a platform to discuss issues of common interest and concern and to explore areas of convergence. The recommendations that emerge from the collective brainstorming in this conference can be channelised through the T20 to the G20 leadership track. \nSince India is the only South Asian Country in G20\, India’s presidency is an opportune moment not only for India but also for the entire South Asian region. India’s motto in the G20 this year is “One Earth\, One Family\, One Future”\, which is supported by India’s ancient ethos ‘Vasudhaiba Kutumbakam’ (World is One Family) which is the guiding principle for India’s Neighbourhood First policy\, Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR)\, Vaccine Maitri and collaborative approaches in the extended neighbourhood. \nOne of the aims of the T20 this year is to connect scholars and thinkers from the non-G20 members to the G20\, to funnel ideas from the larger global community into the G20 agenda\, and also take the views of those members into consideration who are going to be impacted by the policy decisions of the G20. In this context\, MP-IDSA intends to harvest the views of the South Asian Countries on their expectations from G20 to address the most pressing issues in each of the countries as well as in the region through its flagship event -i.e.\, the South Asia Conference\, proposed to be held in January 2023. \nThe global economic downturn due to the Covid-19 pandemic\, the impact of the Russia-Ukraine war\, and economic challenges in most of the countries in the region have exacerbated economic challenges faced by countries like Sri Lanka and Pakistan. Although the situation in Bangladesh and Nepal is not as grim\, inadequate foreign reserves remain an issue. The Maldivian economy is recovering better in the post-pandemic period\, but there is a concern about high public debt in the country. Bhutan too faces a moderate risk as far as debt sustainability is concerned. Political transition in Afghanistan amidst the global pandemic has led to a significant economic downturn in the country. \nDespite the gradual resumption of economic activities in the post-pandemic period\, the region is likely to face severe food\, energy and inflationary crises due to disruptions and supply side constraints. The economic situation is likely to hamper the achievement of sustainable development and millennium development goals as well as other country-specific economic targets. The susceptibility of most South Asian countries to external shocks and the uncertainties in the global economy underscore the need for resilience in the South Asian region. \nIndia\, the region’s largest and the world’s fastest-growing economy\, has recovered more strongly than the world average\, according to a World Bank overview. The forecast for India’s economic growth is very optimistic. As a responsible regional power\, India has played a crucial role in providing relief and assistance to its neighbours during the pandemic and also stands to be a partner in their economic recovery. Its record as “first responder” in the face of natural disaster is exemplary. \nIn spite of India’s willingness to share its growth and prosperity with its neighbours\, and popular will at the regional level to work together for common wellbeing\, intra-regional economic integration has been minimal compared to other regions around the world. Intra-regional trade accounts for less than five percent of the total trade taking place in the region and efforts at the regional level to boost trade have fallen prey to narrow nationalist perspectives on security and foreign policy. This is primarily due to avoidable historical/legacy issues as well as mistrust among states. Given the problems the region is facing today\, it is imperative that countries work together in regard to effective and sustainable policy formulation\, digitalisation and use of technology to address the macro-economic challenges in the region. Such effective coordination requires a high level of understanding among countries and collaboration between academia and think tanks. \nThe 14th South Asia Conference titled\, “Think20@G20: Towards a Resilient South Asia” will be held on 17-18 January 2023. A cross-section of experts\, analysts\, and policymakers are being invited to discuss the following issues\, particularly the way forward: \n\nWhat are the most pressing economic issues faced by South Asian countries and why?\nHow are the countries dealing with their economic issues and how can India’s presidency of the G20 be leveraged to boost regional integration?\nHow do the regional countries view the role of G20 in their efforts to deal with and address economic problems?\nHow have the G20 policy decisions so far impacted the South Asian economies?\nHow G20 can emerge as a more productive and relevant multilateral platform for South Asian countries and why it should?\nWhat are the recommendations South Asian countries wish to offer for T20’s consideration for its policy recommendations to the G20 leadership track?\nHow can the emerging regional consensus for growth and prosperity be utilised to tap the potential for greater regional economic integration that may contribute to regional peace and development?\n\n\nProgramme\n\n  \n\n\n\n  \nDay One: Tuesday\, 17 January 2023\n \n\n\n0930-1000:\nRegistration \n\n\n1000-1100:\nInaugural Session \nWelcome Address by Amb Sujan R. Chinoy\, T20 Chair of G20 India and Director General\, MP-IDSA\nInaugural Address by Mr Amitabh Kant\, Sherpa\, G20 India\n\n\n1100-1115:\nTea\n\n\n1115-1230:\nWorking Session – I: Introducing T20 and G20\n\n\nChair:\nAmb Sujan R. Chinoy\, Director General\, MP-IDSA & T20 Chair\n\n\nSpeakers:\nAmb Rajiv Bhatia\, Distinguished Fellow\, Gateway House\nDr Sandhya Purecha\, Chair W20\nMr Abhay Thakur\, Additional Secretary & Sous-Sherpa G20\nProf Harsh V. Pant\, ORF\, Co-Chair of T20 Task Force 7 ‘Towards Reformed Multilaterlism’\nMr Rohan Jaitley\, Member of Core Group of T20\nMs Sunaina Kumar\, ORF\, Executive Director\, T20 Secretariat India\n\n\n1230-1300:\nAmbassadors’ Interaction on G20\n\n\nChair:\nAmb Sujan R. Chinoy\, Director General\, MP-IDSA & T20 Chair\n\n\n1300-1345:\nLunch\n\n\n1345-1415:\nSpecial Lecture by Mr Tetsushi Sonobe\, Dean & CEO\, ADBI and Chair Think7 on “T7 Outlook of Japan on G20 Process”\n\n\nChair:\nAmb Sujan R. Chinoy\, Director General\, MP-IDSA & T20 Chair\n\n\n1415-1530:\n Working Session – II: Country Perspectives on Climate\, Economic\, Gender & Energy Concerns\n\n\nChair:\nProf Mahendra P. Lama\, Jawaharlal Nehru University\n\n\nSpeakers:\nDr Sharmind Neelormi\, Professor\, Dept. of Economics\, University of Jahangirnagar\, Bangladesh\nMr Dil Bahadur Rahut\, Senior Research Fellow\, ADBI\nMr Anushka Wijesinha\, Co-founder\, Centre for Smart Future\, Colombo\nDr Zaw Naing\, Managing Director\, Mandalay Technology\, Myanmar\n\n\n1530-1645:\nWorking Session – III: Country Perspectives on Climate\, Economic\, Gender & Energy Concerns\n\n\nChair:\nDr Uttam Sinha\, MP-IDSA\, Co-Chair of T20 Task Force 6 on ‘Accelerating SDGs’\n\n\nSpeakers:\nDr Ajaya Dikshit\, PRI\, Nepal\, adviser\, Institute for Social and Environmental Transition & Policy Research Institute\nMs Ngu Wah Win\, Research Fellow\, Knowledge Circle Foundation\, Myanmar\nDr Ramani Gunatilaka\, Independent Consultant\, Sri Lanka URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/14th-south-asia-conference-think20g20-towards-a-resilient-south-asia CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES,Previous South Asia conference,South Asia Conference,CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20220329T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20220330T053000 DTSTAMP:20261108T012629 CREATED:20231223T125348Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250404T000220Z UID:62727-1648531800-1648618200@idsa.in SUMMARY:5th West Asia Conference - India’s Approach to West Asia: Trends\, Challenges and Possibilities DESCRIPTION:Live Streaming : DAY TWO\n \n\n\n\nLive Streaming : DAY ONE\n \n\n\n Executive Summary The Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA)\, New Delhi\, organised its 5th biennial West Asia Conference on March 29-30\, 2022\, in virtual mode. Speakers from India and abroad participated in the Conference and shared their perspectives on the changing contours of India’s growing engagement with the West Asian region\, response of the countries of the region towards India’s policy\, geopolitics and security situation in West Asia\, challenges for the Indian community in the Gulf during Covid-19 pandemic\, issues of energy security\, and strategic and security cooperation between India and the region. The West Asian region continues to remain in a state of flux even after a decade of the Arab unrest. The situation in Syria\, Yemen and Libya remains fluid. A number of terrorist organisations and non-state actors continue to challenge the security and stability in West Asia. The recent Houthi attacks on the critical infrastructures in Saudi Arabia and the UAE are a major cause of insecurity in the Gulf region. The uncertainty over the ongoing Vienna talks to revive the Iranian nuclear deal\, Israel’s growing engagement with the Arab countries after the signing of the Abraham Accords and perceived weakening of US presence in the region are some of the key geopolitical dynamics which will have severe implications for the region. In such critical circumstances\, India faces a number of challenges to engage with the countries of the region. India shares historical relations with West Asia; and has huge economic\, energy\, political\, security and strategic stakes in the region. In recent years India has strengthened defence\, security and strategic ties with a number of countries in the region. India’s security relations with the Gulf countries go beyond energy and diaspora security and there is an interest from both sides in expanding defence relations. While\, during the last decade\, the Arab unrest brought considerable challenges to India’s policy in the region\, India has persevered in its engagements\, successfully navigating the turbulence in the Arab world. While the COVID-19 pandemic severely affected the nine million strong Indian community in the Gulf\, Prime Minister Narendra Modi reached out to the Gulf leaders appealing to them to look after the Indians who are affected by the pandemic. Finally\, it was suggested by the participants that\, amid the changing regional and great-power geopolitics\, India needs to enhance its engagement as a reliable partner for the key regional actors in West Asia. Rapporteurs’ Report Rapporteurs’ Report [PDF] Concept Note The Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA) has been organising its biennial West Asia Conference (WAC) since 2014. Over the years\, this flagship event has dealt with a number of critical issues facing West Asia and North Africa (WANA) region including the paradigmatic shifts in the region’s geopolitics\, the growing impact of ideological and socio-political movements\, and the global\, regional and intra-regional responses to the regional developments. The Conference has been an important platform for academics\, analysts\, policymakers and government officials to discuss issues of mutual concern and explore newer avenues for cooperation. Invitees\, both institutions and individuals\, stretching the vast expanse of WANA as well as other parts of the world\, participate in the Conference to discuss issues in a free and frank manner. India’s relations with WANA go back to historic times with artefacts found in archaeological sites of Indus Valley\, Harappa and Mesopotamian and the Sumerian civilisation underscoring trade and cultural ties in ancient times. Geographic proximity and maritime connectivity played a significant role in establishing mercantile contacts between the Arabian Peninsula and Indian Subcontinent. Although post-Independence India’s relations with the region were inhibited by ideological considerations\, the post-Cold War recalibration in India’s foreign policy opened avenues for reconnecting with the WANA region. In order to deepen cooperation and engagement with the neighbourhood\, India has adopted the ‘Neighbourhood First’ policy. Engagement with the WANA region is a key component of the ‘Neighbourhood First’ policy and the government has taken a proactive approach towards its neighbourhood. Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi\, since 2014\, India’s relations with WANA have witnessed a qualitative transformation leading to strengthening of bilateral relations with the regional countries. The change has been visible not only in the frequency of political and diplomatic engagements but also in growing cooperation in newer fields including business\, investments\, security and defence. Recent cooperation between India and the countries of the West Asian region to fight the COVID-19 pandemic underlines the strong bonds of friendship. Further\, India’s ‘Think West’ policy focuses on its western neighbourhood with renewed emphasis to accelerate the pace of engagement with these countries. This has been an important pillar in India’s foreign policy in the recent years. The WANA region\, especially the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) States\, is significant for India for a variety of factors\, most importantly for its energy security and as host to millions of Indians who live and earn their livelihood there. There is also a mutuality of interest in maritime security as well as in fighting international terrorism and religious radicalism. Indian interest is also connected to peace and stability in the region because of the natural linkages between South and West Asia regions. India’s bilateral trade with the region is around US$ 200 billion. India imports more than 60 percent of its energy requirements from the region. There are about nine million Indians living in the region whose safety and security is a concern for New Delhi. Any challenge to regional security situation or weakening of the economies in WANA will have a direct impact on the economy and security of India. As a result India has developed strategic partnerships with regional countries\, especially with the United Arab Emirates\, Israel\, Saudi Arabia\, Iran\, Qatar and Oman without ignoring other important regional countries including Egypt\, Turkey\, Jordan\, Syria\, Iraq\, Bahrain and the Palestinian territories. India favours peace and stability in the region and seeks partnerships with all like-minded countries towards economic prosperity for the people of India and the WANA countries. Towards this end India has not hesitated in participating in multilateral fora including most recently\, engaging in a dialogue in October 2021 with the foreign ministers of the UAE\, Israel and the United States with the objective of harnessing the collective resources and expertise for developing economic cooperation. Despite the growing engagement\, India must deal apace with the challenges of existing regional tensions\, social polarisation\, deteriorating humanitarian situation\, terrorism and religious radicalism in the region. Even after a decade of the Arab unrest\, the impact of the regional upheaval on the politics\, security and economy of the region continues to remain high. India has persevered in its engagements\, successfully navigating the turbulence in the Arab world. Against this backdrop\, the MP-IDSA is organising the 5th West Asia Conference on the theme “India’s Approach to West Asia: Trends\, Challenges and Possibilities.” The following key questions\, along with many others\, would be discussed during the conference:What are the changing components of India’s growing engagement with the WANA countries? How have the WANA countries responded to India’s regional policy and what are the expectations in New Delhi? With renewed focus on West Asia\, what would be the possible new political\, security and economic challenges and opportunities for India in the region? \n\nParticipants\n\n\n\n\n\n \nAmb Sujan R. Chinoy\, Director General\, Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\, New Delhi.\n\n\n\n\n\n \nAmb. Dr. Ezzat Saad El Sayed\, Director\, Egyptian Council for Foreign Affairs\, Cairo\, Egypt\n\n\n\n\n\n \nAmb Talmiz Ahmad\,\nFormer Ambassador of India to Saudi Arabia\, UAE and Oman\n\n\n\n\n\n \nAmb. Dore Gold\,\nPresident\, Jerusalem Centre for Public Affairs\, Jerusalem\, Israel\n\n\n\n\n\n \nProf. Gulshan Dietl (Retd.)\nSchool of International Studies\, JNU\, New Delhi\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Andrey Kortunov\,\nDirector General\, Russian International Affairs Council\, Moscow\, Russia\n\n\n\n\n\n \nProf. Mehmet Seyfettin Erol\,\nPresident\, Ankara Centre for Crisis and Policy Studies\, Ankara\, Turkey\n\n\n\n\n\n \nMr. Goor Tsalalyachin\,\nExecutive Director\, The Abba Eban Institute for International Diplomacy\, Reichman University\, Herziliya\, Israel\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Md. Muddassir Quamar\, Ph.D.\nAssociate Fellow\, Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\, New Delhi.\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Meena Singh Roy\, Senior Fellow and Head\, West Asia and Eurasia\, Tillotoma Foundation\, and Distinguished Fellow\, Middle East Institute\, New Delhi\n\n\n\n\n\n \nProf. S. Irudaya Rajan\,\nChairman\, International Institute of Migration and Development\, Thiruvananthapuram\, India\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. H. Arokkiaraj\, Assistant Professor in the Department of Social Work at Rajiv Gandhi National Institute of Youth Development\, Tamil Nadu.\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. N. Janardhan\, Senior Research Fellow\, Anwar Gargash Diplomatic Academy\, Abu Dhabi\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. P K Pradhan\, Associate Fellow and Coordinator\, West Asia Centre\, Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\, New Delhi\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Abdulla Al Abbasi\, Research Fellow\, Bahrain Centre for Strategic\, International  and Energy Studies (Derasat)\, Manama\, Bahrain\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Vrushal T. Ghoble\, Centre for West Asian Studies (CWAS)\, School of International Studies (SIS)\, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU)\, New Delhi.\n\n\n\n\n\n \nProf. Shamir Hasan (Retd.)\, Centre of West Asian Studies\, Aligarh Muslim University\, India.\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Joseph Kechichian\,\nSenior Fellow\, King Faisal Centre for Research and Islamic Studies\, Riyadh\, Saudi Arabia\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Hasan Alhasan\, Research Fellow for Middle East Policy\, The International Institute for Strategic Studies\, London\, UK\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Mandana Tisheyar\,\nAssistant Professor\,\nAllameh Tabataba’i University\, Tehran\, Iran\n\n\n\n\n\n \nProf. P. R. Kumaraswamy\, School of International Studies\, Jawaharlal Nehru University\, New Delhi\, India\n\n\n\n\n\n \nMaj. Gen. (Dr.) Bipin Bakshi\, AVSM\, VSM\, (Retd.)\, Deputy Director General\, Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\, New Delhi\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nProgramme\n\n\nProgramme Schedule [PDF]\n\n\n\n\nConference Coordinator: \nDr. Prasanta Kumar Pradhan\nAssociate Fellow\, IDSA\npk.prasanta@gmail.com URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/5th-west-asia-conference-indias-approach-to-west-asia-trends-challenges-and-possibilities CATEGORIES:Previous West Asia Conference,CONFERENCES,West Asia Conference ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20211216T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20211217T053000 DTSTAMP:20261108T012629 CREATED:20231223T125349Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250403T031422Z UID:62728-1639632600-1639719000@idsa.in SUMMARY:13th SOUTH ASIA CONFERENCE - Return of the Taliban in Afghanistan: Implications and Way Forward DESCRIPTION:Concept Note\n\n\n\n Concept Note Return of the Taliban in Afghanistan: Implications and Way Forward(To be held Online on 16–17 December 2021)Concept Note The Taliban are back in Afghanistan. Amidst deepening humanitarian and economic crises in the country\, the Taliban have announced a caretaker cabinet\, mostly comprised of members blacklisted under the UN sanctions list\, including the prime minister and his cabinet colleagues from the Haqqani Network. The caretaker government barely represents the remarkable social and ethnic diversity that characterises the Afghan polity. Though several countries have directly engaged the Taliban\, they remain circumspect about extending any formal recognition to the Haqqani–Taliban regime in Kabul. The growing friction among various Taliban groups\, particularly between the Taliban and the Haqqani Network\, has also come to the fore. Contrary to the commitments made to the international community by the Doha-based Taliban leadership\, there have been growing instances of summary executions and revenge killings in provinces and vast rural areas\, and enforcement of strict restrictions on women\, youth and media across the country. Though Taliban leaders in their international interactions continue to state that rights of women and ethnic and religious minorities will be protected\, and that there will be a general amnesty for Afghans who have worked with the previous government or the Western coalition\, including members of the erstwhile security establishment\, the situation on the ground suggests otherwise. Whether by design or owing to differences within the rank-and-file\, the Taliban leadership appears to be capitulating under pressure from its notably conservative core cadres. Compared to the 1990s\, the Taliban today have several constituent groups with competing ideas and perceptions about ‘genuine Islamic rule’. With the takeover of Kabul\, the Islamist veneer on the Taliban movement appears to be cracking as factional power-play deepens within the ‘emirate’. Maintaining ambiguity or contradictory messaging on issues of concern caters to managing differing perceptions within the rank-and-file and simultaneously sustaining the façade of a new and changed Taliban\, especially as the Haqqani–Taliban regime seeks international engagement and recognition. The disconnect between sections of the older leadership that sought to convey a relatively moderate image of the ‘emirate’ to the outside world\, and a whole new generation of battle-hardened commanders and overzealous hardliners that predominate the Taliban rank-and-file\, is more than palpable. The leadership also remains strikingly all-Taliban and Haqqanis\, in the absence of non-Taliban or Shia representation in its senior ranks. This is bound to lead to a strong sense of marginalisation and alienation among non-Taliban Pashtuns and various other ethnicities that together form a vast majority of the Afghan population. The UN Security Council and various other forums such as G7\, G20\, SCO and CSTO have thus emphasised the need for the establishment of “an inclusive and representative government” in Afghanistan. While the so-called Taliban 2.0 may have realised the value of public diplomacy and communications strategy\, their ideological and political impulse\, as reflected in their tendency to monopolise and over-centralise power\, appears patently old and familiar. With the Taliban\, who subscribe to the Deobandi-Wahhabi version of Islam taught in Pakistani madrassas\, now at the helm in Kabul\, the theological and ideological divide among various militant Islamist entities\, particularly on matters of jurisprudence\, is likely to gain further traction in the region. Unfortunately\, the decades-old support structures responsible for sustained sectarian violence and cross-border terrorism in Afghanistan and the region remain fully intact. Such threats have also long-disrupted and long-impeded progress on both intra- and inter-regional trade and connectivity. Several reports\, including by the UN\, suggest that international terrorist networks and their regional affiliates of various hue\, including those that are state-sponsored\, who seek to violently impose their obscurantist ideologies on mostly pluralistic societies in the region\, have been regrouping in Afghanistan. Their presence remains a key security concern for countries in the South and Central Asia region\, and beyond. Recent developments in Afghanistan are likely to galvanise them into spectacular action\, provide impetus to drug trafficking and radicalisation among youth\, and thereby sow the seeds of future conflict and socio-political discord in the ‘Heart of Asia’. The UN Security Council Resolutions 2593 (August 2021) and 2596 (September 2021) have emphasised that the territory of Afghanistan should not be used to threaten or attack any country\, to plan or finance terrorist acts\, or to shelter and train terrorists\, and that no Afghan group or individual should support terrorists operating on the territory of any country. The larger international community has for now adopted a policy of ‘wait and watch’ towards the developing situation in Afghanistan. However\, given the growing humanitarian crisis facing the Afghan people and the threat of refugee outflow\, consequent to the collapse of both state machinery and economy\, including the flight of capital and trained manpower from the country\, the regional and international constituency advocating transactional engagement with the Haqqani–Taliban regime is expanding. Against this backdrop\, the MP-IDSA is organising a two-day conference in an online format on 16–17 December 2021\, as part of its Annual South Asia Conference\, inviting a cross-section of experts\, analysts and policymakers to seek answers to the following questions and dwell on the possible way forward on Afghanistan: How is the situation in Afghanistan likely to pan out in the immediate to short-term? Given the growing pulls and pressures\, both within and from outside\, will the Taliban be able to hold itself together and provide a stable and effective national leadership?  How are other Afghan political actors likely to respond to the return of the Taliban in Kabul? How are regional and extra-regional countries looking at the return of the Taliban and its implications for the security landscape in and around the ‘Heart of Asia’?In the absence of national reconciliation\, how effective and sustainable will the economic and political incentives be in transforming the Taliban\, from an armed proxy jihadi network into a moderate\, broad-based and independent governing authority? What does the return of the Taliban bode for Pakistan in the long-run?The Taliban 2.0 (as the new pseudonym goes) is being pushed to an ostensibly more moderate position by the more virulent Islamic State-Khorasan (IS-K) group and its affiliates. In this context\, how is it likely to affect the ideological underpinnings of the Taliban and their unity? What is the way forward\, in terms of available policy options for the region and the wider international community to deal with the developing situation in Afghanistan? Conference Programme 13th MP-IDSA SOUTH ASIA CONFERENCERETURN OF THE TALIBAN IN AFGHANISTAN: IMPLICATIONS AND WAY FORWARDRead More[+] Inaugural Address Inaugural Address at 13th MP-IDSA SOUTH ASIA CONFERENCE Conference Rapporteurs’ Report CONFERENCE RAPPORTEURS’ REPORT Conference Takeaways CONFERENCE TAKEAWAYS Conference Videos 13th MP-IDSA South Asia Conference: Return of Taliban in Afghanistan | Inaugural & First Session 13th MP-IDSA South Asia Conference: Perspectives on Afghanistan | Second Session 13th MP-IDSA South Asia Conference: Regional Perspectives | Third Session 13th MP-IDSA South Asia Conference: Way Forward in Afghanistan | Fourth Session \n\nContact us\nMr Vishal Chandra\nCo-ordinator\, 13th South Asia Conference\nResearch Fellow\, South Asia Centre\nManohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\nNew Delhi-110010\nTel (O): +91 11-26717983\nEmail: sac2021.mpidsa@gmail.com \n  URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/13th-south-asia-conference-return-of-the-taliban-in-afghanistan-implications-and-way-forward CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES,Previous South Asia conference,South Asia Conference,CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20200312T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20200313T053000 DTSTAMP:20261108T012629 CREATED:20231223T125414Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250324T231315Z UID:62731-1583991000-1584077400@idsa.in SUMMARY:21st Asian Security Conference: National Security and Defence Planning in an Era of Strategic Uncertainty (Postponed) DESCRIPTION:Registration\n\n\nRegistration fees would be Rs 2000/- which will cover the costs of two lunches\, conference papers etc. Please send cheque in name of MP-IDSA\, New Delhi “to the following address along with your details as Name\, Address\, Educational qualification\, Institutional affiliation etc. \n1. Assistant Director (Admin)\nThe Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\n1\, Development Enclave\, (near USI)\nRao Tula Ram Marg\nNew Delhi 110 010 \nAccount Holder: Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA)\nA/C No: 10596550223\nName of Bank: State Bank of India (SBI)\nBranch Address: JNU\, Old Campus\, New Delhi – 110067\, INDIA\nSwift code: SBININBB548 \nAccount Holder: Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA)\nA/C No: 535602010004746\nName of Bank: Union Bank of India (UBI)\nBranch Address: Vasant Vihar Branch\, New Delhi – 110057\, INDIA\nSwift code: UBIN0534463\n\n\n\n\nConcept Note\n\n\nIn a rapidly changing world\, all known paradigms are experiencing stress. This calls for a level of strategic readjustments at multiple levels. At the broadest level\, the inadequacies of the post-World War II international institutions — the United Nations and its Security Council in regard to peace and security\, and the Bretton Woods financial institutions in regard to finance and development — are showing up because of the complexities and uncertainties characterising global politics and economy today. The old consensus is fraying and a new consensus is yet to emerge. \nThe flow of human resources and services are impeded by concerns over loss of jobs and anti-immigrant sentiments. Technology\, the vital pillar of progress\, is open to misuse. The world appears to be on the brink of an intense battle for technological superiority in the age of artificial intelligence (AI) and quantum computing. Power is fracturing along multiple axes\, be it economic\, military or on the technological fronts. States and non-state actors have acquired the means and the skill sets required to overcome asymmetry in the absolute power quotient. No single country is capable of enforcing its writ on all issues at all times. Hedging and multi-alignment are part of every country’s toolkit. \nThere are several facets to this emerging uncertainty. Traditional and non-traditional security threats such as economic and military competition\, climate change\, piracy\, radical ideology\, cyber threats\, drug & human trafficking\, and energy & food security have grown in magnitude. In addition to these\, the spectre of terrorism\, especially cross-border terrorism\, continues to challenge the peace and prosperity to national security. Besides\, the rapid advent of automation and AI in the Industry 4.0 is not without its consequences for disruption in conventional global supply chains. The changing nature of conflict and strategic uncertainties faced by nations regionally have further accelerated Asia’s security outlooks. \nAgainst such a backdrop\, a number of variables impact the defence planning process. Among these are the growing inter-linkages between traditional and non-traditional security challenges\,  competing priorities for the national budget in terms of defence versus development\, inter-service tussle for resource allocation within the armed forces\, the requirements of speed as well as transparency and probity in defence procurement\, the trade-off between human resources and high-tech equipment\, and striking the right balance between the longer-term objective of self-reliance through indigenisation and the urgent induction of world class weapons and equipment to meet operational requirements. These factors combine to make defence planning a dynamic process in which frequent adjustments have to be made along the way. \nDefence planning processes are further tested in an environment of strategic uncertainty\, which — though not unique to our times — has acquired an unprecedented scale and pace today. Countries and national security organisations have to contend with dilemmas and make choices that can alter the very state of their preparedness and effectiveness against threats and challenges. Outcomes of defence planning processes depend on whether we make accurate assessments. A misreading of strategic realities harbour the potential to completely alter the direction of procurements\, training and defence planning. This can lead to grave inadequacies in other future scenarios. \nTechnology is\, undisputedly\, a major factor driving change in the context of issues that have a bearing on defence and security. This is true not only for official state organs but also in regard to private entities that increasingly are playing a role in defence research and development (R&D)\, manufacturing and procurement chains. \nTechnological behemoths — having an international presence — control and shape the direction of technological research and its application. They not only steer the course of technological advancement and research\, but control data representing the new currency of power. The data that resides with these companies provides them the opportunity to manipulate human behaviour and influence decision-making processes in recipient states.   \nIn conflict scenarios\, technology is likely to have an impact on factors with a direct bearing on national decision-making processes. It will influence speed and scope of information-gathering\, analysing it and synthesising derivatives in real time basis\, including weapons platforms. These decisions could relate to target striking\, emergency-based ammunition requests\, among others\, based on real-time consumption patterns\, casualties or refugee movements. In other words\, the role of technology in de-cluttering decision-making in an increasingly complex operating environment will be far more important in the future. If this characterises the current reality of technological advancement\, how much more is it likely to manifest in future conflict scenarios and on issues that impact national security? Even more importantly\, will its role bring a transformative shift in warfighting as a strategic deterrent? This is a question that remains critical for military planners\, particularly those involved in the task of ensuring effective defence planning. \nThese are merely some of the more realistic shifts that are evident in the evolving conflict scenario\, influenced by fast-evolving high-tech conditions. However\, even as shifts take place both in the nature of conflict and the character of technological advancements\, planning procedures for doctrines\, capability-building and contingencies cannot be completely reinvented. They must remain anchored in proven procedures and processes to strengthen national security. \nThe 21st edition of the Asian Security Conference (ASC) of the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA) is aimed at debating the scope of defence planning for countries and organisations in an era of acute regional and global uncertainty. The conference aims to bring together a range of experts\, scholars\, ex-policy makers\, industry leaders and strategic planners to discuss the various facets of conflict\, warfare and conventional and unconventional threats\, by high-lighting implications for defence planning in an era of strategic uncertainty. The conference will examine the linkages between national security\, defence planning and changing nature of conflict in Asia and beyond. \nThe conference is tentatively divided into two days over eight sessions. The details are as follows: \nDay-1 \n Inaugural Session \nSession- I: NATIONAL SECURITY AND GEO-POLITICAL CALCULUS\nSession- II: STRATEGY AND STRATEGIC UNCERTAINTY IN ASIA\nSession- III: ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE AND NATIONAL SECURITY\nSession- IV: NEIGHBOURHOOD CONFLICTS AND FOREIGN POLICY CHOICES \nDay-2 \n Special Address \nSession- V: CHANGING CHARACTER OF WAR & WARFARE\nSession- VI: STRATEGIC TECHNOLOGIES\, DETERRENCE AND WAR-FIGHTING\nSession- VII: DEFENCE PLANNING\, PROCUREMENT AND FISCAL MANAGEMENT\nSession- VIII: DEFENCE INNOVATION AND ASIA’S DEFENCE INDUSTRIAL BASES\nVALEDICTORY ADDRESS \n\n\n\n\nProgramme\n\n\nTentative Programme\n\n\n\n\nChairpersons\n\n\n\n\n\nDr. Arvind Gupta \n Dr. Arvind Gupta is Director\, Vivekananda International Foundation\, New Delhi. During 2014-17\, he was the Deputy National Security Advisor and Secretary\, National Security Council Secretariat (NSCS). During 2012-14\, he was Director-General\, Manohar Parrikar IDSA. He was Lal Bahadur Shastri Chair in Strategic and Defence Studies\, at the Manohar Parrikar IDSA during 2008-2011\, and the Managing Editor of Strategic Analysis\, Manohar Parrikar IDSA’s flagship academic journal. A former diplomat\, he worked at the National Security Council Secretariat as a Joint Secretary on deputation from the Ministry of External Affairs during 1999-2007. He is an Honorary Professor in the Department of Defence and National Security Studies\, Punjab University\, Chandigarh. His book\, How India Manages Its National Security\, was published by Penguin India in 2018. He is the co-editor of the forthcoming book India’s Foreign Policy: Surviving in a Turbulent World\, which is being published by Sage Publications India Pvt Ltd. in 2020. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nAmb. Kanwal Sibal \nAmb. Kanwal Sibal\, with 41 years of experience in diplomacy\, is a former Foreign Secretary\, Government of India. He has been Ambassador to Turkey\, Egypt\, France and Russia\, and Deputy Chief of Mission in Washington DC (with rank of an Ambassador). He was a member of India’s National Security Advisory Board from 2008 to 2010. He was President of the Association of Indian Diplomats in 2011. He is on the Board of the New York-based East-West Institute; member of the Executive Council of the Vivekananda International Foundation; Adviser to the US-India Strategic Partnership Forum; Chairman of the Forum of Strategic and Security Studies; Editorial Consultant to The Indian Defence Review and Foreign Affairs Editor of Force. He is a member of Leaders for Peace\, an international forum established by former French Prime Minister Mr. Raffarin. He has written more than 550 Op-Eds and other articles for major national newspapers and periodicals on international affairs. He is frequently requested to speak on foreign policy and strategic affairs by various institutions and participate in TV debates. He was made a Grand Officier of the Ordre National du Merite by the French President in 2004. In 2017\, he received the Padma Shri from the President of India. In 2017\, he was decorated by the Russian Foreign Minister for Contributions to International Cooperation. His book of poems Snowflakes of Time has been published by Bloomsbury in 2016. \n\n\n\n\n\n\nAmb. (Dr.) T.C. A. Raghavan \nAmb. (Dr.) T.C.A. Raghavan is Director General\, Indian Council of World Affairs (ICWA)\, New Delhi\, since July 24\, 2018. He retired from the Indian Foreign Service in December 2015 after serving as India’s High Commissioner to Pakistan (2013-15). He had earlier served as Deputy High Commissioner in Pakistan (2003-2007) and High Commissioner to Singapore from 2009 to 2013. During his last posting in New Delhi (2007-09) in the Ministry of External Affairs\, he was Joint Secretary dealing with Pakistan\, Afghanistan and Iran. His areas of interest are historical research\, strategic analysis and the diplomatic and intellectual history of modern India. He is the author of History Men- Jadunath Sarkar\, G.S. Sardesai\, Raghubir Sinh and their quest for India’s Past (Harper Collins\, 2020). He was awarded a PhD by the Jawaharlal Nehru University\, New Delhi in 1992. \n  \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nMaj. Gen. B. K. Sharma\, AVSM\, SM** and Bar (Retd.)\n \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nSpeakers\n\n\n\n\n\nDr. Ajey Lele \n A former Indian Air Force officer\, Gp. Capt. (Dr.) Ajey Lele is Senior Fellow at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\, New Delhi\, India. His areas of research include issues related to Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) and Strategic Technologies. He has few publications to his name. He started his professional career as an Indian Air Force Officer but took early retirement to pursue his academic interests. He holds a rank of Group Captain. \nTopic: Disruptive Technologies and Strategic Challenges  \nAbstract: Today\, data is recognized as a strategic commodity and often referred to as the new oil.  The need to leverage the potential of rapidly expanding data led to the evolution of unique techniques and technologies for data storage\, analysis\, and visualization. If analyzed effectively\, this data can assist in finding information that is efficient enough in initiating a change in the patterns of how different models function. Technologies like Additive Manufacturing\, Big Data Analytics\, Cloud Computing\, Smart Factories and IoT (Internet of Things) are defining the fourth Industrial Revolution (Industry 4.0). Such technologies have wider applicability in the defence sector too. They actually have the potential to bring in disruptive changes to the industry in general and the military industrial complex (MIS) in particular. Today\, data is becoming cheaper\, more accessible and available to bring about cost-effective structural changes in various processes across sectors. \nThis paper aims to understand the technology trajectory along with the future of the data and disruptive technology-driven world. The paper also analyses the potential of new technologies like Big Data\, IoT\, 3D Printing and others\, that involve latching together isolated data flows coming from potentially every nook and corner of the world. This development could have critical implications\, specifically between those whose data are included and those whose are excluded\, and between those who have access to the data and those who do not. Alongside these developments\, the maturing of weapons technologies like hypersonic weapons will change the dynamics of the modern-day battlefield.  The future challenges and impact of these technologies are reflected upon in the areas of climate change\, poverty\, population\, geopolitics\, military\, warfare and global governance. The paper ends with a discussion on the need for regulative bodies to get engaged in the optimum and effective utilization of these dual-use technologies and control the misuse of the same. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nDr. Alex Vines \nDr. Alex Vines OBE has been Director of the Africa Programme at Chatham House since 2002 and became Managing Director for Risk\, Ethics and Resilience in 2020. Previously\, at Chatham House\, he held roles as Director for Regional Studies and International Security\, and Director for Area Studies and International Law. He is also an Assistant Professor at Coventry University\, and sits on the Editorial and Advisory Boards of the South African Journal of International Affairs\, Africa Review (journal of the African Studies Association of India)\, and the Journal of Southern African Studies. He chaired the UN Panel of Experts on Côte d’Ivoire from 2005 to 2007 and was a member of the UN Panel of Experts on Liberia from 2001 to 2003. He was also a member of the Commonwealth Observer Group to Mozambique in 2019 (and Ghana in 2016) and worked for ONUMOZ in Mozambique and UNAVEM II in Angola. Dr. Vines was awarded an OBE in 2008 and holds a PhD from Coventry University. \nTopic: Conflict and Human Security in Africa \nAbstract: In 2013\, African leaders vowed “not to bequeath the burden of conflicts to the next generation of Africans” and set a goal of ending all African wars by 2020. This unrealistic goal has failed and this paper will examine how conflicts are changing in Africa and what are the international\, national and local responses. It will illustrate how traditional UN peacekeeping models do not work when enforcement\, counter-terrorism or trans-national operations are needed. In 2002\, the African Union (AU) launched a new institutional framework\, the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA)\, but these have had to be adapted in recent years to include ad hoc regional coalitions to address these new security challenges with limited success. This paper will examine why the AU’s ambition to ‘Silence the Guns’ by 2020 was unrealistic\, and outline how peace making and peacebuilding in Africa could become more successful. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nMr. Amit Cowshish\nMr. Amit Cowshish is a Consultant with the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses and a former officer of the Indian Defence Accounts Service. He served in various capacities in the Defence Accounts Department\, Central Vigilance Commission and the Ministry of Defence during a career spanning thirty-five years. He has experience in handling defence planning\, budget\, procurement\, and other financial matters. He was involved in several reviews of the procurement procedures and delegation of financial powers to the service officers. He was the member-secretary of the Defence Expenditure Review Committee set up in 2008 and a member of the committee constituted in 2016 for raising a Defence Acquisition Organisation. He is associated with the exercise presently underway in the Ministry to review the revenue and capital procurement procedures. He is a Partner with Dua Associates\, Advocates and Solicitors at New Delhi. \nTopic: Financial Management of Defence in India \nAbstract: Financial management is all about securing adequate federal funding\, judicious intra-organizational allocation and efficient utilization of finances for achieving the organizational goals. On all these counts\, financial management of defence poses a big challenge. Mismatch between the projected requirement of funds and budget outlays is endemic. Obligatory expenses dictate intra-organizational allocations\, and utilization of whatever funds are left for modernization and other operational needs after accounting for such exigencies\, is impacted by procedural complexities and tardy decision-making. The problem has persisted largely because of the reluctance to come to terms with the reality that defence funding cannot improve unless there is an exponential spike in the government’s overall budget receipts\, excluding borrowings. Much is expected from the Chief of Defence Staff and the Fifteenth Finance Commission which is likely to recommend some innovative measures –hopefully acceptable to the States –to augment the defence outlay. This may help to some extent in speeding up modernization\, but may not provide a holistic solution if the problem of burgeoning manpower costs –accounting for more than half of the total defence outlay for 2020-21–is left unaddressed. Financial realism is the sine qua non for efficient financial management of defence. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Andrew Scobell \nDr. Andrew Scobell holds the Bren Chair in Non-Western Strategic Thought at the Krulak Center\, Marine Corps University. He is currently on a leave of absence from the RAND Corporation where he has been a Senior Political Scientist since 2010. Dr. Scobell is concurrently Adjunct Professor in the Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University. His publications include: Chairman Xi Remakes the PLA (National Defense University Press\, 2019)\, At the Dawn of Belt and Road (RAND\, 2018)\, PLA Influence on China’s National Security Policymaking (Stanford University Press\, 2015)\, China’s Search for Security (Columbia University Press\, 2012)\, and China’s Use of Military Force (Cambridge University Press\, 2003). Dr. Scobell earned a doctorate in political science from Columbia University. \nTopic:  Front and Center? China’s Place in the U.S. National Security Calculus and Defense Planning \nAbstract:  Where does China fit in the national security calculus and defense planning of the United States in 2020? The administration of Donald J. Trump has identified multiple threats to U.S. national security and set priorities for defense planning. This paper examines China’s place in U.S. national security and national defense \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nLt. Gen. Anil Ahuja (Retd.) \nLt. Gen. Anil Ahuja is a former Deputy Chief of Integrated Defence Staff (Policy Planning and Force Development) and Additional Director General Military Operations.  He commanded the Tezpur based 4 Corps and has been the GOC of the Mountain Division in Bomdilla – Tawang (Kameng Sector) along the Northern borders. He has been the co-chair of India-US DTTI Inter-Agency Task Force (DIATF) for India – US defence cooperation and Member-Secretary of the Defence Acquisition Council (DAC) during 2014-2016. He has been the Defence Attaché to Vietnam\, Cambodia\, Laos and a UN Military Observer in Angola. He is a graduate of the National Defence College and hold an M.Phil in Defence and Strategic Studies. A recipient of PVSM\, UYSM\, AVSM\, SM\, VSM & Bar for distinguished service\, he is presently a Distinguished Fellow at the Vivekananda International Foundation and an Adjunct Fellow at the Delhi Policy Group. \nTopic: Defence Planning and Force Development with Financial Prudence (or Within Financial Constraints)* \n Abstract: \n\nPlanning for defence and security of a nation against all possible threats and challenges is the overriding responsibility of every government\, despite competing socio-economic and developmental priorities. In India\, the government spends nearly 15% funds at its disposal on defence. Also\, for years now\, India has remained one of the largest importers of global arms. Despite this the armed forces remain inadequately equipped to meet the visualized security challenges and lament the deficiency /“hollowness” in arms\, munitions and niche technology. This phenomenon is not peculiar to India and is experienced by most other countries. The process of defence planning and capability development with financial prudence thus remains a perpetual challenge for most governments.\nSome of the aspects that need to be considered to address this challenge are:\n\nVisualization of security threats and mode of manifestation across different domains\, which would be peculiar to each country. \nAllocation of resources to meet these challenges – distribution of responsibilities between Armed forces\, Paramilitary forces\, Police and other agencies. \nEvolution of Security and Defence strategy and visualization of the pattern of operations to combat likely challenges. \nForce structuring and capability development requirements for multi-domain hybrid warfare. Inter se weightage to be accorded would be country / region-specific. \nRoll on defence budget planning for 10-20 years. \nAddressing dilemmas of : size of armed forces to be maintained; terms of engagement of soldiers (pay\, allowances\, perks & privileges\, pensions) with implications on revenue expenditure; imports versus indigenization; alignments/strategic partnerships/alignments versus strategic independence; competing demands for conventional\, strategic and asymmetric threats and for land\, sea\, aerospace and cyber domains. \nBuilding `capacities to budget’ or `budgeting to build capacities’? \n\n\nLike there are no set piece threats faced by nations\, similarly\, there are no template solutions either. The methodology of financial allocation varies from mere “apportioning” of yearly budgets to detailed Parliament-driven planning\, as done in the yearly US “NDAA (National Defense Authorization Act)”. The aim of this paper is to highlight the factors to be considered and to suggest some pointers for defence planning within competing financial demands. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nVice-Admiral Anil Chopra\, PVSM\, AVSM (Retd.)\nVice-Admiral Anil Chopra is a Distinguished Fellow at Gateway House\, Mumbai. Admiral Chopra has been writing and speaking extensively both in India and abroad on diverse geopolitical and maritime issues. He retired in 2015 from Indian Navy after four decades of distinguished service. He had the unique distinction of having been the Commander-in-Chief of both combatant commands of the Navy as well as having been the Director General of the Indian Coast Guard. As Assistant Chief of Naval Staff (Policy and Plans)\, and earlier as Principal Director Naval Plans\, he was associated  with the formulation of the Navy’s Long-Term Force Structure and Force-Mix\, and its Perspective and Financial Planning. He was a member of the Defence Acquisition Council for three years. Admiral Chopra was a Member of the National Security Advisory Board from 2017-2019. He was also a member of the Shekatkar Committee in 2016 to examine measures to enhance the combat capability of the Indian Armed Forces\, and rebalance the defence budget. \nTopic: Force Level Planning for the Indian Navy \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nMr. Apurv Kumar Mishra \nMr. Apurv Kumar Mishra is a Senior Research Fellow at India Foundation (IF)\, where he leads initiatives related to foreign policy. He is a faculty of law at Ashoka University and teaches courses on law at several institutions including Gandhinagar National Law University\, Plaksha Tech Leaders’ Programme and Vedica Scholars’ Programme. He is also the Editor-in-Chief of India Law Journal and leads the Anubhav Lecture Series (ALS) at University of Chicago\, India Centre. He is a founding member of the Robin Hood Army – a voluntary organization of young professionals and students that works to get surplus food from restaurants across to less fortunate people in 100+ cities across 12 countries. He has previously worked with the Albright Stonebridge Group – a Washington-based strategic advisory firm and the corporate law firm\, Amarchand & Mangaldas. \nTopic: Security and Statecraft in the Age of GAFA (Google\, Amazon\, Facebook and Apple) \nAbstract: When Mark Zuckerberg launched his own book club in 2015\, the first book he recommended was The End of Power by Moises Naim. A curious choice for the owner of Facebook because the book’s central claim is that in the 21st century power is “easier to get\, harder to use\, and easier to lose.” Traditional sources of power — government\, big companies\, religious institutions and conventional media — are facing a severe challenge from smaller\, agile competitors\, creating instability in international order and domestically within countries. \nA key factor prompting this fundamental transition in the power structure of societies around the world is the pervasive use of technology in our daily lives. Take the case of India. Even though more than half of our population still does not have access to the internet\, we are already the world’s second largest internet user base (behind China)\, with average monthly data usage matching the levels of developed countries. \nThe data we consume on the internet is increasingly driving our choices in public and private life — from whom we vote for\, products we buy\, news we read\, to the person we marry. Governments now realize that this data generated by citizens is a vital national asset and needs protection against possible misuse by our adversaries. Therefore\, a key policy challenge for our government is to protect the sanctity of the process by which Indians connected to the internet make their most important decisions. \nHowever\, technologists are often unable (or unwilling) to anticipate the broader impact of their technological creations on national security. On the other hand\, software\, hardware\, platforms\, and networks are regulated by sometimes conflicting and overlapping sets of laws and policies. This is complicated by the fact that our lawmakers favour status-quo and are quite slow in adapting to fast-changing technological interventions. \nWhat are the guiding principles to create a regulatory framework for disruptive technologies that balance both risk and benefit? How have our courts and legislators responded to this challenge? The paper seeks to understand how Industry 4.0 is challenging the conventional national security paradigm that has guided India’s strategic establishment for the last three decades. It ends with a preliminary outline of a modified approach to manage India’s national security in an age of accelerating rate of social and technological change. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nProf. Darko Trifunovic\nProf. Darko Trifunovic is a founding member and Director of the Institute for National and International Security. Dr. Trifunovic is an elected guest professor at the Center of American Studies\, Fudan University\, –Shanghai\, China. He is also a Senior Research Fellow with the rank of Associate Professor at Fudan University’s Institute of BRI Strategy and International Security. Additionally\, Dr. Trifunovic is Adjunct Professor and Coordinator for Research at the Shanghai Academy of Social Science. Dr. Darko Trifunovic is also Senior Research Fellow and Lecturer with the Faculty of Security Studies at the University of Belgrade and Senior Adviser at the Research Institute for European and American Studies\, Athens\, Greece. He is a specialist in Security Studies\, Intelligence & Counter Intelligence Studies as well as Counter-Terrorism and National and International Security Studies. He also served as the First Secretary of Bosnia and Herzegovina at the United Nations. \nTopic: Hybrid War\, Technology and Intelligence Sharing in National Security \nAbstract: Every war is conflict but every conflict is not a war. Hybrid operations involve a whole range of activities aimed at achieving a state of information supremacy and attempting to shape the thought of an attacked target in accordance with the attacker’s will and desires. Hybrid or influence operation seeks to influence the opinions and attitudes of the target audience (society\, state\, group)\, using the many benefits of digital media and social networks to spread the data and information they want\, to spread their influence and impose on their own attitudes on others. In these processes\, methods are often used to extract information from the actual context of the event and its placement in a fictional\, targeted\, counterfeit temporal-spatial context\, to make it easier for the attacked public to better accept the placement misinformation without doubting its veracity. Hybrid operations\, which until recently have been known as special operations in armed activities\, have evolved into a dominant form of hybrid threats. Hybrid threats\, as a set of different manifestations of particular hybrid operations\, entail directed and organized action towards an individual audience in order to exploit (foster\, deepen) existing ones and create new vulnerabilities\, foster feelings of division\, insecurity\, defeatism\, powerlessness\, hopelessness\, ambiguity\, suspicion\, disruption and collapse of democratic structures and processes\, attenuations and attempts to control the functioning of the defence system. Together with asymmetrical way of warfare\, hybrid war become an effective element of modern conflicts. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nGen. R. M. Daya Ratnayake\, WWV\, RWP\, RSP\, USP\, NDU\, PSC (Retd.)\nGen. R. M. Daya Ratnayake (Retd.)  is currently the Chairman of the Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA) and was formerly the Commander of the Sri Lanka Army (2013-2015). He was enlisted to the Regular Force of the Sri Lanka Army in 1980. General Daya Ratnayake has held many command appointments and his role as the Commissioner-General of Rehabilitation to rehabilitate 14\,500 more LTTE ex-combatants has been widely acknowledged. His exceptionally unique qualities in many daunting military operations have been well-recognized as a battlefield veteran and he has been decorated with more than twenty-six gallantry and service medals. Currently\, he is pursuing PhD at the General Sir John Kotelawala Defence University\, Colombo. \nTopic: A Study on War\, Warfare and Warfighting: The Sri Lankan Experience \nAbstract: Sri Lanka’s experience in the final successful military operation over the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE)\, offers new insight into warfare and war- fighting. The country’s military offensive ran contrary to an internationally-led peace effort which was seen as the only hope for ending the three decade-long armed conflict. However\, the State’s strategy was to defeat LTTE militarily first and find a solution to the larger conflict while addressing root causes to the conflict\, later.    \n In the midst of several alleged human rights violation charges levelled against the Government of Sri Lanka and the military\, the world has missed the opportunity to analyze the island nation’s armed conflict\, warfighting and warfare with known and invented military concepts and methods. This paper is such an attempt\, and in that\, the author redefines Sri Lanka’s armed conflict and explains the events of the successful military offensive\, connecting age-old military concepts\, methods and doctrines.  \n This paper argues that the Sri Lankan experience was an optimum application of military power with a clear political strategy to resolve an armed conflict with a state-of-the-art guerilla force. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Erica Marat\nDr. Erica Marat is an Associate Professor and Chair at the Regional and Analytical Studies Department of the College of International Security Affairs\, National Defense University\, Washington\, D.C. Her research focuses on violence and mobilization\, security institutions\, and mobilization in Eurasia\, India and Mexico. She has authored three books\, including most recently\, The Politics of Police Reform: Society against the State in Post-Soviet Countries (Oxford University Press 2018). \nTopic: Surveillance Technologies: Chinese and Russian Chronicle in Central Asia \nAbstract: The recent spread of surveillance technologies in Central Asia shows how cities and countries aspire to follow global trends for innovation in the name of public safety and the rule of law. Authorities of all large cities have installed facial-recognition cameras and CCTV systems under the aegis of ‘smart’. But they are also susceptible to the whims of technological giants who are working as part of their countries’ geopolitical ambitions. State-controlled Chinese companies HikVision and Huawei and the Russian company\, Vega dominate the supply side. Given the pervasive absence of legislative oversight\, the countries looking to leapfrog into the digital future are adopting a virtual authoritarianism that risks suppressing political dissent and further marginalizes already disadvantaged groups. Inevitably\, with greater dependence on foreign vendors\, the Central Asian countries are also becoming part of global competition between China\, Russia and the West for data collection for Artificial Intelligence (AI) purposes. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nProf. Feodor Voitolovsky\nProf. Feodor Voitolovsky is Director of the Primakov National Research Institute of World Economy and International Relations\, Russian Academy of Sciences (IMEMO). His research interests include international security\, US foreign and security policy\, Russia-US relations\, US-China relations\, US policy in North-East Asia\, Transatlantic relations\, NATO\, global political prognostics\, global governance and international institutions. He also holds other positions such as Professor at the Department of Political Science\, MGIMO University (of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs)\, head of IMEMO’s teaching and research department at the Far East Federal University (Vladivostok)\, Editorial Board member of the journal World Economy and International Relations and Editorial Board member of the Global Development annual series at the IMEMO. Prof. Voitolovsky has published a monograph and co-authored and co-edited twenty collective monographs. He is also an author of more than 70 articles in journals devoted to international politics and chapters in books including “Global System on the Brink: Pathways Toward a New Normal” (2016)\, “Global Perestroika: Transformations of the World Order” (2015)\, “Misbalances of Pacific Asia” (2015) and others.\n \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Hanbyeol Sohn \nDr. Hanbyeol Sohn is currently an Assistant Professor in the Department of Military Strategy at the Korea National Defense University (KNDU). He graduated from Seoul National University and received a doctorate in military studies from KNDU. From 2002\, Professor Sohn held both commander and staff positions in the field and served as an acting officer in the Strategic Planning Division\, ROK Joint Chiefs of Staff. He also conducted research for the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) and Korea Research Institute for National Security (KRINS). His research areas include the ROK-US Alliance\, non-proliferation policy and nuclear strategy\, and Northeast Asian security. \nTopic:  Defence Innovation and South Korea’s Evolving Military Outlook in Asia \nAbstract:  In a rapidly changing security environment on the Korean Peninsula\, South Korea is pursuing “Defense Reform 2.0.” Its objective is to build an innovative\, creative\, ‘elite and advanced strong force\,’ and it suggests four innovations – military structure\, defence management\, military culture\, and defence industry. Many people preparing for future wars emphasize the “Future of War\,” in terms of\, the emerging military technology changes the face of war. But they must also grapple with the question of “War of the Future”\, which is a continuation of politics by other means. Since the “state-war-technology” triangle has an interdependent nature\, the Military-Technical Revolution (MTR)\, Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA)\, and Revolution in Security Affairs (RSA) have a synergic interaction. Therefore\, South Korea’s Defense Reform 2.0 will determine its success depending on whether military technology\, military strategy and defence innovation can develop together. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Ikboljon Qoraboyev\nDr. Ikboljon Qoraboyev is an Associate Professor of International Relations at the Higher School of Economics of M. Narikbayev KAZGUU in Nur-sultan\, Kazakhstan. Dr Qoraboyev received his PhD in International Law from the University of Toulouse. His research spans across International Law\, International Relations and Comparative Regionalism Studies. His research interests include regionalism in Eurasia\, Belt and Road Initiative from the perspective of comparative regionalism\, great power interactions in Central Asia\, international law in domestic legal systems\, and understanding of sovereignty in Central Asia. \nTopic: Rise of China and global security dynamics: Implications for Central Asia \nAbstract: This paper will elaborate on implications of the rise of China for the Central Asian region. China’s rise as great power is one of the biggest tests and opportunities for global governance. At the same time\, it poses one of the most important challenges to international security. For Central Asians\, it is important to acquire a comprehensive understanding of China’s rise from the perspective of global security dynamics. This paper will begin by providing a summary of the decades-long IR debate on China’s rise as a great power. It will then proceed with analyzing the major contemporary challenges to international order and global security posed by the China factor. It will conclude by highlighting how the consequences of these major international shifts may unfold in Central Asia. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nMr. Jean-Christophe Noël\nMr. Jean-Christophe Noël is Associated Research Fellow at IFRI’s Security Studies Center in Paris. He is a former French Air Force officer. After pursuing a career as a fighter pilot\, he held various staff positions\, dealing with doctrinal or prospective matters. He was also the Deputy Chief of Staff of the French Air Force\, Chief of Staff from 2006 to 2009\, a Military Fellow at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in 2009-2010 in Washington DC\, and had been in charge of politico-military affairs at the Policy Planning Staff of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs from 2012 to 2017. He currently teaches at Sciences Po Paris. He graduated from the French Air Force Academy\, Sciences Po Paris and the French Ecole de Guerre. \nTopic: Will AI revolutionize Warfare? \nAbstract: Although the development of Artificial Intelligence (AI) is still in its early stages\, it has already had an impact on the armed forces. In time\, AI will be able to take into account more wide-ranging and diverse data in order to develop a tactical situation. Besides\, the execution speed of the algorithms that can process and immediately enhance the data received\, will dictate the execution rate of certain tasks. \nThe progress of AI could lead to a true military revolution\, where a new form of automation could gain ground. The soldier of the future could for example\, be the shepherd of a flock of specialized robots. A change in the relationship between humans and war could also happen. By abandoning a part of their security to algorithms\, the citizens of the future could banish war from their horizon and give a very wide-ranging and dangerous autonomy to the institutions responsible for defence. The most pessimistic forecasters envisage apocalyptic scenarios\, but the worst is by no means inevitable. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Jeffrey Becker\nDr. Jeffrey Becker directs the Indo-Pacific Security Affairs Program at CNA. His research focuses on Chinese politics and Chinese foreign policy and security issues\, including China’s military diplomacy\, US-China military engagement\, and the security implications of China’s expanding global presence in the Middle East and the Indian Ocean. Dr. Becker’s recent CNA publications include China’s Presence in the Middle East and Western Indian Ocean: Beyond Belt and Road and China’s Military Support Facility in Djibouti: The Economic and Security Dimensions of China’s First Overseas Base. His peer-reviewed writings have appeared in the Naval War College Review\, the Journal of Chinese Political Science\, and Comparative Political Studies. He has also published articles in East Asia Forum\, The National Interest and The Diplomat. From 2014-2018\, Dr. Becker supported the US Navy with China’s participation in the multilateral “Rim of the Pacific” exercise. As part of these efforts\, he has worked alongside US and Chinese exercise planners\, and has spent time at sea aboard multiple Chinese navy warships. \nTopic: Revision and Continuity in America’s Approach to the Indo-Pacific \nAbstract: The US Department of Defense Indo-Pacific Strategy Report describes the Indo-Pacific as the Department’s “priority theatre” and “the single most consequential region for America’s future.”  \n This renewed focus on the Indo-Pacific comes at a time when the United States and others\, including regional powers such as India\, seek to manage a range of different and complex security challenges that threaten to undermine continued stability and economic growth in the region. From the perspective of the United States\, inter-state rivalry – most notably growing competition with China – remains a primary concern. Additionally\, however\, non-traditional threats\, including terrorism and the rise of extremist ideology\, demand attention from both the United States and US partners and allies. \n This paper seeks to provide an insight into the current US approach to the region. In doing so\, it seeks to examine how the US conception of the Indo-Pacific region has changed over time\, how US security policy towards the region has evolved\, what forces are driving that evolution\, and what that means for the United States\, US partners and allies\, and the region more broadly. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nMs. Kwek Ai Wei\nMs. Kwek Ai Wei is the Special Functions Officer to the Deputy Minister of Defence of Malaysia. In this role\, she advises the Deputy Minister on policy matters\, and was involved in the drafting of the first Malaysian Defence White Paper. Prior to this\, she has worked in various policy advisory and governmental affairs roles for international organizations\, including the United Nations Development Programme and the International Committee of the Red Cross\, and in the diplomatic corps. She holds a Masters in International Studies and Diplomacy from SOAS\, University of London\, and was an alumni of the Young Southeast Asian Leaders’ Initiative (YSEALI) Professional Fellow Program instituted by the US Department of State. \nTopic: Defence Planning and Maritime Disputes in Southeast Asia \nAbstract: Several Southeast Asian nations have published their Defence White Papers in recent years. Malaysia published its inaugural Defence White Paper in 2019. Vietnam published its fourth Defence White Paper in 2019 while Brunei\, Philippines and Indonesia published theirs in 2011\, 2012 and 2015 respectively. \nThese White Papers were drafted amidst intensifying US-China strategic competition\, geopolitical uncertainties and the increasing challenge of non-traditional security threats in the region. As maritime nations\, these states share similar interests and security challenges in the maritime domain\, including territorial maritime disputes with other littoral states\, while also facing a varying degree of inland security threats. As small states\, a looming Chinese influence\, coupled with US-China competition at the global level\, has caused anxiety that the region\, particularly the South China Sea\, which might become a theatre of conflict between the great powers. \nThis paper will discuss the common themes expounded in these Defence White Papers and how the Southeast Asian states perceive their security environment. It will also explore the use of Defence White Paper as planning tools to spur defence reforms and force restructuring\, taking into consideration the difference in domestic and political dynamics of each states. Further\, the paper aims to demonstrate the responses devised by these states in securing their defence interests\, both as individual states but also collectively as ASEAN member states. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Lai Thai Binh\nDr. Lai Thai Binh is Deputy Director-General\, Institute for East Sea Studies\, Diplomatic Academy of Vietnam since December 2019. He has served as a Vietnam-U.S. Relations Desk Officer (2003)\, Deputy Director (2006)\, Director of the North America Division (2007)\, Director of American Research Division (2009)\, Assistant Director-General (2009- 2012) and Deputy Director-General (2013-2016) in the Americas Department\, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Vietnam and was posted as the Deputy Consul-General of Vietnam in Houston\, Texas (2016-2019). Dr. Binh earned his first Bachelors degree in International Economics from the Hanoi Foreign Trade University\, a second Bachelors degree in Law from the Hanoi National University\, a Post-Graduate Diploma in International Management from International Management Institute in New Delhi (India)\, a Master of International Public Policy degree from SAIS\, Johns Hopkins (Washington DC) and a PhD in International Relations from the Diplomatic Academy of Vietnam. \nTopic: Maritime Planning in Vietnam’s National Security Calculus \nAbstract: The sea plays an extremely important role in the development and security of Vietnam. In the context that the regional and international situation continues to unpredictably fluctuate\, Vietnam pays more attention to maritime planning and focuses on major principles that will guide the maritime development for the next 10-20 years. Vietnam’s maritime planning is focused on the following factors: (i) Ensuring maritime economic security in the direction of rapidly developing tourism and marine services\, maritime economy\, oil and gas exploitation and maritime mineral resources\, marine and industrial aquaculture and exploitation\, coastal industries\, renewable energy and new maritime industries; (ii) Developing residential communities in association with regional development and ensure safety and security for fishermen; (iii) Strengthening the capacity of the armed and law enforcement forces to be ready to deal with traditional and non-traditional maritime security threats; persistently building an environment of peace\, stability and legal order at sea; strengthening and expanding foreign relations and contributing to the joint efforts of the international community towards the conservation and sustainable use of seas and oceans. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Laxman Kumar Behera\nDr. Laxman Kumar Behera is Research Fellow at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses. As a member of the Institute’s Defence Economics and Industry Centre\, Dr. Behera specialises on issues related to Arms Procurement\, Defence Offsets\, Defence Industry\, Military Spending\, and Defence Cooperation. He was closely associated with two high-level Committees set up by the Ministry of Defence on Defence Acquisition and Defence Expenditure. He was a Consultant to the Task Force on Self-Reliance and Defence Modernization constituted by the National Security Council Secretariat (NSCS)\, Government of India. Dr. Behera was the Chief Coordinator and Member of two study teams constituted by the Ministry of Defence to examine the Impact of Offsets on the Indian Defence Industrial Base\, and Defence Acquisition: International Best Practices. As part of his responsibilities Dr Behera undertakes policy relevant research besides providing regular inputs to the Ministry of Defence and other ministries and departments of the Government of India. \nTopic: ‘Make in India’ and the Changing Profile of Indian Defence Industry \nAbstract: The ‘Make in India’ programme\, launched by Prime Minister Narendra Modi in September 2014\, has been a guiding force for the Ministry of Defence to usher in many defence industrial reforms. Within a short span of five-and-a-half years\, numerous reform measures have been implemented that were hitherto unheard of. These measures include simplification of industrial licensing\, increase in FDI cap\, articulation of defence export promotion measures\, opening of trial and testing facilities for use by the private sector\, a level-playing field for the domestic private companies\, articulation of an indigenization policy to be followed by the state-owned production entities and reform of the state-owned production entities. The government has also simplified its procurement procedures to provide greater opportunity to domestic industry to participate in mega contracts including that of fighters\, submarines\, helicopters and tanks. While all these measures have been taken to strengthen India’s defence production as a whole\, an inherent undercurrent of the policy reform has been greater participation of the Indian private sector\, which is perceived to be the future of India’s arms production. The paper examines the impact of all the policy reform measures on domestic defence production with special focus on the Indian private sector\, to assess its contribution to India’s self-reliance efforts.   \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Malcolm Davis \nDr. Malcolm Davis joined the Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI) as a Senior Analyst in Defence Strategy and Capability\, in January 2016. Prior to this he was a Post-Doctoral Research Fellow in China-Western Relations at Bond University Queensland\, from March 2012 to January 2016\, and he currently retains an Honorary Assistant Professor’s position in the faculty there. He has worked with the Department of Defense\, both in Navy Headquarters in the Strategy and Force Structure area\, and with the Strategic Policy Division in the Strategic Policy Guidance sections from November 2007 to March 2012. Prior to this appointment he was a Lecturer in Defence Studies with Kings College London at the Joint Services Command and Staff College in Shrivenham\, UK\, from June 2000 to October 2007. He holds a PhD in Strategic Studies from the University of Hull as well as two Masters degrees in Strategic Studies\, including one from the Australian National University’s Strategic and Defence Studies Centre. \nTopic: Artificial Intelligence\, National Security and Modern Warfare: An Australian Perspective \nAbstract: The development of Australia’s future defence capability faces a looming inflection point in military affairs. The balance of advantage in future warfare may be determined by which side can more quickly identify and exploit disruptive innovation\, both in terms of capability development prior to war\, as well as in actual military operations during wartime.  \nAn emphasis on slow\, large\, and expensive acquisition projects based around traditional platforms – warships\, submarines\, armoured fighting vehicles and manned combat aircraft – may prove inadequate in a future where Artificial Intelligence (AI)\, unmanned autonomous systems\, and other new types of military capability are shaping future military innovation cycles. \nThis paper examines how the Australian defence and national security community is dealing with this emerging challenge. It explores the potential application of AI and battlespace robotics\, hypersonics and space capability for the Australian Defence Force (ADF) in the 2020s and beyond. It considers how their introduction might transform our approach to military operations in a multi-domain operational environment. It also considers how these technologies\, and more broadly\, the fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) in defence acquisition\, can ensure Australia can maintain competitive advantage against the rapid pace and scope of military technological change. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Manoj Joshi \nDr. Manoj Joshi is a Distinguished Fellow at the Observer Research Foundation\, New Delhi. A professional journalist\, he is currently a columnist for several Indian newspapers and a commentator on TV. He has had a long-term interest in national security matters. In recent years\, he has focused on the rise of China and his most recent academic publications have been on China’s technology challenge\, its military modernization\, the South China Sea dispute\, the Doklam Crisis and the Belt and Road Initiative and the Wuhan Summit. In 2011\, he was a member of the Task Force on National Security chaired by Mr Naresh Chandra to propose reforms in the national security system. He was also involved in the drafting of a Strategic Defence Review as a member of India’s National Security Council’s Advisory Board. He has co-edited a book on the US and South Asia and authored two books on Kashmir. He holds a PhD from the School of International Studies (SIS)\, Jawaharlal Nehru University\, New Delhi.    \nTopic: Strategic Uncertainty in India’s Neighbourhood \nAbstract: There is a great deal of flux across the world. Old paradigms are shifting\, without new ones in sight. The country that shaped the world order in the wake of World War II\, the US\, now decries the order and is set on demolishing it. As a result\, the international institutions it shaped — the UN\, the World Trade Organization\, or the Climate Change Conferences — are being buffeted by contrary winds. \nThe US has decided that it is in strategic competition with China and is seeking to upend the global trading order which it says has unfairly exploited them. Technology has emerged as the centre point of this contest. Military and economic competition did characterize the old order\, but in the past decade we have seen facets of this change in terms of climate change\, piracy\, the use of non-state actors to push state policy\, cyber threats\, energy and food security and anti-immigrant sentiments. At the beginning of this year\, the outbreak of coronavirus has brought to the fore the enormous challenge of pandemics. Countries must therefore gear up to newer challenges and adjust their defence strategies to cope with them. \nWhat is the scenario in India’s neighbourhood? First and foremost is the rise of China and its growing footprint in the South Asian and Indian Ocean Region (SA-IOR). In terms of resources\, both financial and military\, India has to compete with Beijing. China’s ties with Pakistan have been solidified and its footprint in Nepal and Myanmar is growing. The victory of the Rajapakses in Sri Lanka means that at a minimum\, Beijing faces a positive environment. In the Maldives\, pro-India forces have prevailed\, but for how long is the question. The short issue here is that India lacks a relationship that has institutional depth that can overcome periodic changes in the leaderships of the countries; it is dependent on who wins an election in these countries. \nNo matter how one looks at it\, the issues of SA-IOR cannot be limited to the region. They are intrinsically connected with URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/21st-asian-security-conference-national-security-and-defence-planning-in-an-era-of-strategic-uncertainty-postponed CATEGORIES:Asian Security Conference,CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20200226T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20200227T053000 DTSTAMP:20261108T012629 CREATED:20231223T125415Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250404T001619Z UID:62732-1582695000-1582781400@idsa.in SUMMARY:4th West Asia Conference - Ten Years of Political & Economic Transformation in West Asia: Challenges\, Lessons & Future Trends DESCRIPTION:Event Report Download Event Report [PDF] Concept Note The Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses has been organising its biennial West Asia Conference since 2014. Over the years\, this flagship conference has dealt with a number of critical issues facing West Asia and North Africa (WANA) — such as the paradigmatic shifts in the region’s geopolitical landscape; the growing impact of ideological and socio-political movements on regional and international security and stability; the global\, regional and intra-regional responses to the ongoing multi-vector convulsions in the social\, political\, environmental\, demographic\, trade\, energy and economic domains\, etc. The forum has also discussed the concerns and challenges facing countries\, and organisations\, as well as the prospects of various initiatives and proposals for improved security\, stability and development of the region. The Institute’s West Asia Conference provides an important platform for academics\, policymakers\, semi-government and government officials from participating countries to discuss issues of mutual concern and explore avenues of cooperation. Countries and organisations stretching the vast expanse of WANA participate in the Conference to discuss issues in a free and frank manner. In addition\, participants from other regions and institutions concerned with peace and development in West Asia\, such as from the United States\, Europe\, Russia\, China\, Japan\, Korea\, and Africa\, are regular invitees who make the deliberations comprehensive and productive. As popular protests removed four longstanding regimes across WANA earlier this decade\, the ensuing geopolitical situation grew more complex. The process of transition from authoritarianism to participatory politics has been painful and inconclusive. As a result\, thousands of people have been killed\, millions internally displaced\, while others have become refugees in neighbouring countries in need of humanitarian assistance. Tunisia is probably the only partial success story with elections held to elect representatives and government. The latest wave of popular protests in Algeria\, Sudan\, Egypt\, Lebanon and Iraq are reflective of the fact that the basic aspirations of the youth remain unaddressed. The fact that protests have continued unabated in the face of the severe crackdown by the regimes shows that the fervour for democracy is here to stay. Further\, the situation in Syria\, Libya and Yemen continues to deteriorate with growing sectarian\, ethnic and tribal divisions. The efforts of the UN and other international actors have been ineffective\, as parties to the conflict have remained adamant in their approach. Taking advantage of the continuing chaos\, several terrorist and extremist elements have emerged and entrenched themselves in a number of countries. Al-Qaeda\, its affiliates and a numerous other local terrorist and militia groups continue to present huge challenges for regional and global peace and security. Despite setbacks in WANA\, the ISIS and Al-Qaeda are now focusing their attention on South Asia. The regional geopolitical situation in WANA continues to remain fluid and unexpected. The signing of the Iranian nuclear deal called the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA)\, in July 2015 was believed to be a new opening in the region. But President Donald Trump’s decision to withdraw from the JCPOA has brought back the animosity and heightened tensions in the Gulf. The attacks on the oil tankers and installations inside Saudi Arabia raise fears of escalation. The crisis within the GCC continues to affect regional geopolitics. The boycott of Qatar by Saudi Arabia\, the UAE\, Bahrain and Egypt has led to Qatar coming closer to Iran and Turkey. This is a reflection of change in the existing balance of power in the Gulf region. The emergence of a strong Iran-Turkey-Qatar relationship alters the existing geopolitics and regional security architecture. A power struggle among the key regional players is further complicating the regional security situation. The continuing political instability and armed conflict have severely impacted the economic development in the WANA region. The economic prospects for this region have been grim in recent years. The region has one of the world’s highest unemployment rates as well as the world’s slowest GDP per capita growth rate. The drastic fall in oil prices by around 60 per cent in 2014 had a severe impact on the economies of the oil exporting countries. The economy of the WANA region witnessed stagnation as a result of low oil prices\, prolonged political instability\, terrorist attacks\, spread of violent armed conflicts and civil wars. In 2010\, before the outbreak of the protests\, the World Bank had projected a growth rate of 4.4 per cent for the WANA region. The years of political instability\, conflicts and violence that followed deeply affected economic growth. In 2015\, the World Bank estimated that GDP growth for the region would be around 2.8 per cent. The region’s economic growth now is almost half of what it was before the unrest began in 2011. The World Bank now predicts that the economies of the WANA region would continue at a pace of 1.5 to 3.5 per cent during 2019-2021. Amid the continuing instability and violence\, the issue of energy security has been a key concern for the oil importing countries in Asia\, such as India\, China\, Japan and South Korea. Production and supply of oil has been affected as a result of the conflicts\, leading to revenue losses to the oil producing countries. The emergence of non-OPEC oil suppliers\, such as the US\, also has the potential to affect the present status quo in the oil market. This will certainly affect the oil-based economies of the Gulf region. From India’s perspective the West Asian region is of great importance. India’s bilateral trade with the region is around US$ 200 billion and India imports more than 60 per cent of its energy requirements from the region. There are about nine million Indians living in the region whose safety and security is a concern for New Delhi. Any challenge to regional security or weakening of the economies in WANA will have a direct impact on the economy and security of India. To secure its economic and strategic interests\, India has pursued extremely active diplomacy since 2014. One of the most significant foreign policy initiatives of Prime Minister Narendra Modi has been the importance accorded to further strengthening India’s relationship with its ‘extended neighbourhood’\, particularly in West Asia. Though the region has been going through political and economic turbulence\, India has maintained momentum in its engagements with WANA. There have been substantive improvements in political\, economic\, security and defence relations. India has deepened engagements with a large number of countries of the region on the issue of countering terrorism. The invitation by the OIC to India to participate as the “Guest of Honour” to address the inaugural plenary held in Abu Dhabi in March 2019 is a reflection of growing acceptance of India’s rising international profile\, growing economy and its views and positions\, especially on the issues of terrorism and extremism\, among the countries of the region. The fact that the efforts by countries inimical to India to internationalise issues internal to India including those pertaining to Jammu & Kashmir\, have not received any traction in the region\, is a reflection of strengthening relations and India’s growing engagement with the countries of the region. Further\, India’s principled positions on regional issues have enabled her to articulate her views in a balanced manner while maintaining good relations with all countries. The WANA region has attracted intervention from several regional and extra-regional players in the face of political instability\, socio-economic uncertainty and escalating violence. This further complicates the already complex situation. These crises and challenges necessitate meticulous monitoring\, in-depth analyses and more frequent exchanges among scholars and policy-makers to find ways for lasting regional peace\, stability and security. In that direction\, this conference intends to spur in-depth and open dialogue among scholars and policy-makers from India\, the WANA region and beyond\, in order to analyse the problems and challenges\, draw the right lessons and gain informed solutions for enduring peace and prosperity in the region and further enhance India’s engagement. The following key questions\, among many others\, would be discussed during the conference:What are the key political\, security and economic challenges the region is facing since the beginning of the protests in 2011 and what are the important lessons to be drawn? What are the key links between regional instability and economic development in West Asia? How have been political turbulence and armed conflicts impacting the regional economic development and energy politics? How have the economic and social indicators such as unemployment\, access to education\, social inequality\, ethnic and sectarian divide affected the future course of regional politics and economy?What are the key economic stakes of the important extra-regional powers such as the US\, Russia\, Europe\, China and India? How is India adapting to the new regional security and economic realities in the West Asian region? What could be a possible roadmap for India’s engagement in future to secure its strategic and economic interests? Registration Registration fees would be Rs 2000/- which will cover the costs of two lunches\, conference papers etc. Please send cheque in name of MP-IDSA\, New Delhi “to the following address along with your details as Name\, Address\, Educational qualification\, Institutional affiliation etc. 1. Assistant Director (Admin)The Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses1\, Development Enclave\, (near USI)Rao Tula Ram MargNew Delhi 110 010 Account Holder: Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA)A/C No: 10596550223Name of Bank: State Bank of India (SBI)Branch Address: JNU\, Old Campus\, New Delhi – 110067\, INDIASwift code: SBININBB548 Account Holder: Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA)A/C No: 535602010004746Name of Bank: Union Bank of India (UBI)Branch Address: Vasant Vihar Branch\, New Delhi – 110057\, INDIASwift code: UBIN0534463 Programme ProgrammeDownload [PDF] \n\n\nParticipants Profile\n\n\n\n\n\nAmbassador Sujan R. Chinoy\n Director General\nManohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\, New Delhi \nAmbassador Sujan R. Chinoy is the Director General of Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (Manohar Parrikar IDSA)\, New Delhi. A career diplomat of the Indian Foreign Service from 1981-2018\, he was India’s Ambassador to Japan and Mexico. \n A specialist with over 25 years of experience on China\, East Asia and the Asia-Pacific\, he served in Indian Missions in Hong Kong\, Beijing\, Riyadh\, Shanghai and Sydney. He also served as India’s representative to the First Committee at the United Nations in New York. At Headquarters\, he served as Director (China) as well as Head of the Expert Group of Diplomatic & Military Officials tasked with CBMs and boundary-related issues with China. \n He also served on the Americas Desk and as Officer on Special Duty (Press Relations). On deputation for four years with the National Security Council Secretariat under the Prime Minister’s Office\, he worked on internal and external national security policy and anchored strategic dialogues with key interlocutors around the world. \n He is fluent in English and Chinese (Mandarin)\, and conversant in French\, Spanish\, German\, Japanese\, Arabic\, Urdu and French-Creole. He schooled at the Rajkumar College (Rajkot)\, read English Literature at the Maharaja Sayajirao University in Vadodara and gained his Master of Business Administration from Gujarat University. He has an advanced Diploma in Chinese (Mandarin) from the New Asia Yale-in-China Chinese Language Centre of the Chinese University of Hong Kong. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nMr. Fouad Siniora\n Former Prime Minister of Lebanon \nFouad Siniora is the former Prime Minister of Lebanon (2005-2009) and former head of the Parliamentary Future Block. He has been a member of Lebanese Parliament for around a decade (2009-2018). Fouad Siniora’s government was constitutionally responsible for the presidency of the Republic until President Michel Sleiman took over office on May 25\, 2008.  \nFouad Siniora was born on April 14\, 1943 in Saida/Sidon (45 km south of Beirut) in a Sunni family. He graduated with Master in Business Administration from the American University of Beirut. In 1970s\, he worked with the Citibank and also taught at his alma mater and at the Lebanese University. He joined the Audit Committee of the Lebanese Central Bank in 1977. Later in 1982\, he was he was recruited by the Lebanese-Saudi businessman Rafiq Hariri to manage and further expand his economic empire. At the end of the Lebanese civil war\, Hariri became the Prime Minister and appointed Siniora as his Finance Minister (1992-1998\, 2000-2004). Fouad Siniora was commissioned by President Émile Lahoud on June 30\, 2005 to form the government. It was the first government to be formed after the Syrians left and the first to involve Hezbollah. On July 27\, 2006\, Siniora presented his 7-point plan to end the devastating Lebanese-Israeli conflict. This resulted in a resolution of the UN Security Council on August 12\, 2006\, which led to a permanent ceasefire. Apart from politics and finance\, Fouad Siniora is known for his ardent interest in Arabic literature and poetry. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nProf. Nabil Fahmy\nFormer Foreign Minister of Egypt\nFounding Dean of the School of Global Affairs and Public Policy \nFounding Dean of the School of Global Affairs and Public Policy\, Nabil Fahmy is a career diplomat (1976-2011) and the former Foreign Minister of Egypt (July 2013 – June 2014) during which he steered the course of Egypt’s diplomacy during a time of immense challenge. While Foreign Minister\, he formulated a strategy to reorient Egypt’s Foreign Policy\, ensuring that Egypt had numerous foreign policy options both regionally and globally. \n During his distinguished diplomatic career covering three decades\, Fahmy served as ambassador to the United States (1999-2008) and Japan (1997-1999) as well as held numerous government and international positions. His work has focused on international and regional security\, disarmament and non-proliferation\, conflict resolution and Arab-Israeli diplomacy. He was also the Chairman of the United Nations Advisory Board on Disarmament Matters\, and the Vice Chairman of the United Nations General Assembly’s first committee dealing with disarmament and international security. He was also a member of the Egyptian Delegation to the 1991 Madrid Peace Conference; the Review Conferences of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons; the Committee on Principles in the United Nations Conference on Promoting International Cooperation in the Peaceful Uses of Nuclear Energy and many other multilateral events. \n Nabil Fahmy also founded the School of Global Affairs and Public Policy (GAPP) at The American University in Cairo (AUC) in 2009. Its programs are internationally and domestically accredited. And the school has become an invaluable Middle East voice of stellar caliber on topical issues of Public Affairs\, Law\, Journalism\, as well as studies on the Middle East\, Refugees\, and Gender and American Studies. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Sanjaya Baru\nDistinguished Fellow\nManohar Parrikar IDSA \nDr. Sanjaya Baru is former Media Advisor to Prime Minister and currently Distinguished Fellow\, Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analysis\, New Delhi. He has been editor of India’s major financial newspapers\, The Economic Times\, Financial Express and Business Standard. \n He was Media Advisor to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Director for Geo-economics and Strategy\, International Institute of Strategic Studies\, London. He was professor of economics at University of Hyderabad\, Indian Council for Research on International Economic Relations and the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy\, Singapore. \n He was Secretary-General\, Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce & Industry. He was member of India’s National Security Advisory Board in 1999-2001 and member of the Governing Board of the Centre for Policy Research. \n He is Founder Trustee\, Forum for National Security Studies\, India. He was also member India-ASEAN Eminent Persons Group in 2010. His publications (Books) include The Strategic Consequences of India’s Economic Rise\, India and the World: Essays on Geo-economics and Foreign Policy\, The Accidental Prime Minister: The Making and Unmaking of Manmohan Singh and 1991: How PV Narasimha Rao Made History and The Bombay Plan: A Blueprint for Economic Resurgence (2018). \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Mohammad Hassan Khani\nAssociate Professor of International Relations Imam Sadiq University (ISU)\, Tehran \nDr. Mohammad Hassan KHANI is an Associate Professor of International Relations at Imam Sadiq University (ISU) in Tehran. He received his PhD from Department of Peace Studies from Bradford University\, England. During his academic career he has acted as Head of Department\, Deputy Dean of Faculty\, and Director-General of Research Affairs at ISU. \n He has also been teaching as a guest-lecturer at other Iranian universities including Tehran University and School of International Relations. In 2016\, he joined the Global Challenges Fellowship Program as a Senior Fellow hosted by Institute for Advanced Study at Central European University in Budapest and Global Public Policy Institute in Berlin. He is Member of Editorial Board of Central Asia Review Quarterly and also Member of Editorial Board of Political Knowledge Quarterly. \n He is a founding member of Iranian Political Science Association and also a member of Iranian International Relations Association. His research interests include areas such as Theories of International Relations\, Iranian Politics & Foreign Policy\, International Organizations\, Regional Integration and Regionalism\, Middle East\, and Central Asia. \n He is the author of numerous books\, chapters in books\, and academic papers in Persian and English. His views and analyses on regional and international affairs have been reflected in the form of articles\, and interviews with: Washington Post\, Los Angeles Times\, Reuters\, NPR\, ABC News\, CNN\, BBC\, World\, Russia Today\, China Central TV\, Press TV\, Sahar TV\, Al-Aalam\, Japan Times\, Al-Ahram\, As-Safir\, Hurriyet\, and many Iranian academic journals\, weekly magazines & daily newspapers. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Ebtesam al-Ketbi\nPresident of the Emirates Policy Center\nAbu Dhabi\, the United Arab Emirates \nDr. Ebtesam al-Ketbi is the President of the Emirates Policy Center (EPC)\, which she founded in Abu Dhabi\, the United Arab Emirates in September 2013. \n The EPC undertakes the task of studying and foreseeing future regional and international geopolitical projects and their impact on the Gulf region based on the region’s self-perception of its concerns and interests. The center also focuses on exploring current and future issues that have an impact on the security of the UAE and the region as a whole. The EPC provides strategic analysis and policy papers on these issues that serve the UAE and Gulf governments. The center is considered now as one of the most renowned think tanks in the region. Abu Dhabi Strategic Debate\, which is organized annually by the EPC\, has also become one of the key platforms for dialogue in the world to discuss regional and international security. \n In recognition of her role as a leader of one of the most important think tanks in the Arab world and the great respect she enjoys as part of the distinguished elite\, not in the UAE only\, but also in the Gulf region as a whole\, Dr. Ebtesam al-Ketbi was appointed in 2015 as member of the Consultative Commission of the Cooperation Council of the Arab States of the Gulf (GCC). She was also chosen among 50 Most Influential Women in the Arab World by Arabian Business magazine in its July 2018 issue\, as she is the first woman to lead a think tank in the Arab world. \n Before she founded the EPC\, Dr. Ebtesam al-Ketbi was a professor of political science at the United Arab Emirates University. She has also held several posts\, such as the General Coordinator of the Gulf Development Forum\, has served as member of the Executive Committee of the Arab Association for Political Science\, has been member in the board of trustees in the Center for Arab Unity Studies\, the Arab Thought Foundation\, and in the Arab Anti-Corruption Organization. Dr. Ebtesam al-Ketbi has published a number of research papers on Gulf Security\, US-GCC relations\, and War on Terrorism. She holds a PhD in political science from Cairo University. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nProfessor Girijesh Pant\nNational Fellow of Indian Council of Social Science Research\nSymbiosis International University Pune \nProf. Girijesh Pant is presently National Fellow of Indian Council of Social Science Research at Symbiosis International University\, Pune. \n Former Dean of School of International Studies at Jawaharlal Nehru University\, India\, Prof. Pant has also served as Vice Chancellor at Doon University Uttarakhand and GGD University at Bilaspur. He is also associated with higher academic bodies like University Grant Commission as member of Accreditation Advisory Council\, ICSSR project evaluation committee and Indian Council of World Affairs. \n He has recently been appointed as Member Academic Committee of School of International and Area Studies\, Tsinghua University\, China. His academic interest includes Development Studies with focus on India\, West Asia\, Political Economy of Gulf Countries\, Political Economy of International Energy\, India Energy Security\, India’s Energy Relations and India’s Economic Relations with GCC countries. \n Awarded Lifetime Achievement Award by Venkateshwara University\, Tirupati\, he has been Sr. Fulbright Visiting Scholar\, University of Illinois\, USA. Traveled widely and participated and contributed papers in number of national and International conferences\, journals and books\, he is presently working on energy transition with reference to India. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nSaeid Khatibzadeh\nVice President for Research and Director General\nInstitute for Political and International Studies (IPIS) \nSaeid Khatibzadeh is currently Vice President for Research and Director General of the Institute for Political and International Studies (IPIS). \n He has worked as Senior Adviser to the Deputy Foreign Minister and President of the IPIS (2018-2019)\, Acting Director General of IPIS (2017-2018)\, Head of the IPIS Regional Office in Berlin (2013-2017)\, Director of Publication Department of IPIS (2011-2013) and IPIS Resident Representative in Canada (2007-2011). \n He has been also Editor of the Iranian Journal of International Affairs (2002-2006) and has published and conducted numerous articles and research projects in both Persian and English. He has joined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Iran in 1999. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nPetr Kortunov\nProgram Assistant\nRussian International Affairs Council \nPetr Kortunov is program assistant at the Russian International Affairs Council. His academic interests lie in the Middle Eastern region\, particularly Iran’s international standing and both peaceful and weapon use of nuclear power in the region. \n Born 1994\, he obtained a bachelor’s degree at the MGIMO University in International Law\, specializing in financial law. He earned his Master’s degree in International Financial Law at the MGIMO University and also obtained a Master’s degree in International Commercial Law at the University of Reading. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nAmbassador Niraj Srivastava\nFormer Indian Ambassador Denmark\, Uganda \nNiraj Srivastava is a former Indian diplomat who has been Ambassador of India to several countries including Denmark and Uganda. He joined the Indian Foreign Service in 1983. \n Srivastava was educated in India and abroad. He spent a sabbatical year at Oxford University\, U.K.\, where he studied international relations\, international law\, and international trade and finance. He graduated with honors in 1988. \n During his career spanning about 33 years\, Srivastava has served in Indian missions in several countries around the world\, including Syria\, the United States\, Libya\, Saudi Arabia\, Canada\, Uganda\, and Denmark. He has also held several positions in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in New Delhi. \n Srivastava took another sabbatical year during 2001-02 at Georgetown University\, Washington D.C.\, where he taught a course on international politics of South Asia to Sophomores. He was Associate Faculty at Georgetown. \n Srivastava retired from the Indian Foreign Service in November 2015. He now lives in New Delhi and\, among other things\, writes on issues relating to international affairs. He also appears frequently on television programs. He has written extensively on the war in Syria and US policy in the Middle East. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nProfessor Dlawer Ala’Aldeen\nFounding President\nMiddle East Research Institute (MERI) \nProfessor Dlawer Ala’Aldeen is the Founding President of the Middle East Research Institute (MERI\, www.meri-k.org)\, based in Erbil\, Kurdistan Region of Iraq. He is a former Minister of Higher Education and Scientific Research in the Kurdistan Regional Government (2009-2012) and Professor of Medicine in Nottingham University\, UK. \n Ala’Aldeen has long been engaged in capacity-building and nation-building projects in Iraq\, and published extensively on the political and security dynamics\, governance systems and democratization in the Middle East. \n His most recent books include\, Nation-Building and the System of Governance in Kurdistan Region (2013); and State-Building: A Roadmap for the Rule-of-Law and Institutionalization in Kurdistan Region (2018). \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nProfessor Efraim Inbar\nPresident\nJerusalem Institute for Strategic Studies \nProf. Efraim Inbar is President of the Jerusalem Institute for Strategic Studies (JISS). He was Professor in Political Studies at Bar-Ilan University and the founding Director of the Begin-Sadat (BESA) Center for Strategic Studies. \n Prof. Inbar’s area of specialization is Middle Eastern strategic issues with a special interest in the politics and strategy of Israeli national security. He has written five books and over 100 scholarly articles. \n Prof. Inbar holds a B.A. in Political Science and English literature from the Hebrew University and a M.A and Ph.D. from the University of Chicago. He served as visiting professor at Johns Hopkins University\, Georgetown University\, Boston University\, as visiting scholar at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars\, and the (London) International Institute for Strategic Studies. \n A paratrooper in the Israel Defense Forces (IDF)\, Professor Inbar later served on the IDF Academic Committee of the History Department. He also served as President of the Israel Association of International Studies. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Randa Slim\nSenior Fellow and Director\nProgram on Conflict Resolution\nMiddle East Institute\, Washington DC \nRanda Slim is a Senior Fellow and Director of the Program on Conflict Resolution and Track II Dialogues at the Middle East Institute in Washington DC\, and is a non-resident fellow at the Foreign Policy Institute of the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS). She works and publishes on regional and international issues of the Middle East with an emphasis on Lebanon\, Syria and Iraq. \n A former vice president of the International Institute for Sustained Dialogue\, Slim has also been a senior program advisor at the Rockefeller Brothers Fund\, a guest scholar at the United States Institute of Peace\, a program director at Resolve\, and a program officer at the Kettering Foundation. \n A former member of the Dartmouth Conference US-Russian regional conflicts taskforce\, she was a member of the US-Russia mediator team in the Inter-Tajik Dialogue (1992-2000) and worked on conflict management activities in Tajikistan and the Ferghana Valley (2000-2006). \n Currently\, she organizes the Middle East Dialogue\, a regional track 1.5 initiative focusing on political and security dynamics in the Middle East. She also co-moderates the US-Russia Middle East working group. Slim has also worked on the UN-mediated negotiations in Yemen as a consultant with the office of the UN Special Envoy for Yemen. \n She holds a B.S. and M.A. from the American University of Beirut and a Ph.D. from the University of North Carolina. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Wail Al Batrekhi\nMinister Counsellor\nDeputy Head of Mission\nEmbassy of the State of the Palestine\nNew Delhi \nDr Wail Al Batrekhi is Minister Counsellor and Deputy Head of Mission in the Embassy of the State of Palestine to India since 2016. \n He has been the head of the media department in the Regional and International Organization in Foreign Ministry of the state of Palestine. He was Diplomat (Counsellor) in Embassy of the State of Palestine-Republic of Hungary in 2008-11. \n He was Member of the international committee of World Festival for Youth and Student in (Cuba-1997\, Algeria-2001\, Caracas- 2005) and has been Vice President of world federation of democratic youth representing Palestine and Middle East North Africa region (1997-2007). \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nAmbassador V. P. Haran\nFormer Indian Ambassador to Syria \nFormer ambassador of India to Syrian and Bhutan\, V.P. Haran is currently Independent Director at the Mangalore Refinery and Petrochemicals Ltd. He was Ambassador to Syria from January 2009 to December 2012\, the most critical time that ushered in political tumult and upheaval in that country’s recent history. Thereafter\, he became Indian Ambassador to Bhutan from January 2013 to July 2014. \n V.P. Haran joined the Indian Foreign Service in 1980. He was posted in Moscow\, Afghanistan\, Sri Lanka and Belgium from 1980 to 2000. He was Deputy Permanent Representative of India to the World Trade Organization from 2000-03. He has been Joint Secretary [Administration]\, MEA\, Delhi (2006-09). \n He also worked for six years in TELCO and is presently at Tata Motors\, Jamshedpur in their Accounts and Finance Department. He writes extensively\, participates in seminars and gives lectures on foreign policy issues\, particularly on Syria\, West Asia\, along with India’s neighborhood as well as the country’s trade policy. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nAmbassador Talmiz Ahmad\nFormer Indian Ambassador\nSaudi Arabia\, Oman and the UAE \nTalmiz Ahmad is the former Indian ambassador to Saudi Arabia (2000-03; 2010-11)\, Oman (2003-04) and the UAE (2007-10). After retirement from Foreign Service\, he had a stint of four years in the corporate sector in Dubai. \n He is now a full-time academic and holds the Ram Sathe Chair for International Studies in Symbiosis International University\, Pune. \n He has authored three books including West Asian Politics: Reform in the Arab World (2005); Children of Abraham at War (2010)\, and The Islamist Challenge in West Asia after the Arab Spring (2013). \n He writes regularly in the West Asian and Indian media on West Asian and Indian Ocean politics and economics\, political Islam and energy security issues. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr Al Sheikh Abdullah Saleh Hilal Al Saddi \nStrategic Director Staff\,\nNational Defence College\,\nSultanate of Oman \nHis Excellency Dr Al Sheikh Abdullah Saleh Hilal Al Saddi is the Strategic Director-Staff of the Strategic Director Staff\, Oman. He has been the Sultanate of Oman’s ambassador to People’s Republic of China from 2007 till early 2020. He has also been the Dean of Oman’s diplomatic corps from 2013-20 and has been the Dean of the Council of Arab Ambassadors to China from January 2013-December 2019. \n With diplomatic experience of over 30 years\, Dr Al Sheikh Abdullah Saleh Hilal Al Saddi earned his doctorate degree in International Relations from Shanghai International Studies University in June 2012. He obtained his Master’s Degree from American University of Boston in France in 1995. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nAmbassador Ranjan Mathai\nFormer Foreign Secretary of India \nRanjan Mathai joined the Indian Foreign Service in 1974. He served in Indian Embassies in Vienna\, Colombo\, Washington\, Tehran and Brussels (1976-1994); and held several key positions in the Ministry of External Affairs of the Government of India\, including as Joint Secretary\, heading the Division responsible for India’s relations with Bangladesh\, Myanmar\, Sri Lanka\, and the Maldives (1995-1998). \n Mr. Mathai was Ambassador of India in Israel\, Qatar\, and France (1998- 2011). He was the Foreign Secretary of India for 2 years from August 2011 to July 2013. \n After his retirement he was appointed High Commissioner of India to the United Kingdom (December 2013 to December 2015). Mr. Mathai is an Independent Director on the Board of HDFC Standard Life Ltd. Mr. Mathai completed his education with an M.A. in Political Science from the University of Poona (Pune) in 1974. He is an alumnus of the National Defense College in Delhi (27th Course\, 1987). \n He is an analyst and commentator on international affairs and energy and resource security. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Abdullah Bin Hamad Bin Abdullah Al-Salamah\nDirector General\nPrince Saud Al Faisal Institute for Diplomatic Studies\nKingdom of Saudi Arabia \nDr. Abdullah Bin Hamad Bin Abdullah Al-Salamah is currently the Director General of Prince Saud Al Faisal Institute for Diplomatic Studies. \n He was the Director General of Finance of Royal Commission for Jubail and Yanbu & Economic Advisor for H.H. the Chairman of the Royal Commission for Jubail and Yanbu. He also served as the delegated Deputy of the Royal Commission. He has also been General Supervisor for Royal Commission of college and instates for Jubail and Yanbu. \n Dr. Salamah obtained Ph.D. from the renowned Durham University\, United Kingdom in 1994. His doctoral thesis is Industry Development and Petrochemical Sector in Kingdom of Saudi Arabia\, the role of the governmental policies – the Saudi Arabian Basic Industries Corporation (SABIC) as a study case. He received the Bachelors in Administration Science from King Saud University\, and completed Masters in Economics at the Western Illinois University\, United States of America. \n Dr. Salamah has had a rich and diverse experience spanning 35 years at the Institute for Diplomatic Studies\, Royal Commission and Ministry of Foreign Affairs\, Saudi Arabia. His areas of expertise include strategic planning\, management of industrial cities that specialize in petrochemicals\, hydrocarbons\, oil and gas\, economic management\, corporate management\, educational development\, project management\, budgeting\, planning and scheduling. Dr. Salamah has published many research papers and studies in internationally reputed journals. He has also presented key researches at various conferences\, seminars and discussion panels across the globe. He is a member of Saudi Economy Society\, British Society for Middle East Studies and Southern Economic Association in the United States of America\, Member of Alinma Saudi Government Sukuk ETF Fund 2020. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nAmbassador Navdeep Suri \nDistinguished Fellow & Director\nCentre for New Economic Diplomacy\nObserver Research Foundation\, New Delhi \nNavdeep Suri is Distinguished Fellow and Director\, Centre for New Economic Diplomacy at the Observer Research Foundation. He has recently completed a distinguished 36-year career in the Indian Foreign Service\, having served in India’s diplomatic missions in Cairo\, Damascus\, Washington\, Dar es Salaam and London and as India’s Consul General in Johannesburg. He has also headed the West Africa and Public Diplomacy departments at the Ministry of External Affairs. He was India’s High Commissioner to Australia and Ambassador to Egypt and the UAE. \n In a rare gesture\, the President of UAE conferred on him the Order of Zayed II\, the country’s second-highest civilian award. His innovative use of social media in public diplomacy in 2010 also received extensive recognition and two prestigious awards. \n Proficient in Arabic and French\, he has a Masters in Economics and has written on India’s Africa policy\, on public diplomacy and on the IT outsourcing industry. His English translations of his grandfather Nanak Singh’s classic Punjabi novels have been published by Penguin as ‘The Watchmaker’ and by Harper Collins as ‘A Life Incomplete’ and ‘Khooni Vaisakhi’. \n\n\n\n\n\n\nProfessor Ashwini K. Mohapatra Dean\, School of International Studies (SIS)\,\nChairperson\, Centre for West Asia Studies\,\nJawaharlal Nehru University\, New Delhi \nProfessor  Mohapatra is currently the dean of the School of International Studies (SIS) at JNU. In addition\, he is also the chairperson of Centre for West Asia Studies. His area of interest lies in West Asian affairs\, Peace and Conflict Studies\, and Mediterranean Affairs. Over the span of 20 years in SIS (JNU)\, he has taught numerous students and delivered keynote lectures and addresses in various international platforms. He has been a visiting Professor at the Chou University (Tokyo) in June 2009 and a European Union Visitor to Brussels\, in September 2009. Additionally\, in June-July 2008\, he was a visiting fellow at the Maison Des Sciences De L’Homme (MSH)\, Paris. His other visits abroad include civilian peace-keeping training at the Austrian Peace Research Centre\, Stadtschlaining\, Austria and Institute of International Studies\, Geneva\, participation in the Conflict Resolution Programme in Uppsala University\, Sweden\, and at the Peace Research Institute of Oslo (PRIO)\, Norway\, State Guest of the Republic of Cyprus and Turkey. \nProf Mohapatra has participated in numerous conference\, seminars and published several peer-reviewed articles in reputed journals. He has authored and co-authored books and contributed chapters in several books. A few of his notable publication includes Turkey’s Transition to Liberal Democracy and Its Issue of EU Membership (published in India Quarterly Journal)\, Democratization in the Arab World: Relevance of Turkish Model (International Studies Journal)\, Bridge to Anatolia: An Overview of Indo-Turkish Relations published in The Turkish Yearbook of International Relations (Ankara)\, Arab and Turkish Responses to Globalisation (India Quarterly Journal)\, Radical Islam: Ideology behind Global Terrorism (India Quarterly Journal)\, Turkey’s Search for Regional Role in Central Asia (International Studies Journal)\, among others. \n\n\n\n\n\n\nProfessor P. R. Kumaraswamy Professor\,\nCentre for West Asian Studies\,\nSchool of International Studies\nJawaharlal Nehru University\,\nNew Delhi (India) \nProfessor P. R. Kumaraswamy teaches contemporary Middle East at Jawaharlal Nehru University\, New Delhi since 1999. During 1992-1999 he was a research fellow at the Harry S Truman Research Institute for the Advancement of Peace\, Jerusalem. His publications include Squaring the Circle: Mahatma Gandhi and the Jewish National Home (New Delhi: for ICWA\, 2018); India’s Israel Policy (Columbia University Press\, 2010); Historical Dictionary of the Arab Israeli Conflict (Scarecrow Press\, 2015); India’s Saudi Arabia Policy: Bridge to the Future (Palgrave Macmillan\, 2019\, co-author); and Handbook of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan (Palgrave Macmillan\, 2020\, edited)\, \n Prof. Kumaraswamy is the honorary Director of Middle East Institute\, New Delhi (www.mei.org.in) and edits Persian Gulf: India’s Relations with the Region (Palgrave Macmillan) and Contemporary Review of the Middle East (Sage).\n \n\n\n\n\n\n\nDr. Sami Alfaraj\nPresident\,\nThe Kuwait Centre for Strategic Studies\,\n(Kuwait) \nDr. Sami Alfaraj heads the Kuwait Centre for Strategic Studies\, which he established in 1998 as an independent think tank. A former army officer and a strategic planning and crisis management consultant\, he has received his education in Kuwait\, Cambridge\, Oxford universities\, as well as at the Fletcher School of Law & Diplomacy. \nIn January 2018\, the Kuwaiti Government adopted the vision “A New Kuwait’ (which was drafted by him) as the official state strategy for the early part of the 21st Century.\n \n\n\n\n\n\n\nAmbassador Sanjiv Arora\nFormer Secretary\,\nMinistry of External Affairs\,(India) \nAmbassador Sanjiv Arora joined the Indian Foreign Service in 1984 and served in various capacities in New Delhi and abroad during his career spanning 35 years before his superannuation on 31 July\, 2019. \nBefore joining his last posting at the senior most level as Secretary (Consular\, Passport & Visa and Overseas Indian Affairs) in Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) in New Delhi in Feb’19\, Mr Sanjiv Arora served as Ambassador of India to Lebanon from Dec’16–Feb’19. Earlier\, he was Ambassador to Qatar from Aug’12–Oct’16 and Consul General in Houston\, Texas\, USA from Nov’08–July’12\, where his responsibilities covered Texas and eight other States. \nAmbassador Arora has served at HQS at every level. He dealt with India-Sri Lanka relations in MEA during 1991-94 and also worked as Counsellor (Political & Press) in High Commission of India in Colombo in 1999–2000. \nMr Arora is among the few IFS officers to have been deputed to Ministry of Finance where he served as Director during 2003–2004 and dealt with Development Cooperation and other issues. Before joining the IFS\, Mr Arora worked in the corporate sector and also in the Reserve Bank of India. \nAs Head of United Nations-Political Division in MEA from 2005-2008\, Mr Arora was actively involved in India’s foreign policy at the UN\, dealing with a wide range of issues including counter terrorism; peacekeeping; UN reform; political issues in UNGA and UNSC\, etc. He was involved in the initiative leading to  UNGA’s unanimous adoption of India’s resolution for observance of Mahatma Gandhi’s birthday (2 October) as the International Day of Non-Violence. He functioned as the nodal officer for the participation of India’s official and non-official delegations to UNGA Sessions from 2005-08. He was also in charge of issues related to the Non-Aligned Movement and the Commonwealth. \nDuring his distinguished career\, Ambassador Arora has proactively practiced diplomacy in its various forms and manifestations\, including political; security; economic & commercial; energy; multilateral; consular & diaspora; cultural; media; public diplomacy\, etc. In particular\, Ambassador Arora specialises in Middle Eastern affairs; business & energy issues; multilateral diplomacy; the people-centric area of consular & global diaspora\, including mobility & migration; and public diplomacy.\n \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nBrig. Ashish Chhibbar\nSenior Fellow\nManohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses \nBrig Ashish Chhibbar joined Manohar Parrikar IDSA as Senior Fellow in July 2018. An alumni of National Defence Academy and Defence Services Staff College\, he has had varied command and staff tenures in all terrains and operational areas. \nThe officer has done his ME from Indian Institute of Science\, Bangalore and PhD in Strategic Decision Making from Chaudhary Charan Singh University. \nHis current interests are in disruptive cyber technologies of Blockchain\, Artificial Intelligence and Big Data Analysis. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Meena Singh Roy\nResearch Fellow\nManohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses \nDr Meena Singh Roy is Research Fellow and coordinator of West Asia Centre at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (Manohar Parrikar IDSA). Her areas of specialization are Central Asia and West Asia. Prior to joining Manohar Parrikar IDSA\, she was a senior research scholar in the Department of African Studies\, Delhi University. She was associated with the Institute of Commonwealth Studies\, School of Oriental and African Studies and London School of Economics for her research work. In 2014\, she was a visiting Research Fellow with the German Institute of Global and Area Studies’ (GIGA) Institute of Asian Studies. \n Dr. Roy has published several peer-reviewed articles and papers focused on West Asia and Central Asia. She has also been involved in net assessment reports and strategic gaming on West Asia and Central Asia. \n She has published a monograph titled The Shanghai Cooperation Organization: India Seeking New Role in the Eurasian Regional Mechanism (2014)\, edited books titled International and Regional Security Dynamics: Indian and Iranian Perspectives (July 2009) and Emerging Trends in West Asia: Regional and Global Implications (2014)\,and completed the joint Delhi Policy Group-IDSA Task Force report on West Asia in Transition in 2015. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Adil Rasheed\nResearch Fellow\nManohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses \nDr. Adil Rasheed is Research Fellow at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (Manohar Parrikar IDSA) and is author of the book ISIS: Race to Armageddon (2015). \n He was earlier Researcher at the UAE’s premier think tank Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research (ECSSR) (2006-14)\, and was Senior Research Fellow at the United Service Institute in New Delhi from 2014-16. \n Notable among his peer reviewed papers on counter-radicalization are “Jihadist Radicalisation in India: Internal Challenges\, External Threats” and “Countering the Threat of Radicalisation: Theories\, Programmes and Challenges” published in IDSA’s Journal of Defence Studies. \n Dr Adil Rasheed regularly writes commentaries and articles on geopolitical issues in leading newspapers\, magazines\, journals and news portals in India and abroad. His book ‘Countering the Jihadist Narrative’ is nearing publication. His next project would study the corresponding trends in Political Islam in Middle East and South Asia. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nDr. Prasanta Kumar Pradhan \nAssociate Fellow\nManohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses \nDr. Prasanta Kumar Pradhan is an Associate Fellow at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (Manohar Parrikar IDSA)\, New Delhi. He holds a doctorate degree from the School of International Studies\, Jawaharlal Nehru University\, New Delhi. Since joining IDSA in 2008\, he has been researching on foreign policy\, security and strategic issues in West Asia\, and India’s relationship with West Asia and the wider Arab world. He is also working on the implications of Arab uprisings for the region and India. \nDr. Pradhan is the author of the book Arab Spring and Sectarian Faultlines in West Asia: Bahrain\, Yemen and Syria (Pentagon Press\, New Delhi\, 2017) and the monograph India’s Relationship with the Gulf Cooperation Council: Need to Look beyond Business (IDSA\, New Delhi\, 2014). He is also the editor of the book Geopolitical Shifts in West Asia: Trends and Implications (Pentagon Press\, New Delhi\, 2016). \n Dr. Pradhan has published several research articles in reputed journals and has contributed chapters to several edited volumes on security and strategic issues in West Asia and India’s bilateral relations with the region. His current research project is titled “The GCC in Crisis: Implications for the Region and India”. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n \nMd. Muddassir Quamar\nAssociate Fellow\nManohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses \nMd. Muddassir Quamar is Associate Fellow in the Institute for Defence Studies & Analyses\, New Delhi. He holds a Ph.D. in Middle East studies from Jawaharlal Nehru University. His doctoral thesis examined social developments in Saudi Arabia between 1991 and 2010 within a conceptual framework of Islamic modernism. Dr. Quamar’s areas of interest include Politics & Societies in the Gulf\, Middle East Strategic Affairs\, and Political Islam. His research papers have appeared in leading international journals such as Contemporary Arab Affairs\, Digest of Middle East Studies\, Journal of Arabian Studies and Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies. He has co-edited an anthology titled Contemporary Persian Gulf: Essays in Honour of Gulshan Dietl\, Prakash C. Jain and Girijesh Pant\, contributed chapters to edited volumes and regularly contributes opinion articles on strategic developments in Middle East and India-Gulf relations. Dr. Quamar has been a visiting fellow in King Faisal Center for Research and Islamic Studies\, Riyadh\, and serves as Associate Editor of Contemporary Review of the Middle East (Sage\, India) and Book Review Editor of Strategic Analysis. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nConference Coordinators: \n Dr. Meena Singh Roy\n Coordinator\, West Asia Centre\, IDSAmsinghroy@gmail.com \nDr. Prasanta Kumar Pradhan\nAssociate Fellow\, IDSApk.prasanta@gmail.com URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/4th-west-asia-conference-ten-years-of-political-economic-transformation-in-west-asia-challenges-lessons-future-trends CATEGORIES:Previous West Asia Conference,CONFERENCES,West Asia Conference ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20200128T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20200129T053000 DTSTAMP:20261108T012629 CREATED:20231223T125416Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250312T005111Z UID:62733-1580189400-1580275800@idsa.in SUMMARY:12th South Asia Conference - India’s "Neighbourhood First" Policy: Regional Perceptions DESCRIPTION:Concept Note\n\n\n\nConcept Note\n\nIDSA has been organising the annual South Asia Conference since 2007. Over a decade\, this flagship conference has dealt with a number of important issues\, such as\, economic cooperation for development\, changing political context in India’s neighbourhood\, common challenges of terrorism in South Asia and prospects of regional cooperation\, cooperative security framework for South Asia\, prospects for stability and growth in South Asia\, exploring regional perceptions\, role of media in promoting regional understanding in South Asia\, culture as a factor in regional cooperation\, strengthening connectivity in South Asia\, and non-traditional security challenges in South Asia. The varied themes reflect the different concerns of member countries of South Asia\, which have enabled these countries to pursue respective national interests within the framework of regional cooperation. \nIDSA’s South Asia Conference provides an important platform for academics\, policymakers\, intellectuals\, semi-government and government officials from participating countries to discuss issues of mutual concern and explore avenues of cooperation. All SAARC (South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation) countries and Myanmar participate in the IDSA conference at the Track II level and discuss issues in a free and frank manner. Outside of SAARC\, Myanmar has been a regular invitee as an important member of India’s extended neighbourhood and engagement with it has been very productive. \nOne of the most significant foreign policy initiatives of Prime Minister Narendra Modi has been the importance that has been given to improving India’s relations with its immediate neighbours. This has been conceptualised by the Modi Government as “Neighbourhood First” policy (NFP). It is quite evident in the intensity of engagement that India has had with its neighbours\, not only during Prime Minister Modi’s first term in power\, but also after his re-election. That the Prime Minister chose to invite leaders of the SAARC countries in May 2014 and again leaders of the BIMSTEC (Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation) countries in May 2019 to his swearing-in ceremonies\, indicates his commitment to accord special status to the neighbours in his foreign policy paradigm. Prime Minister Modi has spoken of inclusive growth and development (sabka saath\, sab ka vikas) not only for India but for the region as well. \nThe Modi Government’s “Act East Policy” may be considered a logical extension of the NFP. Both accord priority to India’s immediate geopolitical environment. Myanmar is important in this regard as it becomes the intersecting point where both the components meet. Maldives and Sri Lanka were the first two countries that Prime Minister Modi visited after being re-elected\, which further demonstrated his government’s resolve to strengthen relations with India’s neighbours. Other important policy initiatives like SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the Region) and Project Mausam may be regarded as reinforcing this policy of cooperation with the extended neighbourhood in the maritime sphere. \nBroadly speaking\, the “Neighbourhood First” policy includes expanding and deepening India’s contacts with the neighbouring countries and strengthening cooperation with them\, primarily driven by their development and security needs. Three significant aspects of India’s approach are that it is consultative; it is not based on reciprocity from the neighbours; and it attaches great importance to getting time-bound results. One of the most important areas of focus in the NFP is to bring about greater connectivity? physical\, digital\, people-to-people\, cultural etc.? among the neighbours. A number of initiatives have been taken in this respect\, e.g.\, building energy\, road\, and rail connectivity\, port and waterways transport\, and infrastructure development. High level and frequent visits to all the neighbouring countries\, in some cases after a huge gap\, provided a new momentum to bilateral ties. In this process\, India has successfully resolved some of the protracted issues with its neighbours. \nIndia has expanded the scope and quantum of development cooperation and has tried to improve the pace at which projects are implemented. It has also strengthened wide-ranging ties with neighbours in fields such as agriculture\, education\, culture\, health\, human resource development\, drinking water and sanitation\, disaster relief and rehabilitation\, capacity building\, trade and investments as well as defence and security. Besides\, India has tried to ensure the safety and security of maritime traffic in the region by helping to strengthen skills and logistics of neighbours like Sri Lanka and Maldives. \nThe people of South Asia have a shared history\, culture and aspirations which should help to deepen understanding within the region so that they can move towards achieving the common goal of enhancing economic growth. While there has been progress in India’s relations with its neighbours\, it is constrained by the challenge of cross-border terrorism that impacts India’s vision of a peaceful and prosperous neighbourhood. While Prime Minister Modi visited Lahore in December 2014 in the hope of improving ties with Pakistan that would benefit the entire region\, there was no reciprocation from Islamabad stalling forward movement on the SAARC regional motor vehicles agreement that would have boosted intra-regional connectivity and economic cooperation. Seeing this SAARC initiative fail due to intransigence by one of the partner countries\, there has been a perceptible shift in India towards emphasis on the BIMSTEC as a vehicle to help promote India’s foreign policy priorities of “Neighbourhood First” and “Act East”. Yet\, India continues to strengthen its relations with SAARC member countries and has shown its commitment to SAARC with initiatives such as the South Asia Satellite\, South Asian University\, SAARC Disaster Management Centre\, and the extension of India’s National Knowledge Network. \nThe sentiment of according primacy to the neighbours has been there in India’s foreign policy thinking right from the start and attempts were made by various leaders to cement ties with the countries in the region through unilateral concessions from time to time. However\, it is in the last few years that vigorous implementation of a comprehensive strategy in this regard has become apparent. During 2014-2018\, India completed 7 projects in Afghanistan under the US$2 billion committed for reconstruction. Notable among them is the new Parliament building\, the Afghan-India Friendship Dam\, and the restoration of the Stor Palace. India announced an additional US$ 1 billion assistance under the ‘New Development Partnership’ in 2017. \nThe ratification of the Land Boundary Agreement with Bangladesh by India\, an issue which was unresolved since 1974\, was an important step in improving relations between the two countries. India completed 29 projects in Bangladesh between 2014-2018. It has extended the third Line of Credit to Bangladesh of US$4.5 billion with the total amounting to US$8 billion. Cooperation in transit and connectivity with Bangladesh and the BBIN (Bangladesh-Bhutan-India-Nepal) grouping testify to India’s endeavours to concretise its neighbourhood policy. India has responded promptly in times of disasters. \nDuring 2014-2018\, India completed 62 projects in Bhutan. The Mangdechhu hydropower plant has recently been inaugurated and there is progress on other power projects with Bhutan. India has also announced a grant assistance of INR 4500 Crore towards Bhutan’s 12th Five Year Plan\, and a transitional Trade Support Facility of INR 400 Crore between 2018-2023. Bhutan and India also observed 50 years of diplomatic relations in 2018. \nIndia completed 3 projects in Maldives between 2014-2018. A US$ 800 million Line of Credit Agreement has been signed in March 2019\, for assisting Maldives to achieve sustainable social and economic development. An MoU on Indian Grant Assistance of US$5.5 million for the implementation of High Impact Community Development Projects has also been signed. The Government of India (GoI) also agreed to a cash grant of US $6.9 million for implementation of socio-economic projects. It helped to alleviate the water crisis in Maldives in 2014\, under Operation Neer. The 50th anniversary of India’s establishment of diplomatic relations with Maldives was celebrated in 2015 and Maldives today is pursuing a policy of ‘India First’. \nIn an attempt to assuage any prevalent feelings of neglect\, during his first tenure\, Prime Minister Modi visited Nepal. It was after a gap of 17 years that an Indian Prime Minister visited the country. 7 projects have been completed in Nepal during 2014-2018. The trauma centre in Kathmandu\, the Raxaul-Amlekhgunj petroleum pipeline and construction of Integrated Check Posts on the India-Nepal border highlight Indian development initiatives. Under four Lines of Credit with a total value of over US$ 1.65 billion extended by GoI\, infrastructure projects\, including those to do with post-earthquake reconstruction are being implemented. Under Operation Maitri India provided disaster relief and undertook rehabilitation efforts in Nepal after the earthquake in April 2015. \nThe Kaladan Multimodal Transport Project and the trilateral highway between India\, Myanmar and Thailand are important connectivity initiatives with Myanmar. The Indian Government also responded promptly to Myanmar’s request for assistance following cyclone-Komen in 2015. \nIn order to give a fresh impetus to India’s approach towards its immediate neighbours\, Prime Minister Modi visited Sri Lanka during his first tenure. This assumes significance as it was after a gap of 28 years that an Indian Prime Minister visited the country. India completed 13 projects in Sri Lanka between 2014-2018. The housing project for resettlement of Internally Displaced Persons in Sri Lanka is a major development project undertaken by India. Sri Lanka is a recipient of development credit given by the GoI\, with total commitment of around US$ 2.63 billion. India gave prompt assistance following devastating floods in May 2014 and in June 2017. \nThis year’s South Asia conference puts the spotlight on India’s “Neighbourhood First” policy being pursued by the government since 2014\, not with the purpose of projecting India’s achievements\, but with the purpose of ascertaining how the policy is impacting India’s neighbourhood. In this respect\, any assessment would be incomplete unless we understand the perceptions and reactions of India’s neighbours themselves to such a proactive policy from the Indian side. The conference is therefore intended to have a very candid and in-depth dialogue aimed at analysing India’s “Neighbourhood Policy” taking fully into account the perspectives of the neighbouring countries. \nThe key questions that need to be answered in this regard are: \n\nHow is India’s NFP being perceived in the neighbourhood?\nHow efficiently and effectively is the policy being implemented?\nTo what extent are India’s policies benefitting the neighbouring countries?\nAre there any additional areas of cooperation which the neighbouring countries would like to be emphasised in India’s NFP?\nWhat suggestions neighbouring countries may offer to make this policy more effective?\n\n\n\n\n\nConference Programme\n\nProgramme Schedule [PDF] \n\n\n\n\nDAY 1: Tuesday\, 28 January 2020\n\n\n\n09.15 AM-9.45 AM\nREGISTRATION\n\n\n09.45 AM-10.15 AM\nINAUGURAL SESSION\n\n\nWelcome Address:\nAmbassador Sujan R. Chinoy\, Director General\, IDSA\n\n\nInaugural Address:\nShri Rajnath Singh\, Hon’ble Raksha Mantri\, Government of India & President\, IDSA\n\n\nVote of Thanks:\nVice Admiral Shekhar Sinha (Retd.)\, Member\, Executive Council\, IDSA \n\n\n10.15 AM-10.45 AM   \nTea/Coffee Break \n\n\n10.45 AM-01.00 PM\nSESSION I: CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK OF INDIA’S “NEIGHBOURHOOD FIRST” POLICY\n\n\nChairperson:  \nAmbassador Sujan R. Chinoy (Director General\, IDSA)     \n\n\nSpeakers:\n\n\nAmbassador Kanwal Sibal (Former Foreign Secretary\, Government of India): Conceptual Framework of India’s “Neighbourhood First” Policy \nAmbassador Abdul Ghafoor Mohamed (Foreign Secretary\, Government of the Maldives): Maldivian Perspective on India’s “Neighbourhood First” Policy\nMajor General Vetsop Namgyel (Ambassador of Bhutan to India): Bhutan’s Perception on India’s “Neighbourhood First” Policy\nAmbassador Munshi Faiz Ahmad (Former Chairman\, Bangladesh Institute of International and Strategic Studies\, Dhaka): India’s “Neighbourhood First” Policy: Perspective from Bangladesh\nDr. Shaida Mohammad Abdali (Former Afghan Ambassador to India): Afghanistan’s Perspective on India’s “Neighbourhood First” Policy\n\n\n\n\n02.00 PM-04.00 PM\nSESSION II: ECONOMIC AND DEVELOPMENT COOPERATION \n\n\nChairperson:\nDr. Sanjaya Baru (Former Media Advisor to Prime Minister\, Currently\, Distinguished Fellow\, IDSA)\n\n\nSpeakers:\n\n\nProfessor Sachin Chaturvedi (Director General\, Research and Information System for Developing Countries\, New Delhi): India’s Development Cooperation with its Neighbouring Countries  \nProfessor Bishwambher Pyakuryal (Chairman\, Institute for                                           Strategic and Socio-Economic Research\, Kathmandu): Emerging Trends in India-Nepal Development Cooperation \nAmbassador Sudhir Vyas (Former Secretary\, Government of India\, Former Ambassador to Bhutan): “Neighbourhood First”: Economic and Development Cooperation with Bhutan \nDr. Ganeshan Wignaraja (Executive Director\, Lakshman Kadirgamar Institute of International Relations and Strategic Studies\, Colombo): India’s “Neighbourhood First” Policy and Sri Lanka: Towards ‘Win-Win’ in a Region of Great Power Competition \nMr. Nazir Kabiri (Executive Director\, Biruni Institute\, Kabul): India’s Model of Development Cooperation based on the Principles of South-South Cooperation and Afghanistan’s Perception as a Recipient/Partner Country\n\n\n\n\n04.00 PM-04.15 PM\nTea/Coffee Break \n\n\n04.15 PM-06.00 PM\nSESSION III: CONNECTIVITY INITIATIVES AND INFRASTRUCTURE DEVELOPMENT\n\n\nChairperson:\nAmbassador Leela K. Ponappa (Former Deputy National Security Advisor\, Government of India)\n\n\nSpeakers:\n\n\nProfessor Prabir De (Coordinator\, ASEAN-India Centre\, Research and Information System for Developing Countries\, New Delhi): What Role Should Connectivity Play in Reenergising South Asia?\nProfessor Delwar Hossain (Department of International Relations\, University of Dhaka): Bangladesh-India Relations and the Politics of Connectivity: A New Bilateralism?\nMr. U. Khin Maung Lynn (Joint Secretary-1\, Myanmar Institute of Strategic and International Studies\, Yangon): Myanmar’s Perspective on India’s “Neighbourhood First” Policy\nAmbassador Pinak Ranjan Chakravarty (Former High Commissioner to Bangladesh & Visiting Fellow\, Observer Research Foundation\, New Delhi): Connectivity Initiatives between India and Bangladesh\nDr. Nihar Ranjan Nayak (Research Fellow\, IDSA): Re-linking the Landlocked Countries: India’s Connectivity Initiatives and Options before Nepal and Bhutan\n\n\n\n\n\nDAY 2: Wednesday\, 29 January 2020\n\n\n\n10.00 AM-10.40 AM\nKEYNOTE ADDRESS\n\n\nChairperson:\nAmbassador Sujan R. Chinoy\, Director General\, IDSA\n\n\nKeynote Address:\nShri V. Muraleedharan\, Hon’ble Minister of State for External Affairs\, Government of India\n\n\nVote of Thanks:\nProfessor S.D. Muni\, Member\, Executive Council\, IDSA\n\n\n10.40 AM- 11.00 AM\nTea/Coffee Break\n\n\n11.00 AM- 01.00 PM \nSESSION IV: ENERGY COOPERATION\n\n\nChairperson:\nProfessor Nitya Nanda (Director\, Council for Social Development\, New Delhi)\n\n\nSpeakers:\n\n\nMr. Dinesh Kumar Ghimire (Secretary (Energy)\, Ministry of Energy\, Water Resources and Irrigation\, Government of Nepal): Nepal-India Energy Cooperation\nDasho Sonam Tshering (Former Secretary\, Ministry of Economic Affairs\, Bhutan): Bhutan-India Cooperation in the Hydropower Sector\nMs. Shebonti Ray Dadwal (Consultant\, IDSA): Energy Cooperation between India and Bangladesh\nShri Ajit Pai (OSD to Vice Chairman NITI Aayog\, New Delhi): Strategic Synergies in Financing Cross-Border Energy Projects\nDr. Bhupendra Kumar Singh (Director and Head\, Energy Security\, Confederation of Indian Industry\, New Delhi): Enhancing Cross-Border Power Trade in South Asia: Key Impediments and Policy Interventions\n\n\n\n\n01.00 PM-02.00 PM\nLunch\n\n\n02.00 PM-04.00 PM\nSESSION V: DEFENCE AND SECURITY COOPERATION\n\n\nChairperson:\nMr. Maroof Raza (Consultant & Strategic Affairs Expert\, Times Now\, Mumbai)\n\n\nSpeakers:\n\n\nAdmiral Ravindra C. Wijegunaratne (Retd.) (Former Chief of Defence Staff of Sri Lankan Armed Forces): India-Sri Lanka Defence and Security Nexus: Challenges and Opportunities\nBrigadier General Ibrahim Mohamed Didi (Retd.) (Former Member of Parliament\, the Maldives): Durable India-Maldives Defense and Security Relations Fortify Indian Ocean Security Environment\nDr. Naing Swe Oo (Executive Director\, Thayninga Institute for Strategic Studies\, Yangon): Myanmar as India’s Important Neighbour: The Security Perspectives\nShri Rajiv Jain (Former Director\, Intelligence Bureau\, Government of India): India’s Policy with Regard to Cooperation in Counterterrorism in South Asia \nShri Jayant Misra (Former Director General\, Directorate of Revenue Intelligence\, Government of India & Consultant\, UNODC): India’s Cooperation with South Asian Countries in Curbing Drug Trafficking\n \n\n\n\n\n04.00 PM-04.15 PM \nTea\n\n\n04.15 PM-05.30 PM\nSESSION VI: PANEL DISCUSSION-THE WAY FORWARD\n\n\nChairperson:\nProfessor S.D. Muni (Professor Emeritus\, Jawaharlal Nehru University\, New Delhi & Member\, Executive Council\, IDSA) \n\n\nSpeakers:\n\n\nDr. Ashok Behuria (Senior Fellow\, IDSA) \nDr. Shaida Mohammad Abdali\nAmbassador Munshi Faiz Ahmad\nDasho Sonam Tshering\nBrigadier General Ibrahim Mohamed Didi (Retd.)\nMr. U. Khin Maung Lynn\nProfessor Bishwambher Pyakuryal\nAdmiral Ravindra C. Wijegunaratne (Retd.)\n\n\n\n\n05.30 PM-05.35 PM\nVote of Thanks\n Ms. Sumita Kumar (Senior Research Associate\, IDSA & Conference Coordinator)\n\n\n\n\n\n\nRegistration\n\n\nRegistration is open only for Indian Nationals till 24 January 2020. The fees would be Rs 2000/- which will cover the costs of two lunches\, conference papers etc. Please send cheque in name of “IDSA\, New Delhi “to the following address along with your details as Name\, Address\, Educational qualification\, Institutional affiliation etc. \n1. Assistant Director (Admin)\nThe Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\n1\, Development Enclave\, (near USI)\nRao Tula Ram Marg\nNew Delhi 110 010 \nAccount Holder: Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA)\nA/C No: 10596550223\nName of Bank: State Bank of India (SBI)\nBranch Address: JNU\, Old Campus\, New Delhi – 110067\, INDIA\nSwift code: SBININBB548 \nAccount Holder: Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA)\nA/C No: 535602010004746\nName of Bank: Union Bank of India (UBI)\nBranch Address: Vasant Vihar Branch\, New Delhi – 110057\, INDIA\nSwift code: UBIN0534463\n\n\n\n\nProfiles of Participants & Abstracts\n\nProfiles of Participants & Abstracts \n\n\n\n\nSpeeches\n\n\n\nWelcome Address: Ambassador Sujan R. Chinoy\, Director General\, IDSA\nInaugural Address: Shri Rajnath Singh\, Hon’ble Raksha Mantri\, Government of India & President\, IDSA\nOpening Remarks: Ambassador Sujan R. Chinoy\, Director General\, IDSA\nKeynote Address: Shri V. Muraleedharan\, Hon’ble Minister of State for External Affairs\, Government of India\n\n\n\n\n\nPrevious Conferences\n\nPrevious Conferences\n\n\n\n\nContact us\nSumita Kumar\nCo-ordinator\, 12th South Asia Conference\nSenior Research Associate\, South Asia Centre\nInstitute for Defence Studies and Analyses\nNew Delhi-110010\n(Office) +91 11-26717983 (Extn. 7001)\nEmail Id: cc.idsa@nic.in URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/12th-south-asia-conference-indias-neighbourhood-first-policy-regional-perceptions CATEGORIES:Previous South Asia conference,South Asia Conference,CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20190326T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20190328T053000 DTSTAMP:20261108T012629 CREATED:20231223T125418Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250317T071505Z UID:62735-1553578200-1553751000@idsa.in SUMMARY:20th Asian Security Conference: Multipolarism in Asia: Issues and Challenges DESCRIPTION:DAY ONE\n \nDAY TWO\n \nDAY THREE\n\n\n\nRegistration\n\n\nRegistration will open on the days of the conference at the venue. However\, we would encourage you to avail a discount offer open till 20 March 2019 with the fees being Rs 1000/- for Indian nationals and $ 100 for foreign nationals. From 21 March 2019 the registration fee would be Rs 2000/- for Indian nationals and $ 200 for foreign nationals. The fee is to cover costs of meals\, conference papers etc. Students are exempted from registration to enable their participation in maximum numbers. They are requested to bring their university identity cards along. \n1. Please send cheque in name of “IDSA\, New Delhi” to the following address along with your details as Name\, Address\, Educational qualification\, Institutional affiliation etc. \nAssistant Director (Admin)\n The Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\n 1\, Development Enclave\, (near USI)\n Rao Tula Ram Marg\n New Delhi 110 010 \n2. From outside India\, money transfer can be done to IDSA bank account whose particulars are below: \nAccount Holder: IDSA\n A/C No: 10596550223\n Name of Bank: State Bank of India (SBI)\n Branch Address: JNU\, Old Campus\, New Delhi – 110 067\, INDIA\n Swift code: SBININBB548 \nIFSC Code: SBIN0001624 \n\n\n\n\nConcept Note\n\n\nThe Asian continent\, home to sixty per cent of humanity\, high economic growth rates and a burgeoning middle class and markets\, with some of the highest military expenditures in the world\, is in a state of flux. Territorial and maritime disputes have the potential to cast a shadow on peace and stability. \nThe Asian landmass straddles the Indo-Pacific. Asia is increasingly being defined in the broader geographical context of the Pacific and Indian Oceans through which pass the key SLOCs for energy\, raw materials and trade. Freedom of navigation\, over-flight and commerce are of growing significance. \nThe economic fulcrum has shifted towards Asia in recent years. China’s economic growth is being replicated in varying degrees by others in Asia over extended periods. India has now emerged as one of the fastest-growing economies in the world. Asia\, however\, has fallen short in building a credible security architecture. Trade mechanisms such as the CPTTP and the RCEP that straddle the region have revealed new frictions. Infrastructure and connectivity initiatives are increasingly shaping the economic and political discourse in Asia\, with renewed debate on finance to meet strategic ends. \nAmidst these changes\, regional transformation is leading to speculation about the future of power distribution in Asia. The “Asian Century” appears inevitable but the question remains if it will be unipolar or bipolar or multipolar in character. What future will countries such as China\, India and Japan opt for? What role will other regional countries play? What are the key interests of external powers that have a traditional presence or alliances in the region? \nPower in Asia remains fractured at various levels\, marked by a lack of consensus. A ‘multipolar Asia’ essentially presupposes the presence of multiple powers with significant capabilities and influence\, equipped to take on responsibilities and respond to emerging challenges and threats with a degree of strategic autonomy. The US is reassessing its presence and commitment to Asia at a time when China has expanded its footprint\, including in the maritime space. Trade frictions between US and China and their divergent visions for the future of the region have encouraged hedging by other regional actors. \nTraditional and non-traditional security challenges such as economic and military competition\, climate change\, cyber threats\, terrorism and energy security confront the region and act as drivers for the development of interdependent collaborative structures promoting pluralism. Multilateral fora such as G20\, BRICS\, AIIB and the SCO\, with cross-cutting membership\, are also helping to shape a multipolar regional order. \nIdentifying and understanding the various points of convergence and divergence will pave the way for the creation of interdependent and institutionalised dialogue mechanisms that prevent differences from becoming disputes and competition from leading to conflict. \nThe 20th Asian Security Conference (ASC) organised by the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA) on the theme of “Multipolarism in Asia: Issues and Challenges”\, is expected to delve into these issues. The debates and perspectives presented at the ASC will provide valuable insights into the decision-making processes that contribute to policy formulation on issues of peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific. \nThe Conference is tentatively structured as follows: \nSession I: DEBATING A MULTIPOLAR ASIA\nSession II: MULTIPOLARISM AND POWER DYNAMICS IN ASIA\nSession III: RECONSTRUCTING THE REGIONAL ARCHITECTURE\nSession IV: INFRASTRUCTURE\, CONNECTIVITY AND CAPACITY BUILDING IN ASIA\nSession V: THE EVOLVING INDO-PACIFIC ORDER\nSession VI: MANAGING CONTESTS AND SECURITY CONCERNS IN ASIA\nSession VII: ENERGY\, GEO-POLITICS AND MARITIME DIMENSIONS\nSession VIII: DIFFERENCES & DISPUTES IN ASIA\nSession IX: A BRICS MULTIPOLAR ORDER?\nSession X: SPECIAL SUMMING UP PANELTo attend the Conference you can reach us at – idsaasc2019@gmail.com \n\n\n\n\nProgramme\n\nPorgramme Schedule [PDF]\n\n\n\n\nSpeakers\n\n\nCommodore Abhay K. Singh \n \nBio: Cmde. Abhay K. Singh is a Research Fellow at the Military Affairs Centre in the IDSA\, New Delhi. He is an Indian Navy veteran with extensive command and staff experience spanning 27 years. A surface warfare officer with a specialisation in Missile and Gunnery Warfare\, he has commanded various naval platforms which include frontline frigate\, submarine rescue & deep diving vessel\, and fleet auxiliary. He has also served as Director (Military Affairs) in the Disarmament and International Security Division of the Ministry of External Affairs. Cmde. Singh is an alumnus of the Naval Academy\, Defence Services Staff Course and Naval War College. His publications can be found in the Journal Maritime Affairs and various IDSA Commentaries. \n Abstract: \nIndia and the Idea of Indo-Pacific – A Hesitant Embrace? \n Even though the geopolitics of the Indo-Pacific concept has historical roots\, the contemporary discourse in the policy circles got momentum with Prime Minister Abe’s articulation about ‘Confluence of the two Seas’ in his address to Indian Parliament in August 2007. While India’s ‘Look East Policy’ had led to enhancement of her economic and strategic engagements beyond the Indian Ocean\, there exists perceptible hesitation in embracing the ‘Indo-Pacific’ terminology in India’s policy articulation. The sources of this ambivalence can be discerned through wider strategic discourse in India around the geopolitical construct of the Indo-Pacific. Proponents argue that the embracement of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ is a logical extension of India’s ‘Look East Policy’. Sceptics\, on the other hand\, caution against India’s strategic overextension on peripheral regional security issues\, identifying too closely with the United States\, and receiving potential backlash from China. The paper therefore aims to thread both sides of the strategic debate around the relevance of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ geopolitical construct for India. It argues that the ‘Indo-Pacific’ regional construct provides the Indian policymakers a larger canvas to maximise India’s strategic gains. \n  \nMr. Akira Igata \n \nBio: Mr. Akira Igata is currently a Visiting Professor at Center for Rule-making Strategies (CRS)\, Tama University\, Japan. He is also a Senior Consultant at EY Advisory & Consulting and an Adjunct Fellow at Pacific Forum\, a Honolulu-based think tank. He oversees the Economic Statecraft Program and takes part in the Cyber Security Program at CRS. He received his undergraduate training at Georgetown University (one-year exchange program\, Heiwa Nakajima Foundation scholar) and International Christian University (Chris-Wada scholar). He subsequently received his MA in political science from Columbia University (Japanese government fellowship scholar). He was awarded the Aoi Global Research Award to study at the Faculty of Asian and Middle Eastern Studies\, Cambridge University in 2016. His research interests include: Japanese security and foreign policies; Japan-U.S. alliance; Economic statecraft; and International politics in the Indo-Pacific. \nAbstract: \nEast China Sea Dispute and Japan \nThe dispute surrounding the Senkaku (Diaoyu / Diaoyutai) islands has been described as a potential flash point in the East China Sea. How did these small uninhabited islands become a prominent international issue that involve world’s three largest economies? This paper first summarizes the history of how these islands rose to becoming a high-profile issue after decades of relative quiescence. Second\, it reviews the claims and interests of each country and studies the latest developments surrounding the dispute. Third\, the author analyzes how the dispute is related to and has an impact on the larger changing international environment\, especially its impact on the increasing strategic competition between US and China. Lastly\, the paper concludes with potential future scenarios and ways forward for mitigating the possibility of further conflict. \n  \nDr. Alice Ekman \n \nBio: Dr. Alice Ekman is the head of China research at IFRI’s Center for Asian Studies. She is also an Associate Professor at Sciences Po in Paris. She specializes in China’s domestic and foreign policy\, Taiwan and the Korean peninsula. Her research interests also include global governance\, forum diplomacy and the evolution of think tanks.. Dr. Ekman was formerly a Visiting Scholar at Tsinghua University (Beijing)\, at National Taiwan Normal University (Taipei)\, and more recently at the Asan Institute for Policy Studies (Seoul). She is currently a member of the EU committee of the Council for Security Cooperation in the Asia Pacific (CSCAP) and provides China expertise to the European Union Institute for Security Studies (EUISS). She holds a PhD from Sciences Po in International Relations and Master from the London School of Economics in International Relations\, Economics\, and Anthropology (China focus). \n Abstract: \nChina and the New Economic and Security Architecture in Asia: The 2025 Scenario \n Xi Jinping’s coming into office marks an acceleration of initiatives regarding both regional economic and security governance. Hu Jintao (2002-2012) had already started to shape the framework of a neighborhood policy\, to consolidate China’s participation in various existing multilateral regional mechanisms and position China as an active contributor to global governance reform in general terms. But China’s ambitions to reshape the regional and international order have never been as high as under President Xi Jinping’s leadership. Beijing seeks to significantly restructure the regional economic and security architecture\, and sees the coming years as a key period to achieve results. According to China\, the Asia-pacific region should not be based on any formal alliance system – and certainly not the US one\, which it considers illegitimate. Of course\, Chinese officials are fully aware that such restructuring can only be a long-term process\, given the US’ overwhelming presence and influence in the region today\, and China’s limited security ties with countries in the region so far. Still\, the ultimate aim is to replace the US-led alliance system by a new structure which China sees more in line with its interests\, and that has already been created. The paper will analyze this new structure in detail and assess its potential development and regional impact by 2025. \n  \nProf. Amancio Jorge Silva Nunes de Oliveira \n \nBio: Prof. Amancio Jorge Silva Nunes de Oliveira is a Full Professor at the Institute of International Relations of the University of São Paulo (IRI-USP)\, and the scientific coordinator of CAENI (Center of Studies of International Negotiations). He was a public policy scholar at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars\, vice-dean of the Institute of International Relations/USP and member of Institutional Advisory Committee of USP/IPSA Summer School on Methods.  \n Abstract: \nReorientation of Brazil’s Foreign Policy: Impact on BRICS \nThe pendulum of Brazilian foreign policy oscillated\, in a period of only five years (2014-2019)\, from one extreme to the other. The pendulum movement began under the government of Dilma Rousseff (2014-2015)\, passed through the center-right government of Michel Temer (2016-2018) until arriving at a liberal-conservative government – Jair Bolsonaro (2019). The structural conditions of the international market\, and thus the preference of the Brazilian private sector\, did not change considerably. however\, from the perspective of the Brazilian government\, BRICS gradually lost the status of a revisionist coalition of global governance. The same thing happened\, albeit in an even more pronounced way\, with India-Brazil-South Africa (IBSA). The expected consequence is a misalignment between discourses of the private sector\, government and the international coalition itself. The purpose of this article is to analyze the compatibility between the narratives of the Brazilian governmental and the private sector and to verify\, from this convergence\, the BRICS perspective. Conceptually\, the three broad views on BRICS can be identified as optimistic\, pragmatic and skeptical. The paper will use public opinion surveys of the general public and the private sector to provide an empirical basis for the analysis. \n  \nDr Ashok K Behuria \n \nBio: Dr Ashok K Behuria is a Senior Fellow and Coordinator of the South Asia Centre at IDSA. He is a Ph. D. in International Relations from the Jawaharlal Nehru University\, New Delhi\, India. He joined IDSA in 2003 and before that he was working as Assistant Director at International Centre for Peace Studies\, New Delhi. Dr Behuria has also been Editor of International Studies\, the prestigious research journal from Jawaharlal Nehru University and has been on the Editorial Boards of Journal of Peace Studies and Strategic Analysis. He has taught at the University of Delhi and Jamia Millia Islamia\, New Delhi. He is a recipient of the prestigious K Subrahmanyam Award for excellence in strategic studies for his work on Pakistan in 2009. He has published many research articles on strategic issues related to South Asian security environment in Indian and foreign journals and has edited several books on South Asia. \nAbstract: \nThe Future of India-Pakistan Ties \n The comprehensive dialogue process between India and Pakistan has been in a state of suspended animation for more than a decade now. It has been difficult to restart this process that had a reasonably successful run during 2004-2007. Indian analysts have argued that it has been primarily due to a series of spoiler-acts allegedly by non-state actors from the Pakistani side\, beginning with the 26/11 Mumbai attacks and extending till the attacks in Uri and continuing ceasefire violations along the LoC and IB in Jammu and Kashmir. On the Pakistani side\, the narrative is that India has stonewalled all attempts by Pakistan to restart dialogue and has not shown any serious intent to engage Pakistan meaningfully. Against this backdrop\, the proposed paper will make an attempt to contextualise these separate arguments\, trace the patterns that define India-Pakistan relationship\, and analyse the reasons behind discontinuation of the earlier round of dialogues as well as failure to relaunch the process of engagement. Based on these analyses\, the paper would build some scenarios about the state of India-Pakistan relations in the future. \nProf. Brahma Chellaney \n \nBio: Prof. Brahma Chellaney is presently Professor of Strategic Studies at the Center for Policy Research in New Delhi; a Richard von Weizsäcker Fellow of the Robert Bosch Academy in Berlin; and an affiliate with the International Centre for the Study of Radicalization at King’s College London. He has served as a member of the Policy Advisory Group headed by the foreign minister of India. Before that\, he was an adviser to India’s National Security Council\, serving as convener of the External Security Group of the National Security Advisory Board. He also sits on a number of international organizational boards\, including the academic council of The Henry Jackson Society\, London\, and the advisory boards of Worldcoo\, Barcelona\, and the European Centre for Energy and Resource Security (EUCERS) at the King’s College London. He is the author of nine books\, including an international bestseller\, Asian Juggernaut: The Rise of China\, India\, and Japan (Harper Paperbacks\, New York\, 2010). \n Abstract: \nMultipolarism: The Asian Debate \n Security dynamics are changing rapidly in Asia. The region is home not only to the world’s fastest-growing economies\, but also to the fastest-increasing military expenditures and naval capabilities\, the fiercest competition over natural resources\, and the most dangerous hot spots. The main driver of the changing security dynamics is China. However\, just as European security over centuries was shaped by the equations among the powers of Europe\, Asia has historically been a multipolar region. This reality has not fundamentally changed\, for example\, China\, Japan and India constitute a major strategic triangle in Asia. In this scalene triangle with three unequal sides\, China represents the longest side\, Side A\, Japan Side B and India Side C. In this triangle\, if B and C join forces\, A cannot hope to gain pre-eminence in Asia. In this light\, how does China’s foreign-policy goal to make the mythical Middle Kingdom real square with Asia’s innate multipolarism? Asian powers like Japan\, South Korea\, Indonesia and India remain committed to multipolarism. Can the U.S.-led strategy for a “free and open Indo-Pacific\,” help shore up Asian multipolarism? Is strategic equilibrium in Asia possible in the near term? Also\, what will it take to build an inclusive\, rules- based Asian order? \nDr. Brendon Cannon \n \nBio: Dr. Brendon Cannon is an Assistant Professor of International Security at the Institute of International & Civil Security\, Khalifa University of Science & Technology in Abu Dhabi\, UAE. He earned a Ph.D. in Political Science with an emphasis on International Relations at the University of Utah\, USA (2009). His research interests include contextualizing domestic\, regional and international relations in eastern Africa\, regional security in the Gulf and western Indian Ocean region\, the political economy of ports\, bases and airports\, as well as the Indo-Pacific strategy of India\, Japan\, the US and Australia in contrast with China’s BRI. He is the author of multiple articles and books\, with publications appearing in African Security\, Terrorism and Political Violence\, The Journal of Strategic Security\, and African Security Review. \nAbstract: \nOil\, Ports and Hard Power: Shifting Balance of Power in the Gulf and Horn of Africa \n The Straits of Hormuz and Bab el-Mandeb form major maritime chokepoints for Gulf Oil and the shipment of vital goods to much of the globe. They are increasingly of interest to states such as India and China\, where fast-growing economies are fueled\, in part\, by a steady supply of hydrocarbons from the Gulf. The strategic geographies stretching from Addis Ababa in the West to Tehran in the East have been the scenes of conflict in recent years such as the proxy struggle in Yemen between Iran and the Saudi-led coalition; the anti-piracy operations in the Gulf of Aden; as well as the scene of scrambling for economic and political resources. These security threats coupled with fast-growing economies\, particularly in the Gulf and the Horn of Africa\, as well as domestic political developments have led various states such as the UAE\, Turkey\, Iran and others to sign agreements around critical strategic infrastructure such as ports\, airports and bases. The resulting military build-up\, fueled by generous dollops of hydrocarbon aid\, demonstrates shifting balances of power across the vast region spanning Western Asia and the Horn of Africa. While these developments have\, until now\, been largely positive\, the possibility of future conflict\, is a clear and present danger. \n  \nDr. Elena Boykova \n \nBio: Dr. Elena Boykova is a Senior researcher\, Institute for Oriental Studies\, Russian Academy of Sciences. She specializes in Modern History and cultural development of Mongolia\, Russian-Mongolian relations\, Mongolia’s foreign policy\, problems of security in North-East Asia. She graduated from the Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO)\, Ministry of Foreign Affairs. She holds Ph.D. (Hist.) from the Institute for Oriental Studies\, RAS. She is the author of three books\, more than 100 articles in Russian\, Mongolian\, English and Japanese\, editor-in-chief of more than 10 books. She is a member of the International Association for Mongol Studies\, of the Permanent International Altaistic Conference (PIAC)\, of the Mongolia Society (USA)\, of the China-Mongolia-Russia Think Tank “China-Mongolia-Russia Economic Corridor”\, a member of the Presidium of the Russian Society of Mongolists. Dr. Boykova received the Polar Star Decoration (highest award for non-Mongol citizen) in 2016 and an Honorary Doctorate Degree from the Institute of International Affairs of the Mongolian Academy of Sciences in 2018. \n Abstract: \nThe Russian Vision of BRICS in the Context of a Multipolar Order in Asia \n Creation of BRICS has become one of the most significant geopolitical events of the beginning of the 21st century. Rather shortly\, this association turned to the factor that seriously influences political and economic life of the world. BRICS is essentially a new approach to reforming the system of world regulation\, which in the course of time can become another pole of political influence. Russia regards this association as an important platform for discussing international politics and world economy and considers strengthening of its position in the world as one of important goals. Currently\, BRICS represents a dialogue format that provides the five countries with the opportunity to cooperate in different fields\, at the same time maintaining “freedom of action” for them. The possibility of turning BRICS to a political union or an economic organization is not considered yet. At the same time\, Russia regards it is expedient to formalize the BRICS group by way of creating a virtual secretariat\, and subsequently — a permanent secretariat with headquarters in one of the member countries. In the situation of serious complexities in Russia’s relations with the West\, strengthening of the anti-Russian sanctions policy\, our country is interested in expanding interaction and closer integration with the BRICS countries. Participation in BRICS gives Russia an opportunity to strengthen its position on the world stage. \nMr. Endy Bayuni \n \nBio: Mr. Endy Bayuni is the senior editor of the English-language daily newspaper The Jakarta Post. A 35-year veteran in journalism\, he was the editor-in-chief of the newspaper from 2004-2010 and from 2016-2018. He has also had stints with Reuters and Agence France Presse as their Indonesia correspondent. His opinion columns\, including those on Indonesia’s foreign policy\, have regularly appeared in national as well as international media outlets\, including The Jakarta Post\, Strait Times of Singapore and New York Times. He is a recipient of the East West Center senior fellowship in Washington DC (2010)\, the Nieman Fellowship at Harvard University (2004) and the Jefferson Fellowship at the East West Center in Honolulu (1999). \n Abstract: \nIndonesia’s Rise: with or without BRICS \n Indonesia\, which has risen to the rank of a middle power in the last 20 years\, will be the obvious first candidate to join BRICS if and when it expands its membership. The growing economy is the world’s fourth most populous nation. If BRICS is about pushing for global reforms\, Indonesia’s inclusion will strengthen its hand. Indonesia brings in another factor when it comes to civilizational dialogues: Islam. The country with the largest Muslim population has proven that Islam and democracy are complimentary. Indonesia has a long track record in diplomatic achievements\, dating back to the Bandung Conference of 1955\, which later led to the establishment of the Non-Aligned Movement in 1961. Indonesia hosted the long negotiations to end the war in Cambodia before the warring factions signed the peace deal in Paris in 1991. As the largest member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)\, Indonesia is staking its claim as a maritime power and a key player in the emerging Indo-Pacific regional architecture. With or without BRICS\, Indonesia is building its strength and reputation\, engaging in multilateral organizations like ASEAN\, G-20\, APEC\, OIC\, IORA and MIKTA. Indonesia has a chance to show its diplomatic mettle as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council in 2019-2020. \n Dr. Ha Anh Tuan \n \nBio: Dr. Ha Anh Tuan is a Senior Researcher and Director of Center for Policy Analysis of Bien Dong Maritime Institute\, the Diplomatic Academy of Vietnam. Dr. Tuan’s research interests include international security of the Asia-Pacific\, with special focus on maritime security and international relations in the South China Sea. He has authored or co-authored a number of researches\, including Vietnam’s South China Sea Policy since 2007 in Le Hong Hiep and Anton Tsvetov (ed.)\, Vietnam’s Foreign Policy under Doi Moi\, 2018; & Vietnam’s Regional Security Challenges in Abhijit Singh (ed.) Line in the waters: The South China Sea dispute and its implications to Asia\, 2016; Navigating through troubled waters: A Vietnamese Perspective on Sino-Vietnamese relations in the South China Sea\, 2016; The tragedy of Vietnamese fishermen: The forgotten faces of territorial disputes in the South China Sea\, 2013; ASEAN and the disputes in the South China Sea in Dang D. Quy (ed.)\, Disputes over the South China Sea: Law\, geopolitics\, and international cooperation\, 2012. He is also a frequent media commentator. \nAbstract: \nFuture of South China Sea Dispute: A Vietnamese Perspective \n With many maritime security challenges remain unresolved\, the future of the South China Sea is uncertain. Sovereignty disputes over structures in the Paracels and the Spatlys and overlapping claims of sovereign rights over bodies of waters in the South China Sea among litoral states are still the fundamental and root causes of disputes in the region. Emerging issues such as major powers’ competition – most notably between China and the US\, maritime environmental degradation\, and rapid fish stock depletion have added more burden to regional governments. Technological advancements will also bring about diversed implications in the South China Sea. On the one hand\, regional maritime domain awareness is significantly improved\, allowing litoral states and other stakeholders to better understand of maritime situation in real time. On the other hand\, states’ improved capabilities would make the South China Sea narrower and increase the frequency of encouters between actors from different countries\, thus raise the risk of conflicts in the region. A common understanding between regional countries about rule-based order must be developed in order to effectively manage disputes in the South China Sea. \n  \n Mr. Hekmat Khalil Karzai \n \nBio: Mr. Hekmat Khalil Karzai became the Chairman of the Centre for Conflict and Peace Studies in January 2019. He served as the Deputy Foreign Minister of Afghanistan from January 2015 to October 2018. At the Ministry of Foreign Affairs\, he chaired several national and international processes/forums including Heart of Asia – Istanbul Process\, Regional Economic Cooperation Conference for Afghanistan (RECCA)\, and International Contact Group (ICG) amongst others. He led the Afghan delegation in the first face-to-face talks with the Taliban in July 2015 and at the Quadrilateral Coordination Group meetings\, creating an enabling environment for the Afghan peace process. In 2006\, Mr Karzai founded the Centre for Conflict and Peace Studies (CAPS)\, one of the first think tanks in Afghanistan. He also serves as non- resident Senior Fellow at the East West Institute in Brussels. In the past\, he has served as an International Fellow at the Edmund Walsh School of Foreign Service\, Georgetown University and the Head of the Political Department at the Embassy of Afghanistan in Washington\, DC. \n  \n Prof. Hideshi Tokuchi \n \nBio: Prof. Hideshi Tokuchi joined the Defense Agency (the predecessor of the Ministry of Defense) of Japan in 1979 and served as the nation’s first Vice-Minister of Defense for International Affairs from July 2014 until he retired from the Government in October 2015. In the Ministry of Defense he served as the Director-General of four bureaus: Operations; Personnel and Education; Finance and Equipment; and Defense Policy. He taught Japan’s national security policy as a visiting professor at National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS) from 2002 to 2015. He is a Senior Fellow of the Institute\, and also a Visiting Professor of National Defense Academy now. Professor Tokuchi was born in 1955. He received his Bachelor of Laws degree from the University of Tokyo in 1979\, and his Master of Arts in Law and Diplomacy (M.A.L.D.) degree from the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy in 1986. \nAbstract: \nAchieving a Free and Open Indo-Pacific through the Quad Framework: A Japanese Perspective \n The Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) is not an institution but a strategic concept\, one that is only just emerging. Therefore\, the scope of Indo-Pacific – both in geographical and policy terms – remains different; depending on which country is promoting the concept. The first point of the paper concerns the strategic and geopolitical facets of FOIP and its importance in maintaining the rules-based liberal regional order\, as seen from a Japanese perspective. The second point relates to the significance of Quad in operationalizing the vision of FOIP. FOIP is a tool of both competition and cooperation in relation with countries of different visions and regimes\, such as China\, even in regional security terms. Finding the right balance of competition and cooperation is a serious challenge to all in the region. In this regard\, how can Quad fit into the overall picture of FOIP? Could the minilateral framework of Quad have a possibility to become a promising foundation of a wider multilateral framework (a Quad-plus?) to make the order robust and stable? The paper tries to explore the possibility of such an enlargement in the FOIP context. \n  \n Dr. Hu Xiaowen \n \nBio: Dr. Hu Xiaowen is an Associate Professor in the Institute of Indian Studies\, Yunnan University. She worked in Yunnan Academy of Social Sciences from 2010 to 2018. She got her PhD degree from the Centre for East Asian Studies of Jawaharlal Nehru University in September 2017\, and currently is the China India Scholar-Leader Fellow at India China Institute of The New School\, New York\, US. Her research focuses on Indian foreign policy\, Indian think tanks\, BCIM and China-India Relations. She is the co-editor of the volume One Belt One Road: China’s Global Outreach\, Pentagon Press\, New Delhi\, 2017. Her works have been published in Global Review\, Academic Forum\, Chinese Social Sciences Weekly\, Southeast and South Asian Studies\, etc. \n Abstract: \nChina’s BRICS Vision and the Asian Order \n When the concept of BRICS was created in 2001 by Jim O’Neill\, it endowed BRICS a sub-government characteristic. BRICS now has expanded from an economic-centric dialogue to a pragmatic and comprehensive multi-national cooperative mechanism. It is important not only because it includes the main driving forces of global economic development\, but because it promotes “inclusive improvement” of the current global governance system. With the establishment of BRICS Development Bank and the Contingent Reserve Arrangement\, the institutionalization of BRICS cooperation has grown and helped the association legitimize its rise and promote international and regional cooperation. \nFrom China’s perspective\, the BRICS does not aim to challenge the current international regime\, instead its objective is to adjust the international regime in a non-confrontational way. It is trying to reform the system of governance gradually in the context of accepting the existing rules. Furthermore\, BRICS aims to forge a bigger global voice on economic issues for the group. It is necessary to build up an institutional framework based on mutual cooperation\, and urge the existing international institutions to make changes favouring the emerging economies. Thus\, it can be understood that BRICS cooperation mechanism is a useful supplement to the existing international regime which can drive Asia towards a multipolar world order. \n Prof. J Mohan Malik \n \nBio: Prof. J Mohan Malik is Professor of Asian Security at the Daniel K. Inouye Asia–Pacific Center for Security Studies in Honolulu. His areas of expertise are Asian geopolitics\, China and great power competition\, nuclear and maritime security. He is the author and/or editor of several books\, most recently Maritime Security in the Indo-Pacific (2014) and China and India: Great Power Rivals (2011). Dr Malik has contributed numerous book chapters and published nearly 200 articles in journals such as Asian Affairs\, Asian Survey\, Arms Control\, China Quarterly\, China Brief\, Jane’s Intelligence Review\, Journal of Contemporary China\, Orbis\, Pacific Affairs\, The American Interest\, and World Policy Journal. His op-eds have appeared in Wall Street Journal\, International Herald Tribune and The Diplomat. Dr Malik has testified before the U.S.–China Economic and Security Review Commission\, and done consultancy work for the Australian Department of Defence and Booze Allen Hamilton. \n Abstract: \nMaritime Security in Indo Pacific: An American Perception \n The coming years in the Indo-Pacific are fraught with risks—this is where some powerful states are forging new alliances\, arms racing\, pursuing mercantilist policies\, extracting resources\, and engaging in containment of peer competitors. New strategic balances will emerge as partnerships among states shift. Faced with an aggressive China\, Asia’s major maritime powers—Japan\, Australia and India—have come together to work in synchronized manner with the United States. They enjoy the support of middle powers—to varying degrees—to defend a rules-based order that does not advantage powerful nations at the expense of weak states. A complex web of security relationships is beginning to emerge – in trilateral\, quadrilateral and multilateral formats. China’s investments in littorals under its Maritime Silk Road are more about Beijing’s desire to establish itself as a “resident power” in the Indian Ocean. Ironically\, China’s quest for resources\, markets\, and bases (RMB) and attempts to establish an empire of “exclusive economic enclaves” run by Chinese conglomerates to usher in the age of Pax Sinica is now bringing former European imperial powers back in the Indo-Pacific oceans to maintain a rules-based order. This paper argues that the Quad\, still in its embryonic stage\, may need to be made an iQuad (“inclusive Quad”) or “Quad Plus” and further reinforced with a Concert of Democracies (COD) comprising Canada and the European Union. \n Dr. Jagannath Panda \n \nBio: Dr. Jagannath Panda is a Research Fellow and Coordinator of the East Asia Centre at IDSA\, New Delhi. He is in charge of East Asia Centre’s academic and administrative activities\, including Track-II and Track 1.5 dialogues with Chinese\, Japanese and Korean think-tanks/institutes. He is a recipient of the V. K. Krishna Menon Memorial Gold Medal (2000) from the Indian Society of International Law & Diplomacy in New Delhi. Dr. Panda is the author of India-China Relations: Politics of Resources\, Identity and Authority in a Multipolar World Order (2017)\, China’s Path to Power: Party\, Military and the Politics of State Transition (2010). He has edited two volumes: China’s Transition under Xi Jinping (2016)\, India-Taiwan Relations in Asia and Beyond: The Future (2016)\, and have co-edited two volumes Towards a New Asian Order (2012)\, Revisiting Contemporary South Asia: Politics\, Economics and Security (2012). Dr. Panda is a Member of the Editorial Board of the Journal of Asian Public Policy (Routledge). He is a non-Resident Fellow (honorary) at the Institute for Security and Development Policy (ISDP)\, Sweden\, and also affiliated (honorary) to the Institute of Transnational Studies (ITS)\, Germany/Italy. \n Abstract: \nWhy AIIB\, and Why Not BRI? Understanding India’s Perspective on a China-envisioned Regional Construct \n Clarity still lacks in the public domain as to why India agreed to become a founding member of the Chinese-backed Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB)\, but did not support Beijing’s flagship Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) given that both are China-centred international economic initiatives. India’s differing standpoint becomes more perplexing when the Chinese leadership advocates the AIIB and the BRI in the context of reshaping a new international order and building a “community of shared future”\, a popular “diplospeak” of Xi Jinping. The Indian perspective is rather straightforward: the AIIB is a multilateral economic initiative which India promotes; while the BRI is a state-sponsored global economic strategy that challenges India’s national security interests in the neighbourhood. While this assertion is certainly pertinent\, India’s approach to China-backed initiatives is in the broader and deeper context associated with the emerging powers narrative of India-China relations – it signifies a stance that is fast evolving with regard to Chinese assertion and China-envisioned regional construct. A careful appraisal of India’s approach towards it rather elucidates an Indian standpoint on the Chinese envisioned regional construct that is associated to their post-Cold War emerging power trajectory. This paper examines India’s stance on China-backed connectivity initiatives by analysing New Delhi’s differing approach towards “China-centred” grand initiatives – the AIIB and the BRI\, and if it has changed over time. \n Admiral (Dr.) Jayanath Colombage \n \nBio: Admiral (Dr.) Jayanath Colombage is a former chief of Sri Lanka navy who retired after an active service of 37 years as a four-star Admiral. He is currently the Director of the Centre for Indo – Lanka Initiatives of the Pathfinder Foundation\, Colombo. He is also a Fellow of Nautical Institute\, London\, UK and a Guest Professor at Sichuan University and Leshan Normal University in China. He is a highly decorated officer for gallantry and distinguished service. He is a graduate of Defense Services Staff College in India and Royal College of Defense Studies\, UK. He holds a PhD from General Sir John Kotelawala Defense University\, Colombo. He also holds an MSc in defense and strategic studies from Madras University and MA on International Studies from Kings College\, London. He was the former Chairman of Sri Lanka Shipping Corporation and an adviser to the President of Sri Lanka on maritime affairs. \n Abstract: \nSri Lanka and Maritime Security Order in the Indian Ocean \n The Indian Ocean is the third largest ocean in the world and has become a major strategic attraction in the 21st century. This is also a region of geo-strategic competition with major naval powers focusing their attention to this region\, leading it to become heavily militarized. The main reason for this renewed attention is the rise of China\, economically and militarily. China has made large investments through its Belt and Road Initiative across the Indian Ocean. Sri Lanka is blessed with deep water ports and is located in close proximity to the busiest east-west sea lane of communication across the Indian Ocean. Since the nearly three decade long armed conflict ended in May 2009\, the country has been put on a fast-track for development. To accomplish this\, there was a need to build highways\, roads\, ports\, airports and power plants. China thus became the main development partner even as it faced accusations of having strategic and military expansionist objectives. There are many strategic initiatives for Indian Ocean and Sri Lanka is sandwiched in the midst these initiatives. In the light of these developments\, this paper will look at how Sri Lanka can play a role in maintaining a rules-based maritime order. \n Dr. Ji Yeon-jung \n \nBio: Dr. Ji Yeon-jung\, Ph.D.\, is a lecturer at Hankuk University of Foreign Studies\, Seoul\, and a visiting fellow at the Institute of Indian Studies\, Seoul. She is a former assistant secretary of the Korean Society for Indian Studies and Stanton Nuclear Security postdoctoral fellow at the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs\, Harvard University. She studies nuclear proliferation and weapons programs in South Asia. \n Abstract: \nDenuclearization on Alert: Reshaping Security Order in the Korean Peninsula \n This paper deals with key questions concerning North Korea’s denuclearization process and its implications for regional security order. For the last three decades\, Pyongyang’s nuclear weapons program has been one of the most challenging issues faced by the nuclear non-proliferation regime. The ongoing debates on denuclearizing Pyongyang appear to be determining a new pattern of political bargaining that not only calls for at-one-go denuclearization but also aims to reshape the security order in the Korean Peninsula\, including the end-of-war declaration. With a more practical approach than before\, the key players—the U.S.\, South Korea\, and North Korea—have started anew to work toward a deal. Before a mechanism to hold all members in more stringent compliance can be determined\, three questions must be examined: First\, what technological barriers do the contracting parties need to consider? Second\, how long will the process take? Third\, what other factors relevant to reshaping the security order might follow? This paper suggests some of the possibilities that would facilitate the bargaining process. \n  \n Dr. Jingdong Yuan\n \nBio: Dr. Jingdong Yuan is an Associate Professor and Chair of the Department of Government and International Relations\, University of Sydney. Dr. Yuan’s research focuses on Indo–Pacific security\, Chinese foreign policy\, Sino–Indian relations\, and nuclear arms control and non-proliferation. He has held visiting appointments at the National University of Singapore\, University of Macau\, East–West Center\, National Cheng-chi University\, Mercator Institute for China Studies\, Fudan University\, and Berlin Social Sciences Centre (WZB). He is the co-author of Chinese Cruise Missiles: A Quiet Force-Multiplier (2014) and China and India: Cooperation or Conflict? (2003)\, and co-editor of Australia and China at 40 (2012). His publications have appeared in Asian Survey\, Australian Journal of International Affairs\, Contemporary Security Policy\, International Affairs\, International Journal\, Journal of Contemporary China\, Journal of International Affairs\, Nonproliferation Review\, Washington Quarterly\, and in many edited volumes. He is currently working on a book manuscript on China–South Asian relations. \n Abstract: \nBeijing’s Vision of the Asian Order: Promoting a Community of Shared Future \nBeijing is promoting a post-Cold War Asian order advocating multipolarity and inclusiveness. China under Xi Jinping has presented an Asian order of cooperative security\, common security\, comprehensive security\, and sustainable security. It has argued that future Asian security architecture requires the participation of all concerned\, must be based on consensus and mutual trust\, and provide security and benefits for all. This order emphasizes the importance of economic cooperation and integration as conducive to the development of a community of common destiny. It advocates multipolarism and calls for dialogue in addressing security issues and non-traditional security challenges. It promotes a new Asian security architecture that is inclusive\, cooperative\, and win-win\, with states—big and small—in the region encouraged to engage in dialogues in pursuit of a new type of international relations. By promoting a different security discourse\, that places less emphasis on military alliances and security against potential adversaries\, Beijing’s vision of ‘Asian order’ is built on a new security concept that is both more comprehensive in its content (economic as well as security issues) and its format (partnerships and diversity). \n Dr. John Hemmings\n \nBio: Dr. John Hemmings is Director of the Asia Studies Centre and Deputy Director of Research at the Henry Jackson Society and an Adjunct Fellow at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies. Prior to his doctoral studies\, he was a visiting fellow at Pacific Forum and a research analyst at the Royal United Services Institute in Whitehall. He regularly provides briefings to a number of government departments and contributes political analysis to various media from time to time\, including the BBC\, the Telegraph\, Fox News\, CNN among others. He has also published academic work in International Affairs\, the RUSI Journal and International Politics Review\, and was a Deputy Editor at the LSE’s flagship Millennium Journal of International Studies between 2013 and 2014. Dr. Hemmings completed his doctoral thesis in International Relations at the London School of Economics. \nAbstract: \nUnited Kingdom’s Foreign Policy and Indo Pacific Security \n While it is true that Brexit will present the UK with many challenges\, it is also a unique opportunity to recast its place in the world. While Britain will remain committed to their NATO allies in order to defend Europe from Russian revanchism\, it will be better suited to adapt to global trends and challenges. The Global Britain policy has characterized UK foreign policy since the Brexit Referendum\, and it guides UK foreign policy-making bureaucracy in Whitehall in the FCO\, MOD\, and DIT. So\, how does this policy connect with changes in the Asian region? The global trade is going to Asia\, and if Britain is to react to this shift in geo-economics and geopolitics\, it will have to enhance its presence in the region. The global middle class is expected to grow by 40-50 per cent\, with 80 per cent taking place in China and India. However\, it should be noted that going to the Indo-Pacific at this time presents Global Britain with challenges in the geopolitical sphere\, as Asian powers like China seek to change the rules arbitrarily. While it is clear that rising power changes mean that the rules must be re-written\, they should be done collectively\, without excluding rising powers like India. Therefore\, Britain looks to India\, Australia\, Japan\, and other regional powers in ASEAN – as well as China. Britain is at the cusp of redefining its relationship with the world\, but it must settle whether it will adopt a policy that incorporates UK values\, with its national interests in the security and trade spheres. \n Mr. Mandla Rametsi\n \nBio: Mr. Mandla Rametsi joined the Department of International Relations and Cooperation in 2007 and was placed in the Policy\, Research and Analysis Unit. From 2011 to 2015\, he was the Vice Consul General of South Africa in Lubumbashi\, Katanga\, the Democratic Republic of Congo. In 2016 he returned to the Head Office to focus on global governance issues related to counter-terrorism\, UNSC as well as Transnational Organised Crime. In 2019 he was appointed Counsellor Political\, Multilateral and Economic Diplomacy in the South African High Commission to focus on BRICS\, IBSA\, IORA\, G20 and other multilateral institutions. Mr. Rametsi is currently pursuing his PhD with the University of Witwatersrand in Johannesburg\, South Africa. He speaks French and Swahili fluently. \n Abstract: \nThe Future of BRICS: A South African Perspective \nThe 10th BRICS Summit in Johannesburg occurred with significant domestic economic and political changes among the BRICS countries’ national interests. This year Brazil is hosting the BRICS; it has a new government\, that has assumed office at the same time South Africa handed over the BRICS presidency. As Brazil’s political class has become embroiled in the 2014 Lava Jato (car wash) investigation\, Brasilia’s interest in the BRICS over the past years has gradually waned. However\, as Brazil is preparing to host the second regional centre of the New Development Bank (NDB)\, the new government may use the BRICS as an opportunity to establish itself as an important Southern power. \nThe BRICS so far have been able to focus largely on their converging interests – intra-BRICS economic cooperation; harnessing the dividends of the Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR); and maintaining a peaceful and prosperous global order. Shaping a more just\, equitable and stable global order will continue to bind the BRICS. As growing nationalism and protectionism in developed countries threaten to derail the post-WWII order\, ensuring that global governance institutions such as the International Monetary Fund\, the World Bank\, the United Nations and the World Trade Organization reform themselves is important for their longer-term efficacy. As their share of global economic and political power has increased\, so too has their interest in how the global system shapes up. Coordinated BRICS positions within these institutions will be essential if there is to be meaningful reform.\n \n  \n Dr. Manoj Joshi\n \n \nBio: Dr. Manoj Joshi is a Distinguished Fellow at the Observer Research Foundation. He is a journalist who has specialised in foreign and security policy in the years he has worked with The Times of India\, The Hindu\, The Hindustan Times and the India Today Group. He is a regular columnist and commentator in the Indian media. In 2011 he was appointed by the Government of India to the Task Force on National Security chaired by Mr Naresh Chandra to propose reforms in the national security system of the country. He has been a member of India’s National Security Advisory Board and has authored two books on Kashmir as well as several papers and chapters in scholarly works on South and South-east Asia. He is a PhD from the School of International Studies (SIS)\, JNU and has held visiting appointments in several universities. He is a regular speaker at defence institutions in India as well as think tanks in India and abroad. \n Abstract: \nIndia and the terrorism-military nexus in South Asia \nThis relates principally to Pakistan. From the outset\, Pakistan has sought “effective” parity with India. We say “effective” because India is nearly four times larger in size\, has a population more than six times larger and a GDP which is 9 times higher. To this end\, Pakistan has used four strategies—first\, it has spent a larger proportion of its national resources on defence. In the 2003-2017 period\, while India’s expenditure amounted to roughly 2.5 per cent of its GDP\, Pakistani figures hovered half a percentage point if not more higher. In the 1988-2002 period\, while India’s expenditures were around 3 per cent\, Pakistan’s were 5.5 per cent or so. Second\, Islamabad has cultivated foreign alliances. That with the US\, for example\, enabled it to have a force profile of sufficient strength to challenge India in 1965. Third\, Pakistan has developed nuclear weapons. Popular belief is that the Pakistani programme reacted to that of India\, but there is enough evidence to show that it had autonomous indigenous drivers. Fourth\, Pakistan has used and continues to use the instrumentality of terrorism to destabilize India. It is this last instrumentality that is of interest in this presentation. As can be seen\, all four strategies relate to the military. It is not surprising that they are\, indeed\, driven by the military which has assumed the lead role in the Pakistani state.\n \n  \n Prof. Mirzokhid Rakhimov\n \nBio: Prof. Mirzokhid Rakhimov is the head of the Social-humanities branch of Academy of Sciences in Uzbekistan. He is also the director of Contemporary History Center. His scholarly interests cover contemporary history\, regional and international relations in post-Soviet Central Asia. His recent selected publications include: Contemporary Central Asia: Balancing Between Chinese and trans-Asian Silk Road Diplomacy (2018)\, 25 Years of Independence—Uzbekistan (2017)\, Central Asia\, Issues\, Problems and Perspectives (with S. Jonboboev and R. Seidelmann\, 2015) and South and Central Asia: Insights and Commentaries (with A. Sengupta\, 2015). \n Abstract: \nShanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) and the Future of Regional Integration in Central Asia \n Regional cooperation and integration are among the most important trends in contemporary international relations. In the post-Soviet period\, there are challenges\, similarities and contradiction of multilateral relations in Central Asia. These are reflected in the numerous organisations such as Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS)\, Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO)\, Eurasian Economic Union (EEU)\, Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO)\, Economic belt of Silk Road\, C5+1\, the EU strategy\, Central Asia plus Japan\, Central Asia – Republic of Korea and others. Among them\, SCO has gone through institutional transformations and is presently one of the active initiatives in Central Asia. But in analysis\, regional institutions must take into account particular local and regional situations\, the internal and regional economies\, cultures\, and politics of the region. This is important because current and future Central Asian transformation will be prompted by interlinking local\, regional\, trans-regional and global issues and challenges. \n  \n Ambassador (Dr.) Mohan Kumar\n \nBio: Ambassador (Dr.) Mohan Kumar is the Chairman of Research and Information System for Developing Countries (RIS) since June 2018. He also teaches at the Jindal School of International Affairs and is Vice-Dean & Professor of Diplomatic Practice. He has had an outstanding career in the Indian Foreign Service lasting 36 years which culminated in his being India’s Ambassador to France. Under his watch\, the Indo-French strategic partnership was strengthened in spheres such as defense\, space\, solar energy\, smart cities and investment. Earlier\, Mohan Kumar was India’s Ambassador to the Kingdom of Bahrain where he witnessed and dealt with a strategically complex region characterized by events such as the “Arab Spring” Ambassador Kumar has enormous expertise in the area of international trade – he was India’s lead negotiator first at the GATT (General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade) and then at the WTO (World Trade Organization). He was a leading member of India’s delegation at the WTO Ministerial Conferences held in Marrakesh (1994)\, Seattle (1999) and Doha (2001). Ambassador Kumar is author of a book titled Negotiation Dynamics of the WTO: An Insider’s Account (2018). \n Abstract: \nFree Trade Agreements (FTAs) and Asia’s Multipolarism \n There is something profound that has happened in the world of international trade over the last decades. This period has seen the exponential rise in FTAs or what in the GATT/WTO parlance is known as Free Trade Areas or Free Trade Agreements. As the economic centre of gravity has shifted to the East (read Asia) it was but natural that the key players of Asia should also enter into FTAs. The lead in this regard was taken by ASEAN and then Japan\, who now has now got a large network of FTAs\, including with the European Union. Moreover\, it is now spearheading the revised TPP Agreement as well. China\, not to be left behind\, has also done a series of FTAs especially with ASEAN\, Korea and Australia\, totalling as many as 24 FTAs. Where does all this leave India? India has FTAs with ASEAN\, Korea and Japan\, but the experience has been mixed. With the RCEP\, Asian FTAs could well encounter a major turning point. The million dollar question is when the RCEP will be concluded\, what implications it will finally have for India\, China and more crucially for Asia. \n  \n Prof. Peter Drysdale\n \nBio: Prof. Peter Drysdale is Emeritus Professor of Economics in the Crawford School of Public Policy\, Australian National University. He is widely acknowledged as the intellectual architect of APEC. He was the founding head of the Australia-Japan Research Centre. He is the author of many books and papers on international economic policy in East Asia and the Pacific\, including the prize- winning\, International Economic Pluralism: Economic Policy in East Asia and the Pacific. He advised on the Australian Government’s Australia in the Asian Century White Paper. He is recipient of the Asia Pacific Prize\, the Weary Dunlop Award\, the Japanese Order of the Rising Sun with Gold Rays and Neck Ribbon\, the Australian Centenary Medal\, the Japan Foundation Prize\, the Asian Cosmopolitan Prize among others and an Officer of the Order of Australia. He is Editor-in-Chief of East Asia Forum and Head of the East Asian Bureau of Economic Research. \nAbstract: \nAustralia\, the Indo-Pacific Idea and a Multipolar Order \nGetting foreign policy right at this point in world diplomatic history has never been more difficult. Wedged between its alliance relationship with the United States — vastly complicated as it has been by the advent of President Donald Trump — and its hugely important economic relationship with China\, this is especially so for Australia. Just over a year ago the Australian Government’s Foreign Affairs White Paper adopted the Indo-Pacific idea but neither tested nor defined it\, except geographically\, although the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade afterwards reorganised itself around a core Indo-Pacific Group. It is difficult to see that the structural reorganisation has had any significant impact on foreign policy strategy in the year since it was initiated. The understanding of what the Indo Pacific idea meant and how it was supposed to re-shape Australian diplomacy in the White Paper has yet to be resolved. There remains deep co URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/20th-asian-security-conference-multipolarism-in-asia-issues-and-challenges CATEGORIES:Asian Security Conference,Previous ASC,CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20181218T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20181219T053000 DTSTAMP:20261108T012629 CREATED:20231223T125418Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250120T223938Z UID:62736-1545111000-1545197400@idsa.in SUMMARY:11th South Asia Conference - Non-traditional Security Challenges in South Asia: Agenda for Cooperation DESCRIPTION:Concept Note\n\n\n\nConcept Note\n\n\nNon-traditional Security Challenges in South Asia: Agenda for Cooperation\n\nIt is a truism to say that cooperation on hard security issues among countries in South Asia is a non-starter\, given the lack of mutual trust and confidence in the region. The official efforts at enabling economic cooperation for last 33 years\, through a regional organisation– South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC)– have remained hostage to inter-state rivalries inhibiting generation of the much-needed consensus to move forward. This has often led strategic analysts to pessimistic conclusions about the prospects of regional cooperation even in other areas of mutual interest. However\, in recent years\, there has been an uptick in the efforts at the civil society level to identify non-traditional security (NTS) areas where the countries have minimal level of difference and a shared interest in cooperation. Generating popular consensus at track II level for effective regional cooperation in these areas requires regular exchanges of views and concerns about the costs of non-cooperation. There is a need for evolution of actionable plans and programmes to turn this idea into reality. \n The concept of security has witnessed significant modification in recent decades following the end of the Cold War. Its scope has been widened to cover issues like food\, energy\, information (cyber)\, demography\, ecology (climate change)\, natural disasters\, human and drug-trafficking\, migration\, economy\, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction\, transnational terrorism and even pandemics. Most of these issues are not regarded as hard security issues and hence they are less emotive in nature. Nevertheless\, the security import of these issues should not be underplayed. The world has lost more men and resources to crises around no-traditional security issues than to wars during the last century. By some estimates\, South Asian states have lost nearly half a million lives and resources worth $59 billion during last two and half decades to natural disasters and ecological hazards alone. Given the trans-boundary nature of these challenges\, they cannot be effectively handled by any state alone. This is where the argument in favour of regional cooperation to deal with these issues kicks in. \n The South Asian region flaunts diverse geographical features with the Himalayas in the north to the Indian Ocean in the south and substantial part of the plain land watered by rivers flowing from the northern mountain ranges. This geo-physical feature has made India vulnerable to frequent floods\, cyclones\, earthquakes\, and droughts. Their frequency and severity have increased under the impact of climate changes due to anthropogenic pressure on natural resources. All this have had severe impact on the availability of food and water. The geographical expanse from the Hindu Kush region of Afghanistan till the island countries of Sri Lanka and Maldives in the Indian Ocean are impacted by the trans-border dimension of the problems that accompany these issues. Frequent natural calamities have resulted in displacement of population internally and also across state frontiers. The massive earthquake in Nepal\, frequent flooding in the region\, rise of sea level that threatens low-lying countries of the region are some of the examples here. As per official claims\, about 30 million Bangladeshis would risk becoming climate migrants by 2050. Man-made security challenges like communicable diseases\, religious extremism\, refugees\, internal migration\, energy scarcity and cyber-attacks are equally challenging. \n The effect of these threats is amplified by the under-preparedness of the states to evolve cooperative mechanisms to deal with the situation. It is further aggravated by the fact that out of eight South Asian countries\, four are LDCs. The region is home to 40 percent of the world’s poor and some 51 percent of the population is categorized as food and energy deficient. A recent World Bank report indicates that almost half of South Asia’s population lives in vulnerable areas. Due to falling agricultural yields\, lower labour productivity or related health impacts\, the people of this region would suffer from declining living standards and this will constrain the capacity of the state to cope with such stress. \n The region is also confronted with the challenge of securing continued supply of energy to sustain sound economic growth. All most all countries of the region are dependent on external sources to meet their energy demands. \n In the last 15 years\, South Asia has experienced the most number of terrorist related incidents that have threatened the stability of several states. The US Department of State Country Reports on Terrorism 2015 & 2016 say that South Asian countries are on frontline of terror attacks\, after Iraq. Four out of the top ten countries experiencing the most number of terrorist attacks are in Southern Asia— Iraq\, Afghanistan\, Pakistan\, India\, Nigeria\, Egypt\, Philippines\, Bangladesh\, Libya\, and Syria. Around 3967 attacks took place in these four countries in 2015. \n Similarly issues like cyber security\, water scarcity\, pandemics and Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HADR) have been acknowledged as pan-South Asian problems that demand concerted and cooperative multilateral action\, which is not as intense as it should be given the lack of awareness about the issues on the one hand and the absence of the habit of inter-state cooperation in these areas on the other. \n There is a belief gaining ground in the region that it is easier for states to work together to address these challenges in a cooperative manner\, and this is likely to generate the necessary impulse for collective action in future in areas hitherto considered sensitive and critical in the region. \nObjectives\n Against this backdrop the proposed conference would deliberate on the challenges posed by NTS; the means and ways in which they can be handled; explore whether the states in the region are prepared to meet these challenges collectively; the experience of the existing regional cooperation mechanisms in dealing with some of these issues so far; and the way forward. \n This conference is an annual calendar event organised every year by the South Asia Centre\, where the main objective is to identify and deliberate on various challenges the region is confronted with and to identify mechanisms to meet such challenges. As outlines above\, in this year’s conference\, we have identified NTS challenges and prospects of regional cooperation as an important area of enquiry. \nThe conference would discuss the following research questions \n\n\nWhat are the main NTS challenges in the region? \nWhat kind of mechanisms are available– at bilateral\, sub-regional and regional levels– to mitigate these challenges? \nIs it easier to generate regional consensus around the need for collective action to address common NTS challenges\, and has there been any effort to bring the states together on these issues?\nWhat are the potential inhibitors of cooperative action? \nDoes the region require collective security efforts to mitigate these common challenges? \nIs there any prescription for future (the way ahead)?\n\n\n\n\n\nProgramme Schedule\n\n\n\n\n\nProgramme\n\n\n\n\nDecember 18\, 2018 (DAY ONE)\n\n\n\n0930h–1000h: \nRegistration\n\n\n1000h–1030h: \nInaugural Session\n\n\n \n‘Welcome Address’\, – Maj Gen Alok Deb\, SM\, VSM\, (Retd)\, Deputy Director General\, IDSA\n\n\n \n‘Contextualising the Conference’\, – Dr Ashok K Behuria\, Coordinator\, South Asia Center\, IDSA \n\n\n1030h–1045h: Tea Break \n\n\n1045h–1300h: \nSession I: Contemporary Debate on NTS in South Asia\n\n\n \nChair: Amb. Swashpawan Singh\, Member\, Executive Council\, IDSA (20 minutes per speaker) \n\n\n \n\n\nPaper 1 – Rebalancing State vs Human Security in the 21st Century– Dr Uttam Kumar Sinha\, Senior Fellow\, NMML\, India.\nPaper 2 – Technology\, State and Human security and Non-Traditional Security Challenges– Dr K R Srinivas\, Consultant\, RIS\, India.\nPaper 3 – The Spread of Terrorism in South and South East Asia Region – Dr. Naing Swe Oo\, Founder and Executive Director\, ThayNinGa Institute for Strategic Studies\, Myanmar.\nPaper 4 – Regional Approach to NTS: Sri Lankan Perspective– Asanga Abeyagoonasekera\, Director General\, INSSSL\, Sri Lanka.\n\n\n\n\n1300h–1400h: Lunch\n\n\n1400h–1545h: \nSession II: Climate Change Resilience and Disaster Risk Reduction \n\n\n \nChair: Mr. Kamal Kishore\, Member\, National Disaster Management Authority\, India. (20 minutes per speaker) \n\n\n \n\n\nPaper 1- Impact of Climate Change on Permafrost with Special Reference to Ladakh- Dr Joseph Thsetan Gergan\, Retired Glaciologist\, Wadia Institute of Himalayan Geology\, India.\nPaper2- Sharing Bengal Bay Blue Economy Benefits- Christopher M Tilakasiri Dharmakirti\, Advisor on climate change initiatives\, Government of Sri Lanka.\nPaper 3- Climate Change and Mobile Vulnerabilities: Interstate Migrant Waste Pickers from West Bengal in Bengaluru- Dr Kavya Michael\, Associate Fellow\, TERI\, India.\nPaper 4-– Environment and Changing Livelihood Pattern in the Himalayas– Ms. Purna Maya Gurung\, Research Officer- Climate & Water\, Bhutan.\n\n\n\n\n1545h–1600h: Tea Break\n\n\n1600h–1745h: \nSession III: Water Governance in South Asia: Mechanisms\, Rules and Conventions\n\n\n \nChair: Dr D V Thareja\, Former Indus Commissioner (20 minutes per speaker)\n\n\n \n\n\nPaper 1- Rethinking Water Challenges in the context of 1.5 Degrees by 2030 – Dr Ajaya Dixit\, Executive Director\, ISET\, Nepal.\nPaper 2- Trans-Boundary Navigation: Stimulus and Engine of Sustainable and Inclusive Growth in South Asia- Sanjay Gupta\, Strategy and Policy Advisor\, India.\nPaper 3-“Stop Water Campaign”: Decoding the Compensation Enigma under the Gandak Agreement\, 1964 – Sidiqui Shawahiq\, Advocate\, Supreme Court of India/ Founding Partner\, Indian Environment Law Organization\, India. \nPaper 4- Hydro Politics: Challenges for Trans-boundary Cooperation in the Indus Basin – Dr Rashid Aftab\, Director Riphah Institute of Public Policy\, Pakistan. (Skype)\n\n\n\n\nDecember 19\, 2018 (DAY TWO)\n\n\n0930h–1100h:\n Session IV: Religious Extremism/ Terrorism and Cross Border Cooperation \n\n\n \nChair: Rana Banerji\, Special Secretary (Retd)\, Cabinet Secretariat\, GOI\, India (20 minutes per speaker)\n\n\n \n\n\nPaper 1- Combating Terrorism and Insurgency in South Asia: Revisiting Militarized Policing Theory- ASM Ali Ashraf\, Associate Professor\, Department of IR\, University of Dhaka\, Bangladesh.\nPaper 2- Small Arms Proliferation and Political Violence in South Asia: The Imperatives of Regional Cooperation- Dr Smruti Pattanaik\, Research Fellow\, IDSA\, India.\nPaper 3- Identity\, Statelessness and Violence- Khin Zaw Win\, Director\, Tampadipa Institute\, Myanmar.\nPaper 4- Religious Radicalism: The case of Taliban – Dr Omar Sadr\, Senior Researcher\, Afghan Institute for Strategic Studies\, Afghanistan.\nPaper 5— Cyberspace and South Asia: Key Security Challenges- Munish Sharma\, Consultant\, IDSA\, India. \n\n\n\n\n1115h–1300h: \nSession V: Energy Security and Cross border Energy Cooperation \n\n\n \nChair: Dr Rajat Kathuria\, Director and Chief Executive\, ICRIER\, India.(20 minutes per speaker)\n\n\n \n\n\nPaper 1- Prospects of Renewable Energy Cooperation in South Asia – Dr Shaheen Afroze\, Research Director\, BIISS\, Bangladesh.\nPaper 2- Energy Integration in South Asia: Challenges and Prospects –Shebonti Ray Dadwal\, Senior fellow\, IDSA\, India.\nPaper 3- Connectivity and Economic Cooperation in South Asia – Pratim Ranjan Bose\, Chief of Bureau\, The Hindu Business Line\, Kolkata\, India. \nPaper 4- Energy Security Issues and Transforming to Cleaner Energy in Nepal- Prof. Amrit Man Nakarmi\, Center for Energy Studies/IOE-Tribhuvan University\, Nepal. \n\n\n\n\n1300h–1400h: Lunch\n\n\n1400h–1615h:\n Session VI: Regional Cooperation Mechanisms and NTS Issues\n\n\n \nChair: Prof S D Muni\, Professor Emeritus\, JNU\, India (20 minutes per speaker)\n\n\n \n\n\nPaper 1- Limitations of Intelligence Cooperation in Security Concerns of the Region- Rana Banerji\, Special Secretary (Retd)\, Cabinet Secretariat\, GOI\, India. \nPaper 2- Radicalism and Terrorism: Explained through the Fragility Lens- Dr Moeed Yusuf (Pakistan)\, Associate Vice President\, Asia Center at the United States Institute of Peace\, US.\nPaper 3- Disaster Management Experience of Nepal- Maj Gen Purna B Silwal (Retd)\, Retired Major General\, Nepalese Army\, Nepal.\nPaper 4- Beyond SAARC: Reenergizing Sub-Regional Cooperation in South Asia-Dr Bharti Chhibber\, Assistant Professor\, University of Delhi\, India.\n\n\n\n\n1615h–1800h:\n Session VII: Way Forward: Actionable Plans and Implementation\n\n\n \nChair: Maj Gen Alok Deb\, SM\, VSM\, (Retd)\, Deputy Director General\, IDSA\, New Delhi\n-Panel Discussion (senior participants of the region)\n\n\n \nVote of Thanks by Conference Coordinator\, Dr Nihar Nayak \n\n\n\n\n\n\nPrevious Conferences\n\nPrevious Conferences\n\n\n\n\nContact us\nNihar R Nayak\nCo-ordinator\, 11th South Asia Conference\nResearch Fellow\, South Asia Centre\nInstitute for Defence Studies and Analyses\nNew Delhi-110010\n(Office) +91 11-26717983 Extn 7202\nMobile- 9971418969.\nEmail: southasiaconference.idsa[at]gmail.comzakhter.idsa[AT]gov.in URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/11th-south-asia-conference-non-traditional-security-challenges-in-south-asia-agenda-for-cooperation CATEGORIES:Previous South Asia conference,South Asia Conference,CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20180905T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20180906T053000 DTSTAMP:20261108T012629 CREATED:20231223T125423Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250404T003727Z UID:62740-1536125400-1536211800@idsa.in SUMMARY:3rd West Asia Conference - Changing Security Paradigm in West Asia: Regional and International Responses DESCRIPTION:Watch Videos\nPhotographs\nPRESS RELEASE: West Asia should not “outsource security”\, says M.J. Akbar\, September 05\, 2018\nRapporteur’s Report\n\n\n\n Concept Note The states of West Asia and North Africa (WANA) continue to grapple with dramatic changes taking place in the domestic and regional environment. Security has emerged as a significant concern. The political upheavals\, civil strife\, sectarian violence\, and terrorism in the area have implications for the regional and global order. As the region grapples with myriad socio-economic problems\, many extra-regional players and non-state actors\, and a few regional ones\, are attempting to carve out their own areas of influence. These developments across WANA demand constant monitoring\, careful analyses and more frequent exchanges among the members of the strategic community to chart a course towards enduring regional and global security.The breakdown of the central authority in states such as Syria\, Iraq\, Yemen and Libya followed by tumultuous civil wars underscores the volatility that post-‘Arab Spring’ West Asian states suffer from. Further\, the transnational nature of ‘third generation’ Islamist terrorism\, its regional potency and global reach underline the fragility WANA endures. The 2003 United States attack on Iraq and the security vacuum it created in the country were filled by sectarian militias that took advantage of the 2011 uprising in the neighbouring countries and expanded their activities\, especially taking control of territories in Syria and Iraq. Islamist terrorism has become a potent and destructive regional threat that stands against all global\, regional and local players. The terrorists\, in their most gory manifestation\, have regrouped as the Islamic State (IS) or Da’esh\, which in 2014-15 threatened to reorient regional boundaries and established a khilafah in the Levant. Though militarily defeated\, the ISIS remains a potent threat. Its ability to continue inspiring lone-wolf attacks and attract youth from across the globe continues to be a major security threat for all countries. More importantly\, the ISIS has metamorphosed into a ‘cyber-Caliphate’ through which it inspired lone-wolf attacks in Europe\, the United States and other parts of the world The present state of regional disarray has led to a new power dynamic\, whereby the role of the United States as the predominant force for security and stability is being challenged by a combination of other powers — a renascent Russia\, a resurgent Iran\, and economically influential China. The reluctance of the Obama administration to fight regional wars and its indecisiveness in dealing with emergent situations\, especially in Syria and Iraq\, created a void. The Trump administration has promised to change the American policy but a clear picture remains elusive. Russia and Iran have backed the Syrian regime which has reassured and strengthened its position\, but has undermined the role of many regional players\, especially the Gulf monarchies led by Saudi Arabia and Turkey. Likewise\, it has made Israel uncomfortable due to its extreme sensitivity of Iranian rise and its national security. This has created a complex web of alignments and realignments between regional\, international and non-state actors\, including fissures among the Gulf Cooperation Council States. For one\, Turkey under Erdogan has locked horns with the United States over the latter’s policy to continue supporting Syrian Kurds and is seen to be courting Russia. Similarly\, the concern over growing Iranian influence in the region has brought Arab Gulf states and Israel closer without any formal acknowledgement. Egypt\, while continuing to face internal disturbances\, has engaged with both the United States and Russia to contain the effects of the Libyan crisis from spilling over to the whole of Maghreb. The impact of terrorism and the refugee crisis in Europe\, both originating from WANA\, and the response by European society and leadership to these threats\, open newer dynamics in global and regional politics and threatens to revive older fault lines between Turkey and Europe. With civil wars in Iraq\, Syria\, Yemen\, and Libya emerging major theatres of conflict\, the entire region has been adversely affected by the regional tumult. The Russian involvement in Syria and ability to alter the power dynamics back in favour of the regime has made it a de facto regional player. Regional heavyweights in Iran\, Israel\, Saudi Arabia\, Turkey and Egypt have been playing major roles in conflicts in more than one country. While the entry of Russia is notable\, the rise of the Kurds and a resurgent Kurdish nationalism\, especially in Iraq and Syria and its impact on regional politics is significant. The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in Iraq is weighing its chances about pushing for larger autonomy while Syrian Kurds have received significant United States backing in carving out a de facto autonomous region of Rojava in northern Syria. Kurdish militias have proved to be a major force in fighting the ISIS and in return are looking to claim stakes for the establishment of an autonomous Kurdish region in Syria. This has unnerved Turkey which is struggling with a resurgent PKK (Kurdish: Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan) at home and hence has intervened militarily in northern Syria to prevent Syrian Kurds from achieving Iraq like autonomy. Iran and Saudi Arabia are locked in rivalry. Iran has significantly enhanced its footprints through allies and powerful non-state actors such as Hezbollah\, Hamas\, Ansarallah (Houthi militia in Yemen) and Shia militias in Iraq and Syria. On the other hand\, Saudi Arabia has been vocal in condemning Iran for regional turmoil. The formation of the Islamic Military Alliance to Fight Terrorism (IMAFT)\, an intergovernmental counter-terrorist alliance of 41 Sunni countries led by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia\, is a significant development with possibly far-reaching implications. Among some independent observers\, this Sunni grouping of militaries is viewed to be as much a front against terrorist groups like ISIS and al-Qaeda\, as it is against the growing Shiite ascendance in the region\, led by Iran. The mainly geopolitical rivalry has been punctuated by deeply entrenched sectarian animosity\, through proxies in Syria\, Iraq and Yemen. Though the Trump administration is yet to unveil any comprehensive foreign policy\, its focus on the Middle East peace process and the choice of Saudi Arabia and Israel for President Trump’s first foreign trip gives indications about its priorities. It would nevertheless require a significant effort to be able to deliver even a partial resolution. But the fact that the Trump administration is focusing on the issue underlines the significance it attaches to it. In the given circumstances\, one does not see any major breakthrough in the foreseeable future. However\, global efforts towards resumption of the talks might yield some results. A lot will also depend on the Russian moves and its ability to sustain its current level of involvement in a complex region without getting drained and entangled in the convoluted regional conflicts. Amidst these developments\, the role of militaries and their relations with various regimes has been crucial in determining the stability and integrity of several states and is an important facet of regional security that necessitates deeper analyses and insight. Similarly\, the role of international and regional organizations such as the United Nations\, UNHCR\, Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC)\, the Arab League\, the International Red Cross\, etc. goes largely unnoticed. The conflict-ridden areas of WANA from Syria\, Iraq\, and Libya to Yemen have put a strain on these organizations in working constructively for conflict resolution and crisis mitigating therein. India has expressed its concerns about recent developments taking place in the region. The spread of IS remains a major worry with some Indian youths having joined the IS. The execution of some Indian citizens by the ISIS in Iraq is also a matter of concern for India. It has huge stakes in the region because of its energy dependence\, increasing trade and commerce\, as also the safety of around 8.5 million Indian expatriates and workers. With the large Indian expatriate population in the GCC alone\, deep human links exist between the two sides. The sovereign wealth funds of these countries are already investing in India’s infrastructure sector. Trade relations and security partnerships particularly in counter terrorism are other facets of cooperation between India and several states of the region. However\, there is ample scope for strengthening ties and taking relations to higher levels\, even as India walks a diplomatic tightrope in a highly fractious regional setting. Predominantly\, India has links with the Gulf but rising security concerns have created a situation where it cannot remain indifferent. Hence\, India has intensified its engagements with the region and has kept a neutral stance on complex regional issues while being sensitive to threats emanating from terrorism. In the light of the foregoing\, IDSA proposes to organise the Third West Asia Conference in September 2018 to deliberate upon the above mentioned issues and emerging trends. An important reason for organising this international conference is to get the views of experts\, officials and researchers from the region\, which is also a part of the Institute’s outreach activity with the think tanks based in the WANA region. The conference proposes to discuss\, and analyse the emergent security dynamics in the region\, the responses of the regional and international players\, and its implication for global politics. The challenges likely to be faced by India due to the plausible political\, economic\, and security scenarios in the region\, and India’s priorities and lessons for its foreign policy will be discussed during the conference along with the likely future trends and prospects for the region\, security challenges\, and their possible solutions. Some of the questions to be addressed in the three-day conference include the following:What are the emergent security dynamics in the West Asia & North Africa region and what are their regional and global implications?What are the challenges emerging from major security threats\, namely Islamist terrorism and its future\, and the raging civil wars and conflicts and their possible resolution?What has been the role of militaries in regime security and how does this impact the regional and international responses? How have regional and international players and organisations responded to the changing regional security dynamics?What are India’s stakes\, what has been its response\, and what are the lessons to be learnt in formulating its policy towards the region? Session Themes Day – I September 5\, 201810:00– 11:00hrs Inaugural and KeynoteThe first session will reflect on the theme of the conference. 11:15 – 12:00hrs Session I: Changing Regional Dynamics in West Asia and North Africa: An Overview The session will closely examine the changing security paradigm in West Asia and North Africa and discuss the developments in regional dynamics and its future implications. The session will outline the framework for deliberations over the next two days. 12:00 – 13:30hrs Sessions II:  The Challenges of Transnational Terrorism: Origin\, Developments and Prognosis The most significant security threat engulfing the region and threatening the whole world is the rise of terrorism. It has not only destabilised the region but has spread its tentacles to the whole world with serious security implications America\, Europe\, Asia and the Pacific. The sessions will reflect on the phenomenon of radicalisation\, extremism and the rise of global terrorism. 13:30-14:30hrs Lunch Session III – Confrontation and Conflicts in West Asia: Role of Regional Powers Confrontation and conflicts in many parts of the region has caused serious instability\, loss of lives\, and humanitarian crisis.  Regional and international efforts towards finding a solution have been ineffective. The session will reflect on role of the regional powers and deliberate on the causes\, courses\, and possible resolutions of these conflicts. Divided into two parts\, the session will discuss the roles of regional players including Iran\, Saudi Arabia\, Israel\, Turkey and Egypt. 14:30 -16:00hrs Part – A: Iran\, Saudi Arabia and Egypt 16:15 – 17:45hrs Part –B: Israel\, Turkey and Others Day – II September 6\, 201810:00-11:30hrs. Session IV: Role of Big Powers: United States\, Russia and Europe As international players seek to expand their influence and extend their interests\, they inadvertently step on the sovereignty of others. The WANA region has been a victim of extra-regional involvement and global power dynamics. It continues to suffer from the problem as extra-regional players jostle to preserve and extend their spheres of influence\, in the process worsening the security situation. This session will examine the emerging United States approach to the West Asian region\, Russia’s re-entry in the region\, and European perception and its role 11:45-13:30hrs Session V:  Emerging Socio-Economic Challenges This session seeks to closely examine the implication of fall of oil prices and development of new economic policies by the producing countries. The regional countries are confronted with major socio-economic challenges. To address these new challenges\, each country is responding by introducing their distinct visions and plans for the future. The session will attempt to explore whether in this context\, West Asia is moving towards a ‘new social contract’? 13:30-14:30 Lunch 14:30 -16:00hrs Session VI: India and WANA: Building Partnerships and Managing Challenges India has significant stakes in the region. Despite maintaining a safe-distance from the crises\, it has been directly affected because of the security threats emanating from the region. This has made it impossible for it to maintain a “hands-off” policy\, reflected currently in New Delhi’s intensification of engagements with regional powers. The session will consider India’s stakes in the region\, policy choices and the lessons learnt from the evolving situation and its future. 16:00-17:50hrs Session VII: Panel Discussion: Security and Stability in WANA: The Way Forward The final session will round up the takeaways from the conference\, providing policy recommendations for future. Programme Schedule Programme ScheduleTentative ProgrammeDay – I: September 5\, 201809:30 – 10:00Registration10:00 – 11:00Inaugural SessionWelcome Remarks: Maj Gen Alok Deb\, SM\, VSM (Retired)\, Deputy Director General\, IDSAKeynote Address: Shri M. J. Akbar\, Hon’ble Minister of State for External Affairs\, Government of India.Vote of Thanks: Dr. Meena Singh Roy\, Research Fellow\, Coordinator West Asia Centre\, IDSA11:00 – 11:15 Tea Break11:15 – 12:30Session I- Changing Regional Dynamics in West Asia and North AfricaChair: Ambassador Swashpawan Singh\, Former Secretary to the Vice President of India and Member EC\, IDSASpeakers: Ambassador Talmiz Ahmed\, Former Ambassador of India to Saudi Arabia\, Oman and the UAE\, Regional Geopolitical DynamicsH. E. Amine Gemayel\, Former President of Lebanon\, Transnational Terrorism and its FutureDr. Seyed Kazem Sajjadpour\, President\, Institute for Political and International Studies\, Tehran\, Iran and the Region12:30 – 13:30 Sessions II- Challenges of Transnational Terrorism: Origin\, Developments and PrognosisChair: Ambassador Rajiv Sikri\, Former Secretary (East)\, MEA\, IndiaSpeakers: Prof. Mohammed Benhammou\, President\, Moroccan Centre for Strategic Studies (CMES)\, Rabat\, New Security Challenges in North Africa and Sahel Region: A Moroccan ApproachDr. Abdelhamid Abdeljaber\, Lecturer\, Department of Political Science\, Rutgers University\, US\, United Nations and the Question of Palestine: The Sustained Conflict and Security in the Middle EastDr. Nada M. Ibrahim Al-jubouri\, Former Member of Parliament\, Iraq\, Iraq after ISIS13:30 – 14:30Lunch14:30 – 15:30Session III – Confrontation and Conflicts in West Asia: Role of Regional Powers (Part A)Chair: Dr. Arvind Gupta\, Director General\, Vivekananda International Foundation\, IndiaSpeakers: Ambassador Seyed Hossein Mousavian\, Former Diplomat and Visiting Research Scholar\, Princeton University\, Conflict between Iran and Saudi and the Way ForwardDr. Awadh Al-Badi\, King Faisal Centre for Research and Islamic Studies\, Riyadh\, Troubled West Asia: A Saudi PerspectiveDr. Badra Gaaloul\, President International Center for Strategic\, Security and Military Studies\, Tunisia\, Immigration of Da’aesh Elements/Fighters after their Defeat in Iraq and Syria15:30 – 15:45Tea Break15:45 – 17:30Session IV –   Confrontation and Conflicts in West Asia: Role of Regional Powers (Part B)Chair: Ambassador Sanjay Singh\, Former Secretary (East)\, MEA\, IndiaSpeakers: Prof. Dan Schueftan\, Chairman\, National Security Studies Center and Professor\, School of Political Science\, University of Haifa\, Hopelessness in the Middle EastProf. Mustafa Aydin\, Professor\, Kadir Has University\, Department of International Relations\, Istanbul\, Turkey\, Turkey’s Middle East Policies: Challenges and OpportunitiesDr. Jin Liangxiang\, Shanghai Institute for International Studies\, China\, The Rising of Regional Powers and the Future Middle East OrderDay – II: September 6\, 201810:00 – 12:00 Session V – Role of Big Powers: United States\, Russia\, and EuropeChair: Ambassador Ranjit Gupta\, IFS (Retd)Speakers: Jeffrey S. Payne\, Manager of Academic Affairs\, Near East South Asia (NESA) Center for Strategic Studies\, Department of Defense\, Washington\, Changing Dynamics of Maritime Security in the Middle East: an Evaluation of the United States Approach (Skype)Dr. Elena Suponina\, Advisor\, Institute for Strategic Studies\, Moscow\, Russia and the Middle EastDr. Gidon Windecker\, Former Regional Representative to the Gulf States with the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung\, Germany\, The EU and the Middle EastProfessor P. R. Kumaraswamy\, School of International Studies\, Jawaharlal Nehru University\, New Delhi\, Great Powers Challenge Modi’s Middle East Strategy12:00 – 13:30 Session VI –  Emerging Socioeconomic ChallengesChair: Professor Girijesh Pant\, Former Dean\, School of International Studies\, Jawaharlal Nehru University\, New DelhiSpeakers: H. E. Dr. Shaikh Abdulla bin Ahmed Al Khalifa\, Chairman\, Bahrain Center for Strategic\, International & Energy Studies\, Bahrain\, Instability in Iraq and Yemen: Common Roots\, and Potential RemediesDr. Elsayed Abofarha\, Assistant Professor\, Banisuef University\, Cairo\, Egypt\, The Qualitative Transformation of the Terrorism Phenomenon in the Arab Region & the Expiration of Nation State: Egypt’s Role in the ConfrontationDr. P. K. Pradhan\, Associate Fellow\, IDSA\, Protracted Transition in West Asia13:30 –14:30Lunch14:30 – 16:00Session VII – India and WANA: Building Partnerships and Managing ChallengesChair: Dr. B. Bala Bhaskar\, JS (WANA)\, Ministry of External Affairs\, IndiaSpeakers: Dr. Meena Singh Roy\, Research Fellow\, Coordinator West Asia Centre\, IDSA\, Securing India’s Strategic Interests in the Changing Regional Order in West AsiaKhalid Hamad Al Gailani\, Deputy Chief of Mission in the Embassy of Sultanate of Oman\, India-Oman RelationsAmb. Michael Ronen\, Head of India and South East Asia Bureau\, Ministry of Foreign Affairs\, Israel\, India-Israel RelationsDr. Haytham Mouzahem\, Director\, Beirut Center for Middle East Studies\, Beyond ISIS: Will the Terror Survive?16:00– 16:15Tea Break16:15 – 17:30Session VIII – Panel Discussion: Security and Stability in WANA: The Way ForwardChair: Ambassador Talmiz AhmadSpeakers: Ruchita Beri\, Senior Research Associate\, IDSADr. Awadh Al-Badi\, King Faisal Centre for Research and Islamic Studies\, RiyadhAmb. Seyed Hossein Mousavian\, Former Diplomat and Visiting Research Scholar\, Princeton UniversityDr. Wael Batterkhi\, Minister Counsellor\, Deputy Head of Mission\, Embassy of the State of Palestine\, New DelhiVote of Thanks: Dr. Md. Muddassir Quamar\, Associate Fellow and Co-Convenor\, Third West Asia Conference\, IDSA\n\nSpeakers\n\n\n\n\n\nAmbassador Talmiz Ahmad \nTalmiz Ahmad joined the Indian Foreign Service in 1974. Early in his career\, he was posted in a number of West Asian countries such as Kuwait\, Iraq and Yemen and later. From 1987-90\, he was Consul General in Jeddah. He also held positions in the Indian missions in New York\, London and Pretoria. He was Joint Secretary for Gulf and Hajj in 1998-2000. \nHe served as Indian Ambassador to Saudi Arabia twice (2000-03; 2010-11); Oman (2003-04)\, and the UAE (2007-10). He was also Additional Secretary for International Cooperation in the Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas in 2004-06\, and Director General of the Indian Council of World Affairs (ICWA)\, New Delhi\, in 2006-07. In July 2011\, the Saudi Government conferred on him the King Abdul Aziz Medal First Class for his contribution to the promotion of Indo – Saudi relations. \nAfter retirement from Foreign Service in 2011\, he worked in the corporate sector in Dubai for four years. He is now a full-time academic and holds the Ram Sathe Chair in International Studies\, Symbiosis International University\, Pune. \nHe has published three books: Reform in the Arab World: External Influences and Regional Debates (2005)\, Children of Abraham at War: The Clash of Messianic Militarisms (2010) and The Islamist Challenge in West Asia: Doctrinal and Political Competitions after the Arab Spring (2013). He writes regularly in the Indian and West Asian media and lectures on political Islam\, the politics of West Asia and the Indian Ocean\, and energy security issues.\n\n\nH. E. President Amine Gemayel \nAmine Gemayel served as president of the Lebanese Republic between 1982 and 1988. He obtained a law degree from the French Faculty of Law at Saint Joseph University in 1965. In 1970 he was elected as a member of the National Assembly and served as MP till his election to the presidency. \nApart from his political activities\, President Amine Gemayel established in 1975 the French daily “Le Réveil” and in 1976 La “Maison du Futur” (MdF)\, a think tank with focus on Lebanese and Middle Eastern issues including the Arab Israeli conflict. He still the chairman and ceo of MdF. \nAfter his term in office ended in September 23rd 1988\, he joined the Center for International Affairs (Harvard University) till 1991. He afterward lectured at universities\, research centers and political clubs on various topics tackling problems of contemporary societies. \nFrom 1999 till 2000\, he joined the University of Maryland\, College Park as distinguished visiting professor. Between 2001 and 2004 he joined Jean Monet faculty at Paris XI   University as professor. In 2005 he was elected president for the Kataëb Party. In 2012 he was elected as vice President of the International Centrist Democratic Parties (IDC- CDI). In 2017 he joined the Council of Arabic and International Relations\, based in Kuwait. His publications include “Peace and Unity”\, (Colin and Smythe\, 1986)\, “L’Offense et le Pardon”\, (Gallimard\, 1988)\, “Al-Rihan al-kabir”\, (Dar Annahar\, 1988)\, “Meditations d’espoir”\, (Jean Claude Lattès\, 1990)\, “Rebuilding Lebanon” Published in English\, Arabic and French (Harvard University Press\, 1992)\n\n\nDr. Seyed Kazem Sajjadpour \nDr Seyed Mohammad Kazem Sajjadpour was Ambassador and Deputy Permanent Representative for the Islamic Republic of Iran to the United Nations. Prior to this\, he was the Director of the Institute for Political and International Studies\, the research branch of Iran’s foreign ministry. Dr Sajjadpour received his PhD in political science from George Washington University and was a post-doctoral fellow at Harvard. He has taught at the College of International Relations of Tehran University\, Azad University and Iran’s National Defense University. He was a Professor of International Relations and the Chairman of the Department of Diplomacy and International Organizations of School of International Relations. He acted as Editor in Chief of Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs and was President of Iranian Political Science Association. He has been Advisor to the Minister Foreign Affairs on Strategic Issues\, 2013-2016\, Ambassador of Iran to the United Nation in Geneva\, 2003-2004\, Director General of Institute for Political & International Studies (IPIS)\, 1999-2003.\n\n\nDr. Haytham Mouzahem \nDr. Mouzahem is the Director of Beirut Center for Middle East Studies and Editor in Chief of The Levant News site. He is also an analyst and researcher in Middle East and Islamic affairs and has written six books and several articles and chapters. He worked as a researcher at the Center for Strategic Studies and Research and Documentation in Beirut (1992-1998) he then worked as an editor writer and correspondent for Beirut’s al-Mustaqbal newspaper (1999-2005) before moving to the Emirati al-Bayan newspaper (2005-2006) as editor writer and correspondent. In the Spring of 2006 he joined the Ministry of Presidential Affairs where he worked as a researcher and analyst in the media affairs department until July 2009. In April 2010 he became editor-in-chief of Iraq Today magazine in Beirut and in October of the same year was named managing editor of al-Ittihad news channel. \nHis books include Israel Labor Party (1968-1999) published in Arabic by the Emirates Center for Studies and Strategic Studies in Abu Dhabi in 2001\,  The Evolution of the Marja`iya in Twelver Shi`ism and The Current Shi`a Political Theories: From the Wilayat of the Jurist to the Wilayat of the Nation. He coordinated and participated in the two books on Iran that were published in May 2011 by al-Misbar Center for Studies and Research in Dubai. He also has participated in the translation of a number of books and studies most notably The Syrian-Israeli Negotiations published by the Bahith Center for Studies in Beirut in 2001 and Graham Fuller’s book Iraq in the Next Decade: Will Iraq Survive Until 2002?published by the Emirates Center for Research and Strategic Studies in Abu Dhabi.\n\n\nDr. Abdelhamid Abdeljaber        \nDr.Abdeljaber is a Lecturer in Department of Political Science\, Rutgers University in the United States. He is also the Bureau Chief at the United Nations for Arabic Daily Alquds AlArabi since 2014. He has a PhD in International Relations from City University of New York and a Masters in Political Science and International Relations from New York University. He spent a significant time in his career in the United Nations. Between 1980 and 2006 he worked in various capacities at the United Nations Head Quarter in New York as well as its missions in various countries in the Middle East. As part of his career in the UN\, he was part of several international missions including Former Czechoslovakia (1985)\, Libya(1992-1999)\, Eritrea/Ethiopia (1993)\, Western Sahara (1995)\, Israel/Palestine (1996\, 1998\, 2000)\, South Africa (2001\, 2002)\, Botswana (2002)\, Pakistan /Afghanistan (2001)\, Iraq (1997\, 20003)\, Lebanon (2004)\, China (2004)\, Tunisia (2005)\, Algeria (2006\, Geneva – several missions (1992-2002). He is the author of the book Thalika Al-Yawm Al-Aseeb (That Unforgettable Day) that commemorates the attack on UN Headquarters in Baghdad on 19 August 2003\, in which 22 of his colleagues were killed and he survived miraculously. He regularly writes and comments in the Arabic and English media on Middle Eastern issues.\n\n\nDr. Nada M. Ibrahim Al-Jubouri \nDr. Nada Al-jubouri is a former member of the Iraqi Council of Representatives. She has also served as member in the Foreign Affair Committee\, member of the woman & family Committee. She is a Specialist doctor in Intensive Care and Anaesthesiology and founder member of Iraqi Woman and Future of which she has been a president since 2005.The Iraqi Woman and Future is a non-governmental\, non-profit and independent organization which works on projects with the international and local organizations on issues related to violence against women and gender equality and provides free legal room for widows and victims of violence. She started her medical career with the Iraqi Ministry of Health in 1984. She is member of several Iraqi and international organizations working in the field of women and child welfare.\n\n\nAmbassador Seyed Hossein Mousavian \nSeyed Hossein Mousavian is a former Diplomat and Visiting Research Scholar at Princeton University. He is a Middle East Security and Nuclear Policy Specialist at the Program on Science and Global Security. He is a former diplomat who served as Iran’s Ambassador to Germany (1990-1997)\, Head of the Foreign Relations Committee of Iran’s National Security Council (1997-2005)\, Spokesman for Iran in its nuclear negotiations with the international community (2003-2005)\, Foreign Policy Advisor to the Secretary of the Supreme National Security Council (2005-2007)\, Vice President of the Center for Strategic Research for International Affairs (2005-2009)\, General Director of Foreign Ministry for West Europe (1987-1990)\, Chief of Parliament Administration (1984-1986) and the editor-in-chief of the English-language international newspaper Tehran Times (1980-1990). Mousavian earned a PhD in international relations from the University of Kent in the U.K. His research focuses on exploring pathways for diplomacy between Iran and the United States and maintaining and building on the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). Mousavian is the author of The Iranian Nuclear Crisis: A Memoir (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace\, 2012) and several other books on Iranian foreign policy. His latest book\, Iran and the United States: An Insider’s view on the Failed Past and the Road to Peace was published by Bloomsbury Publishers in May 2014.\n\n\nDr. Awadh Al-Badi   \nAwadh Al-Badi\, Ph.D.   Advisor and Senior Scholar at King Faisal Center for Research and Islamic Studies\, Riyadh\, Saudi Arabia; Director of Research at the same Center (1999-2010); Lecturer and faculty Member at the Institute of Diplomatic Studies\, Ministry of Foreign Affairs\, Saudi Arabia; His research and publications focuses on diplomatic history of the Middle East\, international and regional politics\, regional Security\, and Saudi Arabia foreign policy.\n\n\nDr. Badra Gaaloul \nDr. Badra Galoul is President International Center for Strategic\, Security and Military Studies\, Tunisia. She has a PhD in Military sociology From the University of Human and Social Sciences\, Tunis and had previously taught at various military schools in Tunisia including Aviation School Borj Amri\, Military Academy FondekE’Jedid and Naval Academy Manzel Bourguiba. She has also taught course in social psychology and communication technique in civil institutions and served in various research capacities in organizations including International Migration Organization\, Tunisian Observatory for Global Security\, National Union of Tunisian security Forces and center of the Mediterranean and International Studies\n\n\nProfessor Dan Schueftan \nDr. Dan Schueftan is the Director of the National Security Studies Center at the University of Haifa\, the Director of the International Graduate Program in National Security at that university\, a Visiting Professor (2012-2014) at the Department of Government at Georgetown University in Washington DC and a lecturer at the Israel Defense Forces National Defense College. For the last four decades he has been a consultant to Israeli decision makers and to the top echelon of Israel’s Prime Minister’s Office\, Foreign Ministry\, Defense Ministry\, the IDF and The National Security Council. \nSince the mid-1970s\, Dr.Schueftan has been briefing Members and staffers of the US Congress\, as well as top professionals and key political appointees in the executive branch. In Europe he has been briefing ministers\, parliamentarians\, political leaders\, senior officers\, defense and intelligence officials and government advisors. He regularly lectures at leading universities\, research centers and think-tanks in the United States\, Europe and East Asia and is a regular source and interviewee on the Middle East for the major media in Israel\, the Arab world\, Europe\, and North America. \nDr. Schueftan has published extensively on contemporary Middle Eastern history\, with emphasis on Arab-Israeli relations\, Inter-Arab politics and American policy in the Middle East. His books cover a wide variety of topics:  A Jordanian Option – Israel\, Jordan and the Palestinians (1986); Attrition: Egypt’s Post War Political Strategy 1967-1970(1989); Disengagement -Israel and the Palestinian Entity (1999). This last book\, advocating unilateral disengagement\, had a considerable effect on Israeli policy makers. Dr. Schueftan’s recent books are Palestinians in Israel – the Arab Minority and the Jewish State (2011) and The Israel-Arab Reader – A Documentary History of the Middle East Conflict (co-edited with Walter Laqueur\, 2016).\n\n\nProfessor Mustafa Aydin \nProf Dr Mustafa Ayd?n is the Rector of Kadir Has University (Istanbul) since February 2010\, and the President of the International Relations Council of Turkey since 2004. He is also Governing Board Member of the OECD International Management of Higher Education Programme\, and member of the European Academy of Sciences and Arts\, as well as the European Leadership Network. \nProfessor Aydin previously worked at Ankara University (1994-2005) and Economy and Technology University (2005-2009); and was guest researcher/lecturer at Michigan (1998)\, Harvard (2002\, Fulbright fellow)\, and Athens (2003\, Onassis Fellow) universities\, as well as Richardson Institute for Peace Studies (1999\, UNESCO Fellow) and the EU Institute for Security Studies (2003). He is a member of Global Relations Forum (GIF)\, International Studies Association (ISA)\, Turkish Atlantic Council\, Turkish Political Sciences Association\, International Network on Regional Security\, and the European Society for Central Asian Studies (ESCAS). He was member of Economy and Foreign Policy Study Group of the President of Turkey (2003-2009)\, Co-Coordinator of the International Commission on Black Sea (2010); and Director of International Policy Research Institute (2005-2011). \nProf. Ayd?n’s areas of interest are international politics\, foreign policy analysis\, Eurasian security and geopolitics\, politics of the Black Sea and the Middle East\, as well as Turkish foreign and security policies.\n\n\nDr. JinLiangxiang \nDr. Jin Liangxiang\, Deputy Director and Senior Research Fellow at the Center for West Asian and African Studies and Senior Research Fellow with Institute for International Strategic Studies\, SIIS. He is specialized in the Middle Eastern international relations\, and is particularly engaged in the field of Iran’s foreign policy and domestic politics. He has also conducted some research on international relations on China’s neighboring areas. He has visited more than 20 countries and regions\, most of which are Middle East countries and China’s neighboring countries. He has been a frequent visitor of numerous influential academic institutions and conferences. He was a visiting fellow of the Truman Institute for the Advancement of Peace (2002-2003)\, Fredrich Ebert Stiftung New York Office (2006)\, the Baker Institute (2011) and the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) of the U.S. (2013). He is the author of the book “On the Domestic Sources of Iran’s Foreign Policy” (2015). He has written more than twenty academic papers on Middle Eastern studies\, most of which are about Iran. He is also a frequent writer in English for www.china.org\,cn and China-U.S. Focus. Some of his English articles are available at the following linkage.\n\n\nDr. Prasanta Kumar Pradhan \nDr. Prasanta Kumar Pradhan is an Associate Fellow at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA)\, New Delhi. He holds a doctorate degree from the School of International Studies\, Jawaharlal Nehru University\, New Delhi. Since joining IDSA\, he has been researching on foreign policy\, security and strategic issues in West Asia\, and India’s relationship with West Asia and the wider Arab world. He is the author of the book Arab Spring and Sectarian Fault lines in West Asia: Bahrain\, Yemen and Syria\, monograph India’s Relationship with the Gulf Cooperation Council: Need to Look beyond Business\, and has edited Geopolitical Shifts in West Asia: Trends and Implications. He has also published articles in reputed journals and contributed articles to several edited volumes on West Asia.\n\n\nJeffrey S. Payne \nJeffrey Payne is Research Fellow/Academic Affairs Manager at the National Defense University’s Near East South Asia Center for Strategic Studies (NESA) in Washington\, DC. He joined the NESA Center in 2012\, after serving for five years as an Instructor of Political Science at Butler University. While at Butler\, he taught classes on Asian politics\, social movements\, international relations\, and political economy. Mr. Payne has also served as a consultant for the World Bank and as a faculty member for DePauw University. As a Research Fellow at the NESA Center\, Mr. Payne conducts analysis on Chinese foreign policy\, South Asian security affairs\, maritime security\, and transnational movements. In his role as Academic Affairs Manager\, Mr. Payne serves the Dean of the NESA Center by managing academic products produced by the NESA Center. Presently\, he serves as the NESA Center’s lead for engagements in the People’s Republic of China. He also serves as the director of the Next Generation Seminar\, an ongoing NESA program devoted to the rising generation of leaders in the Middle East and the impact of the Arab Awakening. Additional NESA programs in which he is a part include Energizing Peace\, a program devoted to energy security in the Levant\, and the Strategic Studies Network. Mr. Payne received his Master’s Degree from Indiana University. Originally hailing from the Midwest\, he has lived in China and travelled extensively throughout Asia. He and his wife live in the Northern Virginia.\n\n\nDr.  Elena Suponina \nDr. Elena Suponina is advisor at the Institute for Strategic Studies\, Moscow where she has previously served as Director of the Middle East and Asia Center. He research interests include contemporary Middle Eastern and Asian issues; cooperation between Russia and countries in the region; international mediation in the Middle East settlement; counter-terrorism strategies; Foreign policy and International affairs. Dr Suponina during her 15 years in research was a member of analytic groups belonging to the Kremlin and Foreign Ministry\, traveling with Russian President and several Russian Foreign Ministers during their trips abroad. For her researches she met and interviewed eminent world leaders\, including the leaders of most Arab countries\, presidents\, heads of governments\, foreign ministers and ministers of petroleum and energy industries\, heads of intelligence agencies and political parties. She published over 10 research papers and thousands of opinion articles. As political analyst she provides commentaries for various Russian\, Western and Arab TV channels and radio stations. Dr. Suponina has received International and Russian awards for best publications in following areas: Islam in Russia\, Russian–Arab cooperation\, International Policy. She was also given an award for courage from Russian Chamber of Commerce and Industry.\n\n\nDr. Gidon Windecker \nGidon Windecker has lived and worked in the Middle East for the last 16 years. He is a social scientist and holds a PhD degree in Middle Eastern Studies. He is an expert on consulting international stakeholders\, especially in volatile and politically sensitive environments. His consulting work focuses on organisational development\, change management\, policy implementation processes\, and strategy design and implementation. He has also trained numerous local organisations in project management. \nGidon worked for and headed the Regional Office Gulf States of Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung for altogether six years. He is an advocate for international cooperation\, intercultural communication\, and rapport building between people of diverse backgrounds. “Building bridges through Dialogue” has been the long-standing motto of his work. \nThe focus of Gidon’s research and project work is good governance\, civil society empowerment\, prevention of radicalisation\, peace education\, and inter-religious dialogue. He has published a considerable number of relevant research papers on Middle Eastern politics\, socio-economic development\, conflict transformation\, and media and society in the Arab world. His regional focus lies on the Levant and the Gulf States.\n\n\nProfessor P R Kumaraswamy \nP R Kumaraswamy is a professor of contemporary Middle Eastern studies in Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU)\, New Delhi\, India. During 1992-1999\, he was a research fellow at the Harry S. Truman Research Institute for the Advancement of Peace\, Jerusalem. Since joining JNU in September 1999\, he has been researching\, teaching and writing on various aspects of the contemporary Middle East. His works include Squaring the Circle: Mahatma Gandhi and the Jewish National Home (2018); India’s Israel Policy (2010) and Historical Dictionary of the Arab-Israeli Conflict (2015). In February 2010 he setup the virtual Middle East Institute\, New Delhi and serves as its honorary director. He is the editor of Contemporary Review of the Middle East and the Series Editor of Persian Gulf: India’s Relations with the Region.\n\n\nDr. Elsayed Ali Abofarha \nDr. Elsayed Ali Abofarha is Assistant Professor of political science at the Faculty of Economic Studies and Political Science in Banisuef University\, Cairo\, Egypt. He was a Fellow at Massachusetts Amherst University in 2015 and has been a visiting professor at universities of Connecticut\, Virginia\, Shippensburg\, and Massachusetts Amherst. Dr.Abofarha was awarded PhD by Cairo University in 2015 for his thesis on and “Judiciary’s Political Role in Democratization: Comparative Study.” He book The Implications of Qualitative Transformation in the Terrorist Phenomenon on the Arab Nation State (in Arabic) was published by Center for Strategic Studies\, Bibliotheca Alexandrina\, Egypt in 2016. In addition he has published numerous articles and contributed chapters in edited volumes.\n\n\nH. E. Dr. Shaikh Abdulla bin Ahmed Al Khalifa \nH.E. Dr. Shaikh Abdulla bin Ahmed Al Khalifa is the Chairman of the Board of Trustees at the Bahrain Centre for Strategic\, International and Energy Studies\, in addition to serving as Undersecretary for International Affairs at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Bahrain\, a post he has held since August 2015. In 2015\, Shaikh Abdulla was awarded a PhD in International Relations and Diplomacy from the École des Hautes Études Internationales\, France. In 2008\, he earned a Master of Law (LLM) from Queen Mary College\, University of London\, UK\, focusing on negotiation and mediation. He also holds a Diploma in Political Development (Honours) from the Bahrain Institute for Political Development\, Bahrain 2007 and a Bachelor of Law (LLB) (Honours) from the Applied Science University\, Jordan 2006. \nShaikh Abdulla is an international expert in Mediation\, accredited by the Centre for Effective Dispute Resolution (CEDR) in London where he participated in their training initiatives for international agencies and experts. He is also accredited as a Master Practitioner in Neuro Linguistic Programming by the United States’ National Federation of Neuro Linguistic Programming.\n\n\nAzmi Bishara (TBC) \nHe is the Director General of the Arab Centre for Research and Policy Studies and a member of its Executive Board. A prominent researcher and writer\, Bishara has published numerous books and academic papers in political thought\, social theory\, and philosophy\, in addition to several literary works. He was Professor of Philosophy and History of Political Thought at Birzeit University\, from 1986 to 1996. He also co-founded Muwatin\, the Palestinian Institute for the Study of Democracy\, and Mada al-Carmel\, the Arab Centre for Applied Social Research. Bishara was the principal founder of the National Democratic Assembly (Balad)\, a Palestinian-Arab party inside the Green Line\, which supports democratic values irrespective of religious\, ethnic or national identity. For four consecutive sessions\, from 1996-2007\, he represented his party as an elected member of parliament. In 2007\, Bishara had differences with the Israeli authorities over his political positions. He currently resides in Doha\, Qatar. He is the recipient of the Ibn Rushd Prize for Freedom of Thought in 2002 and the Global Exchange Human Rights Award in 2003.\n\n\nDr. Ebtesam al-Ketbi \nEbtesam Al-Ketbi is a founder and president of the Emirates Policy Center and the first Arab woman to lead a think tank. She is a professor of political science at United Arab Emirates University and a member of the Consultative Commission of the Gulf Cooperation Council. She has served in several capacities\, including: as the secretary general of the Gulf Development Forum; as a board member of the Association of Political Sciences; as a member of the board of trustees of the Arab Unity Studies Center; as a member of the board of trustees of the Arab Organization for Transparency; as a consultative board member of the Arab Thought Foundation; as a member of the board of trustees of the Arab Council for Social Sciences; and as a member of the core team behind the 2006 Arab Human Development Report\, among others. She is a founding member of the Emirates Human Rights Association. \nShe has published a number of papers including: “The Security Dimensions of Military Relations Between GCC countries and the USA”; “The Global Community and the War on Terrorism: Threat or Opportunity?”; and “Democratic Transformations in GCC Countries. She earned a PhD in political science from Cairo University.\n\n\nKhalid Hamad Al Gailani (TBC) \nDeputy Chief of Mission in the Embassy of Sultanate of Oman \nDr. Meena Singh Roy \nDr. Meena Singh Roy is a Research Fellow and Coordinator\, West Asia Centre at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses. She has published books titled\, International and Regional Security Dynamics: Indian and Iranian Perspectives (ed.)\, July 2009\, Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\, New Delhi; Emerging Trends in West Asia: Regional and Global Implications (ed.)\, Pentagon Press\, 2014 and a monograph titled The Shanghai Cooperation Organization: India Seeking New Role in the Eurasian Regional Mechanism\, 2014\, IDSA Publication. Her Forthcoming book is titled Linking South and Central Asia in the New Strategic Environment: Envisioning India’s Future Partnership with the Eurasian.\n\n\nAmbassador Michael Ronen \nMichael Ronen is Head of India and South East Asia Bureau\, MFA Israel. He completed his M.A. in European Studies\, Hebrew University in Jerusalem. He joined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1983. Prior to that he was Deputy Ambassador in El Salvador\, Deputy Ambassador in Colombia\, Deputy Ambassador in Paraguay\, Deputy Ambassador in Azerbaijan\, Deputy Chief of Mission in Australia\, Non-Resident Ambassador to the Pacific Islands. He served at various departments in Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs like Official Guests Department\, Deputy Director in European Organizations Department\, Deputy Director in Emergency and Crisis Management Center\, Director of the Pacific Department and Director of the South East Asia Department.\n\n\nProf. Mohammed Benhammou \nMohammed Benhammou is President\, Moroccan Centre for Strategic Studies (CMES)\, Rabat. He is former student of the National School of Administration of Paris. He is a graduate of the University of Montpellier and holds a doctorate of state in law. As a professor\, he was engage in teaching political science\, evaluation of public policies international relations and introduction to strategic studies and geopolitical changes in the Rabelese French universities and Mohammed V-Souissi University. He is former vice Dean of la Faculte de Droit de Sale and he is current chief of Department of Public Law. He is former vice President of international organisation called “Trainers without Borders”.  He is the President of Centre Marocain Etudes Stratégiques (CMES) and elected President at African Federation of Strategic Studies (FAES). He is member of International Institute for Strategic Studies and is associated with the London Academy of Diplomacy. He has a number of publications to his credit.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nPhotographs\n\n\nPhotographs [+]\n\n\n\n\nRapporteur’s Report\n\n\nRapporteur’s Report[+]\n\n\n\n\nPREVIOUS CONFERENCES:\nIdeology\, Politics and New Security Challenges in West Asia\, January 19-20\, 2016 [+]\nGeopolitical Shifts in West Asia: Trends and Implications\, September 10-11\, 2014 [+] URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/3rd-west-asia-conference-changing-security-paradigm-in-west-asia-regional-and-international-responses CATEGORIES:Previous West Asia Conference,CONFERENCES,West Asia Conference ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20170328T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20170329T053000 DTSTAMP:20261108T012629 CREATED:20231223T125426Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250328T012016Z UID:62748-1490679000-1490765400@idsa.in SUMMARY:10th South Asia Conference - Strengthening Connectivity in South Asia DESCRIPTION:Concept Note\n\n\nSouth Asia has emerged among the fastest-growing regions in the world and is expected to play a dynamic role in shaping the ‘Asian Century’. Known for its human and natural resources\, it has the world’s largest young working population and a significant number of middle-class consumers. According to the most recent World Bank South Asia Economic Focus\, South Asia’s economic growth is forecasted to gradually accelerate from 7.1 per cent in 2016 to 7.3 per cent in 2017. It is likely to reach 7.4 per cent in 2018 and 7.5 per cent in 2019. It is estimated that South Asia needs to generate employment for more than 12 million people of working age every year. Home to one-fifth of humanity\, it also has 40 per cent of the world’s poor or close to about 400 million people still living in poverty. South Asian countries face significant challenges in providing their people public education\, health care\, livelihood\, and social security. Almost all the South Asian countries are also prone to frequent natural disasters. While they are busy pursuing their respective development plans\, it is clear that no country alone can deal with socio-economic challenges that require collective efforts at a regional level. \nFor taking forward this idea\, the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) was established three decades ago. As a regional organisation\, it has attempted integration amongst its states parties\, first through preferential\, and then\, free trade arrangements. Since there were limitations to this approach\, SAARC later focused on lack of ‘connectivity’ as a major factor affecting regional economic cooperation and integration. The 16th SAARC Summit held at Thimphu\, Bhutan in 2010 had declared 2010-2020 as the ‘Decade of Intra-Regional Connectivity’. \nConnectivity has multiple facets—physical\, socio-cultural\, political and economic. SAARC laid special emphasis on physical connectivity—building transport infrastructure and transit facilities to enable trans-South Asian road connectivity. The 17th SAARC Summit held at Addu City\, Maldives in 2011 had re-iterated the importance of promoting ‘effective linkages and connectivity for greater movement of people\, enhanced investment and trade in the region’. SAARC leaders have also underlined their commitment towards establishing a South Asian Economic Union (SAEU) by 2020. \nBeyond the mid-point of the ‘decade of connectivity’\, South Asia continues to suffer from connectivity and infrastructure deficits. During the 18th SAARC Summit held at Kathmandu\, Nepal in 2014\, the member states had ‘renewed their commitment to substantially enhance regional connectivity in a seamless manner through building and upgrading roads\, railways\, waterways infrastructure\, energy grids\, communications and airlinks to ensure smooth cross-border flow of goods\, services\, capital\, technology and people.’ The forward-looking agenda in fact went beyond intra-regional connectivity and recognised the need for enabling inter-regional connectivity ‘linking South Asia with contiguous regions\, including Central Asia\, and beyond by all modes of connectivity.’ \nIn the absence of consensus on enabling the trans-South Asian road connectivity project\, attempts have been made to facilitate sub-regional connectivity through Bangladesh\, Bhutan\, India and Nepal (BBIN) Motor Vehicle Agreement signed in June 2015 for the regulation of passenger\, personal and cargo vehicular traffic amongst the four signatory countries. There are also efforts to bring about bilateral multi-modal connectivity projects like the one between India and Bangladesh. There is a sub-regional consensus on the need to work together on issues pertaining to water\, power\, transport and infrastructure. \nThe six member countries of the South Asia Subregional Economic Cooperation (SASEC) programme\, launched in 2001 and supported by the Asian Development Bank (ADB)\, have implemented several regional projects in the field of energy\, transport\, trade facilitation\, and information and communications technology (ICT) sectors. Comprising of Bangladesh\, Bhutan\, India\, Maldives\, Nepal and Sri Lanka\, SASEC seeks to strengthen the intra-regional trade by developing multi-modal regional transport and trade facilitation networks. Some of these connectivity initiatives seek to reinvent the linkages that existed across the region during the colonial period and were subsequently lost due to inter-state dissonances. As of now\, the intra-regional trade is less than six per cent of the region’s total trade and the intra-regional investment accounts for only three per cent of the total investment flow in the region. Globally\, South Asia accounts for merely two per cent of the trade and 1.7 per cent of the investment.* \nAll South Asian countries recognise the need for improving the state of connectivity both within their borders and with other countries in the region. They have\, however\, not so far been able to take advantage of the connectivity initiatives taken by multilateral bodies like the ADB and also the UN Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP). Instead\, they have been a victim of politics based on legacy issues that inhibit effective inter-state engagement. State-sponsored cross-border terrorism remains one such major impediment. Persisting differences at the political level\, coupled with huge imbalances in trade and investment\, are often used by vested interests to cultivate negative stereotypes and strengthen misperceptions in the region. \nImpediments in the westward extension of the trans-South Asian road and rail connectivity have encouraged other regional efforts to extend the links eastward\, in the shape of Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) and the India-Myanmar-Thailand Trilateral Highway\, to build the missing links of the Trans-Asian Railway and the Asian Highway networks. The idea of extending the Trilateral Highway to Vietnam via Myanmar\, Cambodia and Laos is already under discussion. \nDeveloping maritime infrastructure too is critical to promoting both intra and inter-regional connectivity and trade\, as much for India as for the other South Asian nations. About 90 per cent of India’s trade by volume and 70 per cent by value moves through ports. The primary objective of India’s Sagarmala project is to improve the operational efficiency of its existing ports in order to enhance connectivity with the main economic centres and beyond through expansion of rail\, inland water\, coastal and road services. Several projects have been identified on port modernisation\, port connectivity\, port-led industrialisation\, and on coastal community development. India also plans to develop Coastal Economic Zones (CEZs) in the coming years. The vast Indian Ocean region hosts over 40 states and nearly 40 per cent of the world’s population. Prime Minister Mr. Modi had stated in 2015 that India seeks ‘a future for Indian Ocean that lives up to the name of SAGAR – Security and Growth for All in the Region.’ If land connectivity is crucial particularly for the development of the three land-locked member states of SAARC – Afghanistan\, Nepal and Bhutan – sea or maritime connectivity is equally crucial for them and the remaining five SAARC member states\, including the two island nations\, Sri Lanka and the Maldives. \nAdditionally\, despite the obvious gains from enhanced connectivity and its strong advocacy by national leaders\, the States in the region have not so far made satisfactory progress in this area. Besides political differences at the inter-State level\, the concerns of the national security agencies in the region about possible adverse impacts of improved connectivity on state-security often constrain and inhibit governmental approach to ‘connectivity’ and come in the way of its effective implementation. The issues that impinge on security are trans-border crime\, human and drug trafficking\, fake currency notes\, unauthorised transfer of small arms and light weapons\, illegal trade and migration. The possibility of mass cross-border migration as a consequence of climate change and other weather events could also be another matter of concern. These issues need to be adequately addressed by the proponents of connectivity for better regional integration. \nThere is a welcome view that greater connectivity\, if implemented efficiently and effectively with proper investment in technology to generate and manage data with regard to movement of people and goods\, will ameliorate rather than accentuate many concerns often flagged by security managers. Other issues that require greater attention include sequencing\, financing and measuring of connectivity efforts in South Asia. The conference will offer an opportunity to explore these gaps in our understanding of the subject. \nIndia’s ‘Neighbourhood First’ policy\, which prioritises regional cooperation\, connectivity and people-to-people contacts\, is very much based on the principle of collective efforts and inclusive growth in the entire SAARC region. India is looking towards the finalisation of the SAARC Motor Vehicles Agreement and the SAARC Railways Agreement in this regard. If Bangladesh and Myanmar could serve as land-bridge between South and Southeast Asia\, Pakistan and Afghanistan too have the potential to emerge as major transit and transportation hubs between South and Central Asia and regions beyond. \nSouth Asia as a sub-continent\, linking the Gulf States\, Central and West Asia to East and Southeast Asia\, has the natural potential to emerge as a key Asian roundabout. There is a need to improve the interoperability of customs electronic interfaces and harmonise the operating procedures of border crossing points and land customs stations\, and to develop a network of multi-modal transport systems connecting and integrating the entire South Asia region. Improved infrastructure and connectivity also means better governance\, which creates conducive environment for greater domestic and foreign investment and value chain. None of this is however possible without broadening the political space and cultivating the constituencies needed to operationalise and sustain collaborative development strategies. \nThis year’s South Asia Conference\, 10th in the series\, seeks to closely examine the key issues pertaining to lack of connectivity within the region\, and explore the possible way forward to transform South Asia into one of the most economically integrated regions in the world. Some of the questions to be addressed in the two-day conference include the following: \n\nHow is the idea of connectivity perceived by South Asian countries? What are the shared benefits of connectivity? What are the main constituencies advocating for a pan-South Asian connectivity?\nHow are South Asian countries responding to various initiatives taken to promote connectivity under the clusters of trade\, transportation\, information and communications technology\, energy\, tourism and pilgrimage\, and people-to-people contact?\nWhat are the key challenges to operationalising efforts aimed at enhancing connectivity in the identified clusters?\nWhat are the specific ways in which challenges to regional connectivity can be overcome?\n\nSession Themes\nDAY ONE: Tuesday\, March 28\, 2017\nSession I: State of Connectivity in South Asia\nThe session seeks to closely examine the current state of connectivity in South Asia. How critical is the role of connectivity in shaping the future of the most populous region in the world? The session also seeks to identify key institutions and stakeholders defining intra-regional connectivity in South Asia. \nSession II: Economics of Connectivity: Perspectives from the Region\nThe session seeks to explore the various national perspectives prevalent within the region on the subject of South Asian connectivity. Basically\, how national narratives are strengthening the economics of connectivity within the region. \nDAY TWO: Wednesday\, March 29\, 2017\nSession III: Challenges to Connectivity: Initiatives and Responses\nSeveral initiatives have been taken at both regional and sub-regional levels to address the issue of lack of connectivity in South Asia. Apart from examining the key initiatives taken particularly at the bilateral or the sub-regional level\, the session seeks to explore the specific responses to the challenges of connectivity at the regional\, sub-regional and inter-regional levels. \nSession IV: Role of Media and Civil Society in Enhancing Connectivity\nThe role of media and civil society is considered critical to shaping and reshaping public opinion and perception on various aspects of connectivity – trade\, transportation\, information and communications technology\, energy\, tourism and pilgrimage\, and people-to-people contact. This session\, therefore\, would attempt to explore ways in which the media and the civil society can contribute to creating conducive atmosphere and building sustainable constituencies for taking key connectivity initiatives forward. \nSession V: Panel Discussion: The Way Forward\nIn the concluding session\, select panellists from participating countries will briefly discuss the key points emerging from the two-day deliberation and make specific recommendations for the consideration of policy makers. \n\n\n\n\nProgramme Schedule\n\n\n\n\n\n\nDAY ONE: Tuesday\, March 28\, 2017\n\n\n\n09:30 – 10:00 \n Registration\n\n\n10:00-10:30 \nCurtain Raiser \n\nA Decade of Dialogue: Ten Years of South Asia Conference\nDr. Ashok Kumar Behuria\, Coordinator\, South Asia Centre\, IDSA\nConnectivity in South Asia as a Regional Public Good\n Shri Jayant Prasad\, Director General\, IDSA\n\n\n\n\n\n10:30 – 11:00 \nTea/Coffee Break\n\n\n11:00–11:30 \nKeynote Address – Towards Digital South Asia \nShri Ravi Shankar Prasad\, Hon’ble Minister of Electronics and Information Technology\, Government of India\n\n\n11:30-13:30 \n\nSession I: State of Connectivity in South Asia\nModerator: Shri Ranjit Rae\, Former Indian Ambassador to Nepal \n\nState of Connectivity in South Asia: An Overview\n– Dr. Rajat M. Nag\,  Distinguished Fellow\, National Council of Applied Economic Research (NCAER)\, New Delhi\nMaking People the Pivot to Enhance South Asian Connectivity\n – Dr. A.F.M. Shamsul Bari\,  Chairman\, Research Initiatives\, Bangladesh\nConnecting the Old Way: India-Pakistan Trade through Rail and Road\n – Dr. Syed Akbar Zaidi\,  Political Economist\, Karachi\, Pakistan\nStrengthening Cooperation in South Asia: Need for Out-of-the-Box Thinking\n – Mr. Madhukar S. J.B. Rana\,  Former Finance Minister of Nepal\n\n\n\n\n13:30 – 14:30 \nLunch Break\n\n\n14:30 – 17:00 \n\nSession II: Economics of Connectivity: Perspectives from the Region\nModerator: Prof. Ram Upendra Das\, RIS\, New Delhi \n\nStrengthening Connectivity in South Asia: Prospects\, Opportunities and Challenges\n – Dr. Daoud Ali Najafi\,  Former Transport and Civil Aviation Minister of Afghanistan\nProposed Land Bridge between India and Sri Lanka: A Rapid Qualitative Assessment\n– Dr. Muttukrishna Sarvananthan\,  Founder\, Point Pedro Institute of Development\, Northern Province\, Sri Lanka\n\nHealth Services Trade in South Asian Countries: Challenges and Opportunities\n – Dr. Vaqar Ahmed  and Ms. Rabia Manzoor\, Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI)\, Islamabad\, Pakistan\nRole of India’s Northeast in Facilitating South Asia Connecticity\n– Mr. Sabyasachi Dutta\, Executive Director\, Asian Confluence\, Shillong \n\nNeed for Reactivating the Trans-Western Himalayan Corridor: Optimising J&K’s   Strategic  Advantage\n – Amb. (Prof.) P. Stobdan\, Senior Fellow\, IDSA\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nDAY TWO: Wednesday\, March 29\, 2017\n\n\n\n09:30-10:00 \nTea/Coffee Break\n\n\n10:00-10:30\n\nSpecial Session\nChair: Lt. Gen. (Dr.) B.S. Malik\, PVSM\, AVSM (Retd.) \n\nConnecting South Asia and South East Asia: The BIMSTEC Perspective\nAddress by  Ambassador Sumith Nakandala\, Secretary General\, BIMSTEC\n\n\n\n\n\n10:30-13:00 \n\nSession III: Challenges to Connectivity: Initiatives and Responses \nModerator: Prof. Prabir De\, Coordinator\, ASEAN-India Centre\, RIS\, New Delhi \n\nConnectivity in South Asia: Opportunities\, Potentials and Challenges\n– Prof. Syed Munir Khasru\, Chairman\, IPAG\, Dhaka\n\nThe Challenges of Energy Connectivity\n– Ms. Shebonti Ray Dadwal\,  Senior Fellow\, IDSA\nAfghanistan and Regional Connecitiy in South Asia\n– Mr. Ashraf Haidari\,Directot General\, Ministry of Foreign Affairs\, Kabul\nChallenges to Regional Connectivity in South Asia– Ambassador Ali Hussain Didi\,  Former Maldivian Ambassador to EU\nChabahar Port: A Strategic Analysis\n– Mr. Abdul Qadeer Mutfi\,  Afghan Institute for Strategic Studies\, Kabul\nCross Border Connectivity: Opportunities and Challenges\n – Mr. Aye Lwin\,  Member\, Myanmar Investment Commission\, Yangon\n\n\n\n\n\n13:00 – 14:00 \nLunch Break\n\n\n14:00-16:00 \n\nSession IV: Role of Media and Civil Society in Enhancing Connectivity\nModerator: Cmde. C. Uday Bhaskar (Retd.)\,  Director\, Society for Policy Studies (SPS)\, New Delhi \n\nConnecting People: Key for Unleashing Regional Economic Growth\n – Mr. Sujeev Shakya\,  Chairman\, Nepal Economic Forum\nArtists Crossing Borders: Dreams which Refuse to Die\n– Ms. Madeeha Gauhar\,  Founder\, Ajoka Theatre\, Lahore\, Pakistan\nStrengthening Connectivity through Media in a Culturally Diverse Region\n– Ms. Bhagya Senaratne\, Lecturer\, General Sir John Kotelawala Defence University\, Colombo\, Sri Lanka\n\nDisconnect in South Asia: Challenges and Opportunities\n– Mr. Mahendra Ved\, President\, Commonwealth Journalists Association\, New Delhi\n\n\n\n\n16:00-16:30\nTea/Coffee Break\n\n\n16:30 –17:30 hrs\n\n Session V: Panel Discussion: The Way Forward\nModerator: Prof. S.D. Muni\, Distinguished Fellow\, IDSA \nPanellists: \n\nDr. Daoud Ali Najafi\, Afghanistan\nMs. Madeeha Gauhar\, Pakistan\nMr. Sujeev Shakya\, Nepal\nProf. Syed Munir Khasru\, Bangladesh\nDr. Muttukrishna Sarvananthan\, Sri Lanka\nAmbassador Ali Hussain Didi\, Maldives\nMr. Aye Lwin\, Myanmar\nDr. Smruti S. Pattanaik\, India\n\nVote of Thanks: Conference Coordinator\, Mr. Vishal Chandra\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nPhotogallery\n\nClick here for Photogallery\n\n\n\nPress Release\n\n\n\n Ravi Shankar Prasad Urges South Asia to Follow India’s Model of Digitisation\nConnectivity of Minds Crucial for Connecting South Asia and SE Asia: Sumith Nakandala\n\n\n\n\n\nContact us\nVishal Chandra\nCo-ordinator\, 10th South Asia Conference\nResearch Fellow\, South Asia Centre\nInstitute for Defence Studies and Analyses\nNew Delhi-110010\n(Office) +91 11-26717983 Extn 7202\nEmail: cc.idsa@nic.in \n\n* “Statement by External Affairs Minister during 37th SAARC Council of Ministers’ Meeting in Pokhara”\, Ministry of External Affairs\, Government of India\, March 17\, 2016. URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/10th-south-asia-conference-strengthening-connectivity-in-south-asia CATEGORIES:Previous South Asia conference,South Asia Conference,CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20170306T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20170308T053000 DTSTAMP:20261108T012629 CREATED:20231223T125430Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250312T013311Z UID:62749-1488778200-1488951000@idsa.in SUMMARY:19th Asian Security Conference - Combating Terrorism: Evolving an Asian Response DESCRIPTION:Concept Note\n\nAsia\, with close to sixty percent of the world’s population\, has suffered disparate political\, nationalist\, religious\, ideological\, ethnic\, sectarian\, and state sponsored violence for decades\, if not centuries. The world’s geo-economic pivot may have shifted to Asia\, but the repercussions of every day violence and terrorism are becoming an impediment in the realisation of the Asian Century. Violent extremism comes in the way of socio-economic development and inclusive growth\, amplifying and widening fissures caused by failures of governance. Historical roots of militancy (insurgencies\, separatist movements\, etc.) in many countries of Asia have provided the context for local grievances to be exploited by larger ideological frameworks of global extremist movements. \nThe resurgence of violent extremist movements we are witnessing today has evolved in sophistica-tion with the advances in technology\, communication\, and the complicated web of terror finance. Threats that were earlier contained within national boundaries have now become transnational and ideational challenges\, which respect neither state sovereignty nor existing governance structures. While the challenges confronting Asia and the global order have multiplied\, a cohesive response to them has remained elusive. With countries in the region constructing frameworks of cooperation to combat terrorism\, it is time to exchange ideas on countering violent extremism\, which will define an Asian approach to this issue. A global regime built on a strong foundation of effective regional prac-tices is bound to find wider acceptability. \nTwenty years since it first submitted a proposal for the adoption of the Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism (CCIT)\, India has revived its efforts to secure a global consensus in the UN General Assembly in the fight against terrorism. India’s attempts have received traction as the world seems to be in a state of constant terror\, with an increase in the footprint of global terrorist groups\, especially in the West and South West Asia. Having been subjected to and resisted such acts against humanity\, India is engaged in persuading responsible governments across the world to take a more united stand on the matter. \nThere is a global consensus in principle that there is no ‘good’ or ‘bad’ terrorist. It is for this reason that India\, has through the Convention\, sought to identify an acceptable definition of terrorism that all 193-members of the UNGA would be able to adopt legally; to ban all terror groups and shut down terror camps regardless of their objectives; to prosecute all terrorists under special laws\, and to make cross-border terrorism an extraditable offence worldwide. To build an Asian consensus on the issue\, India has also repeatedly suggested that violent extremism needs to be delinked from religion\, ethnicity or identity. Recognising the trans-national nature of terrorism today\, India has been push-ing for a global regime on terrorism that enforces concepts of – assigning responsibility and ensuring accountability. \nThe inconsistencies in the global war on terror have been exploited by extremist groups to advance their narratives and ideologies and ensured that ecosystems nurturing terror continue to flourish. Ironically\, even countries which have been victims of frequent terror attacks have shied away from pushing for a more global response to the threat owing to geo-political pressures and rivalries. The embryo of building such response exists in frameworks like the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) that sets standards with respect to combating money laundering and terrorist financing\, the Egmont Group\, which is an informal network of Financial Intelligence Units (FIU) and through instruments such as the ‘United Nations Security Council committee pursuant to resolutions 1267 (1999) 1989 (2011) and 2253 (2015) concerning ISIL(da’esh) al-qaida and associated individuals groups\, under-takings and entities’. These however\, do not yet provide an effective global response for reasons of national expediency. Terrorist groups recruit globally and strike across national boundaries\, yet nations have a fragmented approach in meeting this challenge India seeks a more coherent approach on the part of the entire international community. \nIt with this direction in mind that IDSA aims to take the first step of comprehending the Asian re-sponse to “Combating Terrorism” in the region. In this context the 19th Asian Security Conference will focus on the theme\, “Evolving an Asian Response” to this complex issue. We aim to focus on the following themes over multiple interactive sessions: \nI . Evaluating the norm building efforts in countering global terrorism\, understanding the geo-political realities and defining the Asian and global response to terrorism.\nII – Identifying ideologies and drivers fuelling this transnational resurgence of extremist violence\, with an eye on the role of terror finance in exacerbating conflict in the region\nIII – Examining how technology is changing the nature of conflict and the rising challenges there-in to Asian security.\nIV – Assessing the threat of terrorism in Asia: From South West Asia\, to the extended outposts in South Asia and South East Asia.\nV – Forecasting challenges that lie ahead\, debating the absence of effective counter-narratives\, and building upon a reservoir of best practices of counter terrorism efforts by countries in the re-gion. \nII) The conference will explore these subjects through the course of the following interactive sessions. \n\nNorms & The Global War on Terror : Challenges for Asia\nNew Wave of Global Terror : Ideas\, Resources and Trends\nThe Age of ‘Instant Terror’: Technology\, the Game Changer\nRegional Perspectives – The West Asia Conundrum : Unraveling geopolitics & global response \nRegional Perspectives – South and South East Asia : The Growing Spectre of Terror\nConstructing effective counter-narratives: The need for a global response\nThe Asian Response to Combating Terror : The Way Forward\n\nInaugural Session: Special Address \nIII) Theme Elaboration\n1. Norms & The Global War on Terror: Challenges for Asia\nIt has taken the world decades of terrorism and insurgency to understand that escalation of vio-lence is linked in a large part to failed politics\, governance\, and economic development. The set-backs of the global war on terror and the rise in the number vulnerable and failing states since 9/11\, have shown that the civil causes of violence are so deep that no defeat of extremist movements alone can hope to bring any lasting form of security and stability. It has been argued that if extrem-ist violence and its many manifestations are to be defeated then states need to be accountable to both their people and the global order. This lack of accountability\, coupled with the absence of clarity\, consistency\, and enforcement in global norms to tackle terrorism have been impediments to an effective response. In addition\, shifting goalposts and the pressures of geopolitics have proved to be counterproductive to efforts aimed at building a global counter-terrorism regime. Since September 11\, international terrorism has emerged on the top of national and international security agendas necessitating international alignment and cooperation on an unprecedented level. Yet\, the question that has plagued all counter-terrorism efforts since has been the viability of this cooperation in the absence of a basic agreement on the common denominator – the definition of terrorism. This inaugu-ral session seeks to address the following questions : \n\nWhat are the challenges that constrain the global response to counter terrorism? What are the im-plications for Asian Security?\nHow is regional geopolitics shaping state responses?\nWhy is global response to terrorism in some geographies different from others?\nWhat role does India see itself playing in the shaping of a global regime on counter-terrorism? What norms does it seek to build and to what end?\nAssessing support for the adoption of the Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism\n\n2. The New Wave of Global Terror : Ideas\, Resources\, and Trends\nTerrorism is a dynamic phenomenon that develops over time\, gradually changing its shape and man-ifestations. It is carried out by various organisations in the service of different ideologies. There is growing recognition now that the dominant form of transnational terror today is not motivated by nationalist grievances or separatist goals. Instead\, the current threat confronting the world today is of terrorism motivated by political objectives that uses religion as an instrument to justify violent activities against civilians. These groups are motivated by what they perceive as a divine command and apocalyptic world view. Religious appropriation of the recent wave of attacks across the world\, by the current poster child of extremist violence\, the Islamic State or Da’esh and its many imitators globally is case in point. Fuelling this resurgence is the many reincarnations of the means of terror finance\, taking refuge sometimes in the guise of state sponsored policy or enjoying the patronage of non-state actors .This session will take on these challenging questions and identify: \n\nWho are the actors driving the new wave of global terror and what are their motivations?\nWhat are new ideas/ideologues that make extremist violence so attractive to recruits? Is there is a shift in narrative?\nWhat is driving the increase in ‘Lone Wolf’ Attacks?\nWhat explains the constant supply of foreign fighters and women pursuing religious extremism?\nWhat are the future trends – threats- both home grown and international that will demand global attention?\nHow effective is the fight against the financing of terror ? Can we enforce accountability?\n\n\n3. The Age of ‘Instant Terror’: Technology\, the Game Changer\nThe most lethal weapon in the arsenal of extremist groups today is technology. The internet is the largest and most ungoverned space in the world. Its unprecedented reach\, instant connectivity\, ano-nymity\, resourcefulness\, and interactiveness along with low cost of access make it the most potent tool in extremist hands. Innovations in technology and the advent of social media have furthered the scope of instant dissemination of propaganda\, strengthened informal networks of online recruitment and radicalisation and worryingly made brutal violence a fashionable tool to install fear in the hearts and minds of a global audience. Social media feed into 24×7 global news cycles\, which amplify these messages further and inadvertently end up endorsing and branding these extremists groups as the face of global terror. This session will seek to address the questions on : \n\nThe use of technology to ‘brand’ global terror\nInnovations in online radicalization \, recruitment and mobilization\nCyber security and Terrorism: Addressing evolving threats\nSocial Media : Impact\, challenges and opportunities for counter terrorism efforts\nTechnology and Intelligence : Opportunities for global co-operation \n\n4.Regional Perspectives – The West Asia Conundrum : Unraveling geopolitics & global response\nThe rise of Da’esh has been an unprecedented event in the geopolitics of the West Asian region\, de-spite the region being a being a burning cauldron for many terrorist movements for the last several decades. Having captured territories in Iraq and Syria\, Da’esh has challenged the existing regional political order by trying to redraw boundaries in the volatile region. It has spread its tentacles far beyond its captured borders\, subsuming terror groups across the world eager to bandwagon with its brand of terror. With the conflict spilling over to many countries\, it has instigated an unparalleled refugee crisis that the world is still trying to grapple with. Regional actors have taken initiatives\, but there is an absence of a collaborative action on the ground strong enough to defeat the terror group .The existing unease\, competition\, and rivalry among the countries of the region and the interests of extra regional powers have been a hindrance in building up a united front against Daesh. The activities of the United States and Russia have a critical bearing on the geopolitics in West Asia. This ses-sion will explore the West Asian conundrum in all its complexity and assess the impact on the global war on terror. \n5.Regional Perspectives – South and South East Asia: The Growing Spectre of Terror\nThe terrorist threat to South and South East Asia has never been as acute as it is today. South Asia – home to more than one-third of humanity\, has more terrorist groups and terrorists\, than any other part of the world. More lives have been lost in this region to terrorist attacks than anywhere else in the world. Meanwhile\, South East Asia since the 1990s\, is battling the residual challenge posed by sub-state militant extremism which has risen in reaction to both the force of modernization pursued by many Southeast Asian governments and the political influence of radical Islam. Some states in both these regions face a threat to their existence if terrorism is not contained. The developments in Afghanistan-Pakistan and West Asia will have complicated the situation further The story of coun-ter-terrorism efforts so far have been that of individual countries crafting distinct strategies to deal with a problem which has long ago gone trans-national. Attempts at crafting a regional approach have been few and ineffective. This session will examine national and international government responses to extremist movements in the region\, expanding terrorist sanctuaries and homegrown ter-rorist networks\, funding and support from international organisations and governments\, military and policing strategies\, and the success and failures of hearts-and-minds campaigns. \n6. Constructing effective counter-narratives: The need for a global response\nThe field of counter terrorism has expanded from the traditional focus on covert action to preventive measures that dissuade individuals from subscribing to arguments of violent extremists. To that end\, states have developed tools to prevent radicalisation of vulnerable populations in an effort to win hearts and minds. These include promoting interfaith dialogue and breaking down cultural bar-riers between communities. Although attempts have been made by several governments to develop a credible narrative to prevent international terrorism\, there has been a failure to thwart the appeal generated by violent extremist groups. This session will address the following questions: \n\nDoes the current counter narrative account for the variances in the demographic and socio-economic composition of its audience? Would producing tailor-made narratives result in greater outreach? \nIs the negative perception of governments amplifying this challenge? Are there other actors who would be more successful in propagating a counter narrative? \nDoes the narrative address different aspects of the radicalisation process?\nHas the international community been able to shift gears from producing defensive to preventive propaganda? What are the shortcomings of the dissemination strategy being em-ployed? \nHave there been cases of success even if limited that can be studied to further our under-standing?\n\nValedictory Session \n7.The Asian Response to Combating Terror : The Way Forward\n (Panel Discussion and Scenario Forecasting)\n \n\n\n\nProgramme Schedule\n\n\nDay 1: 6 March 2017\n09:15– 09:45 – Registration \n09:45– 10:30 – Inauguration \n\nWelcome Address by DG\, IDSA\, Shri Jayant Prasad\nInaugural Address by Hon’ble Raksha Mantri Shri Manohar Parrikar\nVote of Thanks by DDG\, IDSA\, Maj Gen Alok Deb\, SM\, VSM (Retired)\n\n10:30-10:45 – Tea/Coffee Break \n10:45-11:15 – Keynote Address H.E. Mhd. Hanif Atmar\, National Security Advisor\, Afghanistan \n11:15-13:00 – Panel 1 Norms and the Global War on Terror: Challenges for Asia\nChairperson – Dr. Pratap Bhanu Mehta\, President\, Centre for Policy Research\, New Delhi \n\nMaj. Gen. Mahmud Ali Durrani\, Former National Security Advisor\, Pakistan\nSubject: Developing a Common Denominator to Fight Terrorism in Asia\nMr. Abdel Bari Atwan\, Editor-in-chief\, Rai al-Youm\, an Arab world digital news and opinion website\nSubject: Geopolitics of Islamic Jihad\nMr. Praveen Swami\, National Editor (Strategic and International Affairs)\, The Indian Express\nSubject: Invisible Jihad: Challenges for India and Asia\nMr. Ehsan Monawar\, Counter Terrorism Expert\, Afghanistan\nSubject: Countering Terrorism in the AfPak: Past\, present and the road ahead\n\n13:00-14:00 – Lunch Break \n14:00-15:30 – Panel 2 The New Wave of Global Terror: Ideas\, Resources and Trends\nChairperson – Shri G.K Pillai\, Former Home Secretary\, Government of India \n\nMr. Baker Atyani\, Veteran journalist from Jordan\, covering conflict zones in Asia\nSubject: Hostage taking as a Tool of Terrorism and Methodology of Negotiations\nDr. Waiel Awwad\, Writer and South Asia Political Analyst\nSubject: The Terrorism Industry and its Global Expansion\nMs. Lamya Haji Bashar Taha\, Public advocate of the Yazidi community\, Iraq\nSubject: Women and Da’esh\nMr. P.K. Dash\, Director Enforcement Directorate\, Government of India\nSubject: Economics of Terror: The Indian Experience\n\nMr. Atul Goel\, SP\, NIA\nSubject: Terror Finance in Kashmir\nDr. Christine Fair\, Associate Professor\, Peace and Security Studies Program Georgetown University\, USA\nSubject: Women in the Lashkar -e- Taiba: When Terrorism is a Family Affair\n\n15:30-15:45 – Theme Address Shri Gulshan Rai\, Chief of Cybersecurity\, Government of India \n15:45 – 17:15 – Panel 3 Age of ‘Instant Terror’: Technology\, the Game Changer\nChairperson – Dr. Arvind Gupta\, Deputy NSA\, Government of India \n\nDr. Anne Speckhard\, Director of the International Center for the Study of Violent Extremism (ICSVE)\, USA\n Subject: Breaking the ISIS Brand: Trajectories into and out of Terrorism & the Social Media Recruitment of ISIS\nMr. Madan Oberoi (IPS)\, Former Director of Cyber-Crime\, Interpol\, Singapore\nSubject : Darknet and Cryptocurrencies – Technology as enabler for Terrorism\nMr. Saikat Datta\, Director\, Centre for Internet & Society\, India\nSubject: Technology and Intelligence in Counter Terrorism\nMr. Sanjeev Singh\, Addl DG (anti-Naxal Operations)\, Madhya Pradesh Police\nSubject: Online Radicalisation and India’s CT efforts\nMs. Manjula Sridhar\, Founder ArgByte – a cybercrime analytics software\nSubject: Tackling Malicious Profiling Online: The Indian Experience\n\n17:15 – 17:30 Tea/Coffee \nDay 2: 7 March 2017\n09:45 – 10:00 Tea/Coffee \n10:00 – 12:30 – Panel 4 Regional Perspectives – The West Asia Conundrum: Unraveling Geopolitics and Global Response\nChairperson – Shri Sanjay Singh\, Former Secretary (East)\, Ministry of External Affairs\, Government of India \n\nAmbassador Hossein Sheikholeslam\, Advisor to Foreign Minister\, Iran.\nSubject: The Threat of Extremism in West Asia: The Iranian Experience\nDr. Vladimir I. Sotnikov\, Senior Research Fellow\, Institute of Eastern Studies\, Russian Academy of Sciences\nSubject: Russia’s views on Radical Islam threat in Central Asia\nMr. Mustafa El Sagezli\, General Manager of The Libyan Program for Reintegration & Development\nSubject: Countering Terrorism in the Maghreb: Implications for Global Security \nMs Prabha Rao\, Senior Fellow\, IDSA\, New Delhi\nSubject: al-Qaeda and the Arab Peninsular \nDr. Frank Ledwidge (UK)\, Former Military Intelligence Officer who served in Iraq\, Afghanistan And Libya\nSubject: A brief survey of total strategic failure: NATO in Western Asia\nDr. Eitan Shamir\, Senior Research Fellow\, Begin Sadat Center for Strategic Studies\, Israel\nSubject: What after counter-insurgency? Raiding in zones of turmoil\n\n12:30 – 13:30 Lunch Break \n13:30: – 16:00 – Panel 5 Regional Perspectives – South and South East Asia: The Growing Spectre of Terror\nChairperson – Dr. Sanjaya Baru\, Distinguished Fellow\, USI\, New Delhi \n\nLt. Gen. Chowdhury Hasan Sarwardy\, Commandant\, National Defence College\, Mirpur\, Bangladesh\nSubject: Countering Terrorism : Perspectives from Bangladesh\nDr. Ayesha Siddiqa\, Former bureaucrat and Political commentator\, Pakistan\nSubject: A 9/11 for South Asia?\nDr. Ma Xiangwu\, Functionary\, Communist Party of China\nSubject: China’s Experience in Countering Terrorism/Violent Extremism: Policy\, Achievements and Challenges\nGen. Daya Ratnayake\, Former Commander of Army\, Sri Lanka\nSubject: The Sri Lankan defeat of Terrorism: Lessons for evolving a regional response for combatting Terrorism\nDr. Kumar Ramakrishna\, Head of Policy Studies and Coordinator of National Security Studies Programme in the Office of the executive deputy chairman\, RSIS\, Singapore\nSubject: The Evolving ISIS Threat to Southeast Asia\n\n16:00 – 16:15 Tea / Coffee Break \n16:15 – 18:15 – Panel 6 Constructing Effective Counter-narratives: The Need for A Global Response\nChairperson – Mr. Syed Asif Ibrahim\, Indian Prime Minister’s Special Envoy on “Countering Terrorism and Extremism \n\nLt. General S A Hasnain\, Former GOC 15 Corps\, Srinagar\, Fellow at Vivekanand International Foundation and Member of Governing Council of Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies (IPCS)\nSubject: Crafting a Narrative for Kashmir\nH.E. Ahmad Badreddin Hassoun\, Grand Mufti\, Syria\nSubject: Effective Counter narratives for Deradcalisation\nDr. Adil Rasheed\, Research Fellow\, IDSA\nSubject: The Deconstruction of the Jihadist Narrative\nMr. SM Sahai\, IPSSubject: Understanding Sufism to influence extremism in Kashmir\nDr. A.R. Anjaria\, President\, Islamic Defence Cyber Cell of India and Member\, Advisory Council\, Jama Masjid\, Delhi.\nSubject: Use of Quran and Fatwas to enable change \nDr. Kalbe Sadiq\, Founder\, Tauheedul Muslimeen Trust\nSubject: Narratives for Countering Jihad\n\nDay 3: 8 March 2017\n10:00 – 10:15 Tea/ Coffee \n10:15 – 13:00 Valedictory Session – The Asian Response to Combatting Terror: The Way Forward\nChairperson – Commodore C. Uday Bhaskar\, Director\, Society for Policy Studies (SPS)\nPanellists: tbc\nRound up comments – DG\, IDSA\, Shri Jayant Prasad \n13:00 Lunch (End of Conference)\n \n\n\n\nConference Booklet\n\nClick here to Download\n\n\n\n\nPhotogallery\n\nClick here to Photographs\n\n\n\n\nRapporteurs Report\n\nClick here to Download\n\n\n\n\nContact us\nShruti Pandalai\nCo-ordinator 19th Asian Security Conference\nAssociate Fellow\, Military Centre\nInstitute for Defence Studies and Analyses\nNew Delhi-110010\n(Office) +91 11-26717983 Extn 7202\nEmail: shrutipandalai [at] gmail.com URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/19th-asian-security-conference-combating-terrorism-evolving-an-asian-response CATEGORIES:Asian Security Conference,Previous ASC,CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20170306T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20170306T053000 DTSTAMP:20261108T012629 CREATED:20231223T123845Z LAST-MODIFIED:20240228T110440Z UID:62617-1488778200-1488778200@idsa.in SUMMARY:Keynote Address H.E. Mhd. Hanif Atmar\, National Security Advisor\, Afghanistan at the 19th Asian Security Conference on "Combating Terrorism: Evolving an Asian Response" DESCRIPTION: URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/keynote-address-h-e-mhd-hanif-atmar-national-security-advisor-afghanistan-at-the-19th-asian-security-conference-on-combating-terrorism-evolving-an-asian-response CATEGORIES:Asian Security Conference,ASC Key Speeches,ANNUAL CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20170306T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20170306T053000 DTSTAMP:20261108T012629 CREATED:20231223T123845Z LAST-MODIFIED:20240228T232620Z UID:62616-1488778200-1488778200@idsa.in SUMMARY:Inaugural Address by Hon'ble Raksha Mantri Shri Manohar Parrikar at the 19th Asian Security Conference on ‘Combating Terrorism: Evolving an Asian Response’ DESCRIPTION: URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/inaugural-address-by-honble-raksha-mantri-shri-manohar-parrikar-at-the-19th-asian-security-conference-on-combating-terrorism-evolving-an-asian-response CATEGORIES:Asian Security Conference,ASC Key Speeches ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20160210T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20160210T053000 DTSTAMP:20261108T012629 CREATED:20231223T123945Z LAST-MODIFIED:20240229T000247Z UID:62621-1455082200-1455082200@idsa.in SUMMARY:Keynote address by Dr Arvind Gupta\, Deputy National Security Advisor at the 18th Asian Security Conference on "Securing Cyberspace: Asian and International Perspectives" DESCRIPTION:I would like to thank Ambassador Jayant Prasad\, Director General of IDSA for inviting me to address the participants of 18th Asian Security Conference. With its eighteenth edition ASC has truly come of age. \n2. The theme chosen for this year’s conference is apt. The world is becoming increasingly turbulent. The unstoppable march of globalisation\, facilitated by ICTs\, has raised many troubling questions concerning the maintenance of peace and stability. Cyber security is now an international security concern. It is also a top concern for most countries and figures high in their national security priorities. The focus is on managing the threats in cyberspace which affect everyone. The key question before a state is how to defend itself from the ever increasing occurrences of cyber-attacks. \n3. The year 2015 saw a number of important developments in the field of cyber security. President Xi’s visit to the US in September 2015 will be remembered for some outspoken public comments by President Obama on US concerns over on-line theft of intellectual property. Aware that cyber concerns\, if unresolved\, can create misunderstanding and destabilise the bilateral ties\, the two countries agreed to bilateral cyber security dialogues. In President Obama’s words\, the two governments agreed that “neither the US nor the Chinese government will conduct or knowingly support cyber related theft of intellectual property including trade secrets or other confidential business information for commercial advantage”. President Obama\, according to reports\, took up strongly with President Xi the issue of cyber threats. On his part\, President Xi\, declared that “China strongly opposes and combats the theft of commercial secrets and hacking attacks”. The meeting took place in the backdrop of a well-publicised cyber-attack on the Office of Personnel Management (OPM) resulting in the stealing of the fingerprints of 5.6 million people in December 2014 and compromising records of some 22 million people. Acknowledgement by both sides that cyber security is an issue between them was in itself a remarkable development. During the same year\, China and Russia also signed a comprehensive agreement on cyber security. \n4. In 2015\, the UN Group of Governmental Experts (UNGGE) came out with its 3rd Report which was an advance over the previous report. As a result of the efforts of the UNGGE\, there is now a growing recognition that international law\, particularly the UN charter\, applies as much as to cyberspace as to other domains. The UNGGE emphasises that principles of sovereign equality; settlement of international disputes by peaceful means; refraining from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state; respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms including the freedom of expression; and non-intervention in the internal affairs of other states are some of the principles which also apply to the ICT security. In other words\, international law is technology neutral. One of the main observations of the report is that states have jurisdiction over the ICT infrastructure located within their territory. \n5. The international law has many aspects including intervention in self-defence\, economic sanctions\, counter measures and so on. A debate has broken out whether intervention through cyber means in other countries’ networks\, under certain circumstance\, is justified or not. The debate is sharp but inconclusive. \n6. Cyber security issues are contentious and are proving to be difficult even as the incidents of cyber-attacks\, cybercrime\, cyber terrorism grow exponentially. Every year new types of attacks are invented and carried out. The toolkit of attackers is expanding. It is quite possible that states may be clandestinely developing arsenal of tools of cyber-attack even as they discuss the need for accepted norms in cyberspace. \n7. The challenge before states is how to defend their critical\, military and civilian infrastructure from destabilising cyber-attacks. Cybercrime is on the increase. Theft of personal information and intellectual property is rampant. The distinction between state and non-state actors in cyberspace is blurring. Even as technologies of active defence are developed\, the attackers are several steps ahead. \n8. While most states are engaged in implementing strategies to defend their networks from cyber-attacks\, they are also toying with the idea of developing capabilities which would deter potential attackers. Efforts have been made to develop a theory and practice of “cyber deterrence” on the lines of nuclear deterrence. \n9. Drawing analogies from the nuclear arms control vocabulary\, it is argued that both denial and punishment are essential for deterring cyber aggression. The idea is to make it clear to the potential attacker that the cost of cyber aggression will outweigh the benefits. An effective cyber deterrence strategy will include deterrence by denial as well as penalty by punishment. Deterrence by denial will rely on strong defences. The efforts of the attacker would be rendered futile if defences and resilience i.e. the capability to bounce back are strong. Deterrence by punishment\, on the other hand\, relies on the ability to counter attack. It is argued that the attacker should know that retaliation should be “certain\, severe and immediate”. This will deter him. \n10. The question is whether cyber deterrence can work in the way similar to nuclear deterrence. Nuclear deterrence works because both sides know fairly accurately the nature\, size and scope of each other’s nuclear arsenal and the means of delivery. Over decades\, arms control negotiations were focussed on issues such as transparency and verifiability of each other’s arsenals. Detailed nuclear CBMs\, based on verification\, were developed. Attempts were made to understand each other’s nuclear doctrines. In the nuclear cease\, actors were few. Non-state actors did not possess nuclear weapons. In cyberspace\, the situation is vastly different. As yet\, there is no clarity even on what cyber-attack means. There is no agreed definition of a cyber- weapon. There are no means of verification. Multiple actors operate in cyberspace with complete anonymity. \n11. Sceptics point out that cyber deterrence will fail because of the lack of attributability in cyberspace. In cyberspace\, where anonymity is the key\, it is difficult to identify precisely who the attacker is. Non-attribution is the fundamental weakness of the cyber deterrence argument. There is\, however\, some literature which suggests that the problem of attribution may be overcome sooner or later. Such claims are\, however\, unverifiable at present. \n12. For cyber deterrence to be meaningful\, a state would have to define its thresholds through appropriate signalling. It will need to indicate its cyber thresholds. Some ambiguity will no doubt be deliberate. Yet\, a potential attacker should know that retaliation would be severe and unacceptable if a redline is crossed. Indicating redlines will depend upon a country’s capabilities\, intents and interests. Today\, the redlines are absent. For instance\, should cyber espionage\, directed against military and non-military targets\, be treated as an act of cyber warfare? Is an attack on the banking networks\, stock exchanges\, power grids an act of war? Does cyber espionage merit a counter attack? Should retaliation be in cyberspace or by other means? With key questions unanswered\, to have a cyber-deterrence on the lines of nuclear deterrence seems difficult. \n13. The Tallinn Manual 1.0\, originally called Tallinn Manual on the International Law applicable to cyber warfare\, deals with conflict scenarios in cyberspace where international law would apply. While Tallinn Manual is not an official document\, its work is sponsored by NATO and other countries. Presently\, a second version of the Tallinn Manual\, Tallinn Manual (2.0)\, is being worked out. The Tallinn Manual 2.0 deals with the application of international law to cyberspace during peacetime. A recent meeting held in the Hague on 2-3 February dealt with these issues. During discussions\, attempts were made at defining a diplomatic law for cyberspace. It was suggested that attack on the computer systems of a foreign embassy should be prohibited by law. It was also professed that intervention in cyberspace may be permitted under certain circumstances. \n14. In India’s point of view\, Tallinn Manual\, while being a useful exercise\, does not reflect the existing law on the subject because of the absence of state practice which is critical for development of customary international law. \n15. These difficulties notwithstanding\, states are going ahead with incorporation of cyber security in to their military doctrines. Such doctrines postulate that a state\, exercising its right to defend itself\, could retaliate to a cyber-attack by cyber or any other means. The US national strategy of 2015 says that US could use cyber tools or other means to retaliate against cyber-attacks. \n16. The problem of cyber-attacks cannot be seen in isolation. Today\, cyberspace is inter-twined with other domains of warfare\, namely\, land\, water\, air and space. This inter-twining implies that cyber-attacks will not be seen as mere cyber-attacks. The retaliation in non-cyber form i.e. retaliation through non cyber means including possibly military means cannot be ruled out. Cyber-attacks\, as means of warfare\, would only enlarge the battle domain. Cyber warfare may induce states to opt for full-spectrum deterrence. \n17. Cyber warfare is a contested concept. Cyber espionage\, attack on critical infrastructures etc are routine happenings in cyberspace. So far military means have not been used to deter attacks. Nor have economic sanctions been used because attributing a cyber-attack has been so difficult. Further\, many victims feel shy of reporting cyber-attacks. Such incidents have not been regarded as acts of warfare so far because no definition of cyber warfare exists so far. Whether a cyber-attack is seen as a component of cyber warfare will depend upon the context of the attack. The authors of the Tallinn Manual have grappled for many years to come up with some acceptable definitions but so far the progress has been slow. \n18. India cannot be oblivious to these developments. Internet usage is spreading rapidly in India. Even though internet penetration in the country is still low\, nearly 400 million people are using the internet. Digital India will take broadband internet to every village Panchayat. With one billion SIM card subscribers\, a revolution in connectivity is sweeping India. India’s future progress and growth is linked with the expansion of the digital network\, overcoming digital divides and ensuring that robust cyber security policies are adopted right from the beginning. \n19. India has taken several steps in the recent past to strengthen its cyber defensive capabilities. To mention a few: \n\nA national cyber security policy has been announced and is being implemented.\nAn elaborate national cyber security assurance framework is under implementation.\nThe National Cyber Security Coordinator appointed last year is coordinating the Indian cyber security effort spread across the various agencies. \nCoordination amongst various agencies has improved. \nA National Critical Information Infrastructure Protection Centre (NCIIPC) has been set up. There is a regular dialogue with the key sectors of the economy.\nPublic-private partnership is being constructed. There is an active dialogue between the government and the private sector.\nA National Cyber Coordination Centre (NCCC) is being set up. \nEfforts are being made to develop cyber security skills in the country. New cyber security curricula are being introduced in the colleges. \nCyber security R&D policy has also been under active consideration of the government.\nCERT-India\, an organization that was set up in 2004\, has done significant work in dealing with cyber incidents as well as spreading awareness. \nIndia is pursuing active cyber diplomacy with cyber security dialogues having been set up with several countries and is participating in several international fora including the UN on cyber security. \n\n20. All these synchronized and coordinated efforts are already showing results. But we cannot be complacent in the face of growing threats and evolving technologies. Due to the explosive growth of ICTs\, cyber security scenario is likely to remain challenging. We will need to work hard on the various aspects of cyber security including the emerging challenges. \n21. Like other countries\, India also faces the daunting task of stopping and preventing cyber-attacks on its networks. India will have to closely study the evolution of cyber deterrence idea. Building cyber deterrence capability would entail building robust networks that can be defended\, encouraging comprehensive R&D in the area of cyber security and strengthening indigenous manufacture of ICT products and technologies. It will also require strong cyber diplomacy to ensure that India is not at the receiving end of the emerging ICT Export Control regime under the Wassenaar Agreement. We also need to closely analyse the patterns of cyber-attacks against us and build suitable response measures including the capability to conduct cyber operations if required. India would need to take note of the increasingly assertive cyber security doctrines that are being adopted by other countries. This will help in working out our own cyber security doctrines. The inputs from the Conference like this would be most useful. \n22. In conclusion\, I would like to point out that there is a lack of consensus in the international community on norms of behaviour in cyberspace. We are at a stage where technology is far ahead of our thinking on cyber laws and cyber norms. The UN Group of Governmental Experts has proved to be a useful platform to discuss these issues but the absence of a broader representative platform where contentious issues can be hammered out and consensus arrived at is conspicuous by its absence. Ad-hoc groups adopting ad-hoc procedures to deliberate over ad-hoc cyber security agendas will not necessarily build a consensus. The international community needs to come together to discuss how to deal with threats in cyberspace which are growing by the minute. The task may seem daunting but states should seriously reflect whether the world needs a Cyber Convention on cyber security. Unlike in the other commons like the land\, the sea and space\, where international law has grown immediately\, cyberspace is still largely lawless. This Conference\, where leading experts have assembled\, can generate ideas on the way forward towards building a consensus on cyber security issues. \nThank you! URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/keynote-address-by-dr-arvind-gupta-deputy-national-security-advisor-at-the-18th-asian-security-conference-on-securing-cyberspace-asian-and-international-perspectives CATEGORIES:Asian Security Conference,ASC Key Speeches ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20160209T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20160211T053000 DTSTAMP:20261108T012629 CREATED:20231223T125434Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250120T222918Z UID:62758-1454995800-1455168600@idsa.in SUMMARY:18th Asian Security Conference - Securing Cyberspace: Asian and International Perspectives DESCRIPTION:Concept Note\n\n\nThe Asian Security Conference (ASC) is a major calendar event of the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA)\, New Delhi. Since 1999\, when the conference was first held\, the ASC has emerged as an important platform for debating issues relating to Asian Security. For the last ten years\, the ASC has been providing a forum for security analysts\, practitioners and policy makers from around the world to share their views on the challenges facing the Asian continent. The eighteenth conference in this series is being held on the topic “Securing Cyberspace: Asian and International Perspectives”. \nCybersecurity is increasingly drawing attention from policy makers as the world becomes increasingly interlinked and dependent on digital pathways. Use of cyber space by governments\, businesses and individuals has provided economic benefits and helped connect the world in beneficial ways. Simultaneously\, however\, there are attempts being made by state and non-state actors to deny its legitimate use by others. Use of cyber space for espionage\, both commercial and security-related\, are common. Its use by criminals and extremists is no less dangerous. Managing this nascent and rapidly developing threat has proved to be problematic given that it now touches almost every aspect of human existence\, from communication to commerce. It equally impact on a variety of stakeholders\, individuals\, corporations and states\, all with differing priorities and perspectives. The large number of users and actors involved\, and their varying perceptions of the threats and responses to emanating from cyber space have led to conflicting voices on how best to mitigate and overcome them. \nEven as the connected systems and networks have grown more intertwined and complex\, Cyberspace is being used for a variety of malicious activities\, from crime to state-sponsored attacks on critical infrastructure. The interconnectedness of cyber networks means that even the most basic responses end up having a ripple effect or unintended consequences. Maintaining a balance between security and benefitting from the many opportunities provided by the deployment of new cyber technologies is proving to be one of the most vexatious issues of the 21st century. \nThe risk from cyber threats to government agencies\, private enterprises\, public sector undertakings and research institutions of strategic importance can manifest in many forms. A Distributed Denial of Service (DDoS) attack can disrupt business operations or it may cause severe outages\, thereby having a direct impact on their revenue and reputation. Companies also face the risk of losing trade secrets or intellectual property rights. Moreover\, a massive data breach for companies or governance portals storing data of customers or citizens can compromise personal information. A cyber-attack on entities that are part of critical infrastructure can have a debilitating impact on national security. The risk increases manifold for electricity grids\, nuclear installations\, and telemetry/command and control network of space assets. Surprisingly\, social media\, as a threat vector\, has become a channel of least resistance for threat actors to conduct reconnaissance\, identity thefts and gather information on employees\, projects\, systems and infrastructure\, besides spreading hateful propaganda and enticing impressionable youth to follow extremist ideologies.\nCyberspace has become an intricate constituent of national power. The strategies for the development of Cyberspace are not just restricted to civilian purposes; rather\, this domain now falls well under the ambit of the armed forces. With the advent of Network Centricity in military operations and Revolution in Military Affairs\, armed forces are at elevated risk of cyber incidents. The integrated use of land\, air\, maritime and space assets for enhanced domain awareness or real-time information access warrants the armed forces to build expertise in both defensive and offensive cyber operations. Nation states have documented their Cyber Strategies and executed them in the form of Cyber Commands\, both overt and covert. With the military dimension\, Cyberspace is witnessing a race for development and deployment of cyber weapons. An arms control regime\, the Wassenaar Arrangement has enlarged its controls list in consonance with the way Cyberspace has altered present day security landscape. The development of cyber weapons and their potential usage against high value targets has been one of the major security concerns for nation states. \nThe threats in Cyberspace are varying in nature and intensity. Leading companies operating in the domains of energy\, telecommunications\, finance\, and transportation sectors are targets of Advanced Persistent Threats (APT). Non-state actors\, such as terrorist organizations and criminal syndicates have become tech-savvy\, thereby employing human resources to develop malware. These tools are used extensively in committing Cybercrime. Terrorist organizations leverage the benefits of Cyberspace\, harnessing it for ideology propagation\, recruitment and communication. The terrorist organization\, the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) has been a prime case study. It has tremendous presence on social media helps spread its propaganda and recruit sympathizers across the globe. Al-Qaeda is also reported to have developed encryption software to secure their communication in Cyberspace. \nAs the extent of commerce transacted over Cyberspace grows\, along with increasing reliance on information technology to drive cost-efficiencies\, the risk exposure to enterprises have increased. According to the 2013 Security Threat Report published by the cyber security company\, Sophos\, Asia accounted for eight of the top-10 countries most vulnerable to Cybercrime. Asia\, the largest continent on earth\, represents 60 percent of the world’s population. It is the fastest growing economic region globally. On the other hand\, the unprecedented growth of rising economies\, rapid industrialisation\, rising demand for energy\, expanding markets and\, depleting natural resources have led to competition and confrontation with respect to the access and control of resources. As Asia continues to grow its share of the global trade and commerce\, the threats from cyber-attacks are expected to increase in tandem. \nCyber-attacks\, like many of the new security challenges\, are transnational in origin and nature\, and no nation can combat them alone. Despite variations in ethnic\, economic and government systems\, Asian countries need robust security architecture to resolve the issues specific to the geographical region as well as international issues detrimental to Asia’s economic and societal growth. \nWith the shift of power towards Asia\, its representation in the rule-making mechanisms and inputs towards creating a secure cyberspace is critical to international politics\, the world economy\, and the credibility of international institutions and cybersecurity regimes. Within Asia\, cyber threats have altered the security perceptions of institutions and government systems. Against this backdrop\, the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\, New Delhi will organise the 18th Asian Security Conference focusing on the emerging threats and challenges from cyber domain to national and regional security. The two-and-a-half-day conference will consider international and regional responses to cyber security and the scope for cooperation amidst varying national policy frameworks and legislations. \nThe major themes to be discussed include the following: \n\nThe Global Cybersecurity Environment\nInternational and Regional Responses to issues in Cybersecurity\nNon-State Actors and Cyberspace\nSecuring Strategic Critical Infrastructure\nCybersecurity and the Digital Economy\nRole of Military in Cybersecurity\nDisruptive Technologies and Cybersecurity\n\n\n\n\n\nProgramme Schedule\n\n\nTuesday\, February 9\, 2016 (DAY ONE)\n09:15-09:40 Registration \n09:45-10:15 Inaugural Address\nWelcome Remarks: Shri Jayant Prasad\, Director General\, IDSA\nKey Note Address: Air Marshal PP Reddy VM\, ADC\, Chief of Integrated Defence Staff\nVote of Thanks: Brig. Rumel Dahiya (Retd)\, Deputy Director General\, IDSA \n10:15-10:45 Tea \n10:45-13:00 Session 1: The Global Cybersecurity Environment\nChairperson: Nitin Desai\nAmmar Jaffri – Cyber Security Challenges & Opportunities in the Fast Changing World Today\nVarun Sahni – Cyber Redefinitions and the Challenged State: Security Implications\nGreg Austin – Mutual Restraint in the Cyberspace Diplomacy of Great Powers\nCuihong Cai – Global Cybersecurity Environment: Perspectives of the US and China in Comparison\nYasuaki Hashimoto – Present Situation of Japanese Cyber Security \n13:00-14:00 Lunch \n14:00-15:30 Session 2: International and Regional Responses to Cybersecurity Challenges\nChairperson: Latha Reddy\nAlexandra Kulikova – Working out the Rules of Global Cyberspace Governance\nNandkumar Saravade – International and Regional Responses to Cybersecurity Challenges\nCandice Tran Dai – Economic Dimensions of National Cybersecurity Strategies in the Asia-Pacific Region\nMunish Sharma and Cherian Samuel – A South Asian Regional Cybersecurity Cooperation (SARCC) Forum: Prospects and Challenges \n15:30-16:00 Tea \n16:00-17:30 Session 3: Non-State Actors and Cyberspace\nChairperson: Ravi Kant\nAlok Vijayant – Asymmetrism in the Cyberspace: State vs. Non-state Actors\nSanjeev Relia – Non-State Actors and Cyberspace: An Overview\nArun Mohan Sukumar – State and Non-State: Residual Actors in Cyberspace\nGillane Allam – Non-State Actors & Cyberspace- A North African Perspective \nWednesday\, February 10\, 2016 (DAY TWO)\n10:00-11:00 Keynote Address by Dr. Arvind Gupta\, Deputy National Security Advisor\n11:00-11:30 Tea\n11:30-13:00 Session 4: Securing Strategic Critical Infrastructure\nChairperson: Alhad G. Apte\nTed Lewis – Challenges of Cybersecurity: Malware and AS-level Structure\nKah-Kin Ho – Evolving Role of Government in Critical Infrastructure Protection\nJana Robinson – Governance Challenges at the Intersection of Space and Cybersecurity\nCaroline Baylon – Cyber Security Threats to Critical Infrastructure: A Case Study of Nuclear Facilities\nA. Vinod Kumar – Securing Critical Infrastructure from Cyber Threats: Developing Defence\, Deterrence and Norms \n13:00-14:00 Lunch \n14:00-15:30 Session 5: Cybersecurity and the Digital Economy\nChairperson: V. K. Saraswat\nLiam Nevill – Challenging Opportunities for Asia-Pacific’s Digital Economy\nMadan M. Oberoi – New Technologies and New Forms of Crime: Need to Recalibrate Law Enforcement Strategy / Procedures / Law\nIL Seok\, OH – Korean Legal Initiatives to Combat Cybercrime and Enhance Digital Economy\nUchenna Jerome Orji – Regionalizing the Cybersecurity Governance in Africa: An Assessment of Responses \n15:30-16:00 Tea \n16:00-17:30 Session 6: Role of Military in Cybersecurity\nChairperson: Prakash Menon\nLiina Areng – Role of Military in Cybersecurity\nAmit Sharma – The Triad Theory of Cyber Warfare: A Framework for Strategic Cyber Warfare\nCaitriona Heinl – International Military Cyber Cooperation in Asia\nLi-Chung Yuan – Role of Military in Cyberspace: Case of Republic of China (Taiwan) \nThursday\, February 11\, 2016 (DAY THREE)\n10:00-11:30 Session 7: Cybersecurity Futures\nChairperson: K. Santhanam\nTobby Simon – Cybersecurity Futures\nSico van der Meer – Defence\, Deterrence\, and Diplomacy: Foreign Policy Instruments to Increase Future Cybersecurity\nJohn Ellis – Disruptive Technologies and the Trusted Cyber Future\nJonathan Reiber – Cybersecurity Futures and the U.S.-India Strategic Partnership \n11:30-12:00 Tea \n12:00-14:00 Session 8 – Panel Discussion on Way Forward \nVote of Thanks \n14:00-15:00 Lunch\n \n\n\n\nConference Booklet\nRapporteurs Report URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/18th-asian-security-conference-securing-cyberspace-asian-and-international-perspectives-2 CATEGORIES:Asian Security Conference,Previous ASC,CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20160209T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20160209T053000 DTSTAMP:20261108T012629 CREATED:20231223T123945Z LAST-MODIFIED:20240229T000326Z UID:62622-1454995800-1454995800@idsa.in SUMMARY:Keynote address by Air Marshal PP Reddy VM\, ADC\, Chief of Integrated Defence Staff at the 18th Asian Security Conference on "Securing Cyberspace: Asian and International Perspectives" DESCRIPTION:Dr Jayant Prasad\, Director General IDSA\nDistinguished guests and participants\,\nLadies and gentlemen\, \n1. It gives me great pleasure in welcoming you all to the 18th edition of the Asian Security Conference. Since its inception in January 1999\, this Conference has served as a forum for free and open discussion by security analysts\, experts and scholars from different parts of the world. The theme of the 18th Asian Security Conference – ‘Securing Cyberspace : Asian and International Perspectives’ is a highly relevant and extremely contemporary as cyberspace has become an arena for co-operation\, competition as well as conflict. \n2. The traditional bases of national power have included the economy\, military capabilities\, the science and technology base\, and national resources including physical resources\, human resources\, infrastructure\, and knowledge resources. The arrival of the Information Age is widely seen as a momentous development\, as revolutionary as the Industrial Age\, with information processing regimes replacing manufacturing as the source of wealth and growth. Cyber and information technologies have added a new dimension to the various components of national power\, creating both new capabilities as well as new sources of vulnerabilities. Cyberspace and cyber technologies today\, have become key components in the formulating and execution of national policy. Cyber technologies are also entwined across the key components of national power and act as a force multiplier\, thereby creating new synergies and unleashing new forces\, sometimes with disruptive effects. \n3. The Prime Minister of India\, while enunciating his vision of a Digital India conceptualised an India “where government services are easily and efficiently available on mobile devices; where government actively engages with people on social media; where mobile phones enable personal services; and where cyber security becomes an integral part of the national security.” Towards this end\, the Govt of India has started a number of programmes to leverage information technology for the benefit of citizens. The “Digital India” and “Smart Cities” are flagship programmes with a vision to transform India into a digitally empowered society and knowledge economy. Another flagship programme of the Government of India is “Make in India” which is designed to facilitate investment\, foster innovation\, enhance skill development\, to protect intellectual property rights and to build best-in-class manufacturing infrastructure for products made in India. Both the programmes operate by leveraging the use of information technology. It goes without saying that this accelerated capacity building has enormous implications for the country’s cyber-security posture. \n4. With over 400 million Internet users\, whose number is growing rapidly\, India has an enormous stake in a safe and secure cyberspace. The Indian government has always stood for an open\, global and secure cyberspace and is also aware of the fact that this goal can only be arrived at through international co-operation and collaboration. At the same time\, threats from both state and non-state actors\, are weakening the very foundations of this concept. \n5. As highlighted earlier\, cyberspace has today become an intricate constituent of national power having a peaceful as well as the military dimensions. And hence the involvement of the Armed Forces in the domain\, in order to secure it\, as also to develop credible deterrence capabilities. With militaries adopting network centric warfare and migrating towards more complex Info & Comn systems\, they are at elevated risks of cyber attacks. Several nations have documented their cyber strategies and executed them through organisations and structures in the form of Cyber Commands etc\, while several other nations are frequently making changes\, based on dynamic nature of the envisaged threat. Cyberspace is also witnessing a race for development and deployment of cyber weapons\, and has therefore been one of the major security concerns of the Nation States. \n6. “Will strategic stability in a globalised and digitised environment be feasible\, considering the rapid increase in threats and violations in an unregulated cyber space” is what we all need to sit together and discuss. Are we today witnessing a sort of Cyber Arms Race akin to the nuclear or missile arms race of yesteryears? Can we have international regulatory mechanisms binding on activities in cyber space\, and efficacy of such mechanisms on cyber domain where physical inspections etc are of little relevance? Or should regulations be through treaties or conventions or a simple code of conduct by nations\, organisations\, and individuals? \n7. There are also questions about whether existing laws and conventions on war\, particularly the Laws of Armed Conflict (LOAC)\, and International Humanitarian Law can be adapted to the new environment of cyber warfare. The basic principles that have governed definitions and responses to traditional war\, such as sovereignty\, jurisdiction\, use of force\, self-defence\, proportionality\, distinction\, and necessity\, cannot be easily adapted to cyberwar. Malicious actors\, state-sponsored or otherwise\, are taking advantage of the confusion to carry out action that come below the thresholds of the definition of war. The question then arises as to which is the appropriate body that would counter or deter such attacks. One of the most difficult issues related to adapting the existing international law to cyberspace is to do with cyber weapons. There is as yet no legally agreed upon definition of a cyber weapon\, and the unique characteristics of cyberspace make defining a cyber weapon\, that much more harder. And that raises the legitimate question as to whether cyber weapons are a reality\, something with which we have to live with and hence devise ways and means to deal with them. \n8. Of course\, none of these laws apply to the terrorist organisation who have adapted themselves in innovative ways to become one the most ardent users of cyberspace for a variety of purposes\, from communication\, to finance\, as well as for recruitment\, networking and psy ops as we are currently witnessing. As the visual and real worlds get increasingly integrated with the Internet of Things (IoT)\, it is only inevitable that terrorists will try to use cyberspace for destructive purposes as well. \n9. With the cyber arena now recognised as a new and distinct domain of warfare\, setting up a force competent to achieve the dual objectives of defending the country from cyber attacks in war and securing the military’s network operations in peace\, requires considerable thought. In the near term\, cyber has added a new dimension to the traditional warfare. While both on the ground is not going to be replaced by cyber armies operating in a virtual battlefield in the near future\, information dominance in the battlefield may well make the difference between victory and defeat. On the other hand\, increasing use of Info & Comn Tech by the armies of today\, can also lead to destruction through the manipulation of information by opposing forces. \n10. Requisite capabilities for protecting the Indian cyber space\, both for civil and military applications\, are slowly but steadily\, being enhanced. Cooperation amongst the nation-states and a consensus approach\, for regulating cyber space need to be adopted by the global community to ensure that the cyber domain is used primarily to enhance quality of life of citizens of our nations\, and to strengthen peace\, stability and development. \n11. In this multi-dimensional\, dynamic and evolving medium that we call cyberspace\, one finds both\, great challenges and great opportunities. I am sure\, that the thought and perspectives of the eminent speakers at this conference\, including experts and thinkers in cyber technology from around the world\, will go a long way in shaping the future of cyberspace and cyber security. \nThank you. \nJai Hind! URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/keynote-address-by-air-marshal-pp-reddy-vm-adc-chief-of-integrated-defence-staff-at-the-18th-asian-security-conference-on-securing-cyberspace-asian-and-international-perspectives CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES,Asian Security Conference,ASC Key Speeches ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20151126T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20151127T053000 DTSTAMP:20261108T012629 CREATED:20231223T125439Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250120T223746Z UID:62762-1448515800-1448602200@idsa.in SUMMARY:9th South Asia Conference - Culture as a Factor in Regional Cooperation in South Asia DESCRIPTION:Concept Note\n\n\nMost states in South Asia are multi-cultural in character. In the post-colonial phase of their existence\, they were confronted with the twin problems of state and nation building. While the former involved building institutions of governance the latter necessitated efforts to achieve unity in diversity. States seeking to construct a monolithic identity amalgamating diverse linguistic\, religion and ethnic identities faced the challenge of integrating the minorities. In view of the overlapping cultural spaces cutting across state borders\, such homogenization efforts led to spilling over of ethnic conflicts across states. The borders thus became new frontiers of such contested identities— national versus sub-national. It was natural\, therefore\, for discourses on interstate relations to be enmeshed in arguments in favour of\, and against\, pluri-cultural national identities. Recognition of plurality was often misconstrued as shedding of sovereignty to other states which housed same ethno-linguistic and cultural communities. While in many cases such geo-cultural continuity and commonality have led to inter-state tension and conflicts\, there is distinct possibility of culture playing an integrative role and creating and propelling regional integration in South Asia or at least playing a positive role in contributing to bilateral relations. \nAs South Asian states are pushing for regional integration\, culture has emerged as a force to connect\, to build relations and heal the ruptures created by history and politics. As cultural actors challenge the territorial limits that nation-states impose on culture\, they engender new possibilities of states caving in to their demands and using their borders as bridges rather than barriers. William Van Schendel in his path breaking work titled as The Bengal Borderland: Beyond State and Nation in South Asia identifies the beginnings of such a change when he argues that “territoriality is being re-scaled by states that should be seen as active partners in global restructuring and not as passive victims of deterritorialisation”. However\, it may take a long time for such process to mature in the region as the nation states in South Asia continue to be apprehensive of cultural connectivity across states which is perceived to be ‘deterritorialising’ the process of construction of exclusive nation-states. \nNevertheless\, there are several developments which signal a movement in that direction. The nation-states in South Asia in spite of their exclusive nation building projects\, are succumbing to the process of globalisation and revolution in the information technology that has propelled emergence of the new media. Cultural contacts and social interactions no more require state sanctions and visas; rather the netizens have been able to dilute the exclusivity that they imbibed through their political socialisation and textbook education. Television channels\, movies and visits by cultural troupes have contributed to the cultural connectivity even across ethno-cultural groups. \nEven if culture has so far been used in South Asia sparingly and cautiously as a foreign policy tool\, the use of culture as a connecting tool is quite noticeable in recent years. There are efforts today to jointly produce movies especially in the India Pakistan context; effort is also being made to make people to people contact part of bilateral as well as regional agenda.  Recently Tagore 150th birth centenary was celebrated by India\, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka and Nazrul birth anniversary were jointly celebrated by India and Bangladesh. The old Buddhist tourism circuit is being revived to link up with Nepal\, Sri Lanka\, Bhutan and the wider world. Nepal\, Bhutan\, Bangladesh and India are taking steps to celebrate their common cultural heritages. There are many in Pakistan who are trying to revive\, re-establish and reinvent their past socio-cultural connectivity with India. In the words of Yousef Lapid and Fredrich Kratochwil in their book The Return of Culture and identity in IR Theory write\, “The forces disposing states towards particularism\, however\, sometimes confront others disposing them towards collectivism”. Therefore\, it can be argued that “culture” is staging a comeback in inter-state and regional politics and it could help states to overcome years of mutual mistrust and push the process of regional integration forward. \nThe 9th South Asia Dialogue being hosted by IDSA in 2015 seeks to focus on how India and its South Asian neighbours perceive their common cultural heritage and to what extent inter-state cultural linkages will help the nation states establish a new of trust and understanding and help construct a new regional identity. Some of the questions this conference aims to look at are: \n\nDoes culture play any role in international relations and does it matter as a tool of foreign policy?\nWhat role can culture play in the region in building trust and understanding?\nHow do the South Asian countries look at the common historical and shared cultural experiences?\nHow can cross-cultural ties be built across states?\nCan culture help in forging a regional identity and foster regional cooperation?\n\n\n\n\n\nProgramme Schedule\n\nDay I\, November 26\, 2015 \n0930-1000hrs: Registration and Tea \n 1000-1030: Inauguration\,  \n Chair: Amb Jayant Prasad\, Director General\, IDSA \n Keynote speaker: Dr Karan Singh\, Member of Parliament\, Rajya Sabha \n 1030-1045: Tea Break \n 1045-1300hrs – Session 1: Cultural Profile of South Asia and Foreign Policy \n Chair: Amb Virendra Gupta \n\nCulture\, Cultural Productions and South Asian Spaces –   Prof Partha S Ghosh\, ICSSR Fellow\, IDSA \nIndia-Nepal Relations: Has Cultural commonality Helped? – Dr Sudhindra Sharma\, IDA\, Kathmandu \nCulture as a Foreign Policy Tool: India’s Experience in South Asia – Dr Smruti S Pattanaik\, IDSA \nCulture as a Foreign Policy Tool: Pakistani Perspective – Dr Rubina Saigol\, Lahore\, Pakistan \n\n1300-1400hrs: Lunch \n 1400-1730hrs – Session 2: Culture as a Soft Power: Can it further Regional Cooperation? \n Chair: Amb Suresh Goel\, former DG\, Indian Council of Cultural Relations \n\nCan the Cultural Commons be Harnessed to further Regional Cooperation? – HE Sayed Mossadeq Khalili\, Deputy Minister of Culture\, Afghanistan \nUsing Cultural Commons in Regional cooperation: Bhutanese Perspective – Mr. Kunzang Delek\, National Archives and Library\, Bhutan \nCan Heritage further Regional Cooperation in South Asia? Sri Lanka’s Experience – Dr Sarala Fernando\, Sri Lanka\nRole of Media in Promoting Soft Power in South Asia – Shyam Tekwani\, Asia Pacific Centre for Security Studies\, Hawaii \nCulture and Regional Cooperation in South Asia: Bangladesh’s Experience – Lt Gen. M Akbar Fazle\, Bangladesh \nCulture and Regional Cooperation: Pakistani Perspective – Raza Rumi\, Columnist and Writer\, Scholar in Residence at Ithaca College \n\n Day II\, November 27\, 2015 \n0930-1000 hrs Tea and Registration \n 1000-1230 hrs – Session 3: Culture\, Identity and Politics and its Impact on Bilateral Relations  \n Chair: Amb P. Stobdan\, Senior Fellow\, IDSA \n\nDistant Neighbours: Could People and Culture Bridge Relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan – Mr. Aref Dostyar\, Afghanistan \nBhutan-India Relations: Does culture matter? – Mr. Sangay Chophel\, Centre for Bhutanese Studies \nThe Dilemmas of Relatedness: India and Sri Lanka – Dr Pradeep Jeganathan\, Sri Lanka \nFolklore and Evolution of National Identity in the Maldives – Dr. Abdul Rasheed Ali\, Dean\, Maldives National University \nCultural Symbols as Resistance and the Making of the Bengali Identity – Prof Sonia Nishat Amin\, Dhaka University\n\n1230-1345 hrs: Group photo & Lunch \n 1345-1600hrs – Session 4: Culture\, Identity and Politics and its Impact on Bilateral Relations (continued) \n Chair: Ms. Ajeet Cour\, President\, Foundation of SAARC Writers and Literature \n\nCivilisational and Cultural linkages in South Asia: Continuities and discontinuities – Prof S.D.Muni\, Distinguished Fellow\, IDSA \nNew Constitution and Identity Politics in Nepal – Prof Krishna Hachhethu\, Tribhuban University\, Kathmandu \nEthnic Diversity and Cultural Hegemony in Bangladesh: Imperatives for More Inclusive National and Regional Identities – Prof Prashanta Tripura\, Department of Economics and Social Sciences\, BRAC University\, Bangladesh \nDoes Religion Triumph Culture in Identity Formation? The Arabisation of Maldives and its Regional Implications – Dr. Azra Naseem\, University of Dublin\, Ireland \nCulture\, Identity and Politics: Pakistan’s Experience – Dr Yaqoob Bangash\, Pakistan \n\n1600-1730 hours- Session 5: Roundtable discussion on Way Forward \n Chair: Prof Muchkund Dubey \n Speakers \n\nMs. Ajeet Cour\nAmb Suresh Goel\nDr Ashok K Behuria\nH.E. Sayed Mossadeq Khalili\, Deputy Minister of Culture\, Afghanistan\nDr. Yaqoob Bangash\, Pakistan\nDr. Pradeep Jeganathan\, Sri Lanka\nDr. Sudhindra Sharma\, Nepal\nMr. Kunzang Delek\, Bhutan\nProf. Sonia Nishat Amin\, Bangladesh\nDr. Abdul Rasheed Ali\, Maldives\n\n1730-1735: Vote of Thanks by Dr Smruti Pattanaik\, Research Fellow\, IDSA and Coordinator of the Conference \n\n\n\n\nConference Booklet\nRapporteurs Report URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/9th-south-asia-conference-culture-as-a-factor-in-regional-cooperation-in-south-asia CATEGORIES:Previous South Asia conference,South Asia Conference,CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20151126T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20151126T053000 DTSTAMP:20261108T012629 CREATED:20231223T124046Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250328T001015Z UID:62627-1448515800-1448515800@idsa.in SUMMARY:Keynote Address at the 9th South Asia Conference on "Culture as a Factor in Regional Cooperation in South Asia" DESCRIPTION: URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/keynote-address-at-the-9th-south-asia-conference-on-culture-as-a-factor-in-regional-cooperation-in-south-asia CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES,SAC Key Speeches ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20150213T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20150213T053000 DTSTAMP:20261108T012629 CREATED:20231223T124148Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250308T130840Z UID:62631-1423805400-1423805400@idsa.in SUMMARY:Valedictory Address at the 17th Asian Security Conference on “Asian Security: Comprehending the Indian Approach” DESCRIPTION:Brig Dahiya\,\nDistinguished participants\,\nLadies & gentlemen\, \nThank you very much for inviting me to deliver the valedictory address at the 17th Asian Security Conference.\nASC is not only the signature event of the IDSA\, it has emerged as a key event in the global calendar of important conferences. The issues discussed in the conference form the core competency of the IDSA. We keenly look forward to the outcome of the deliberations of this conference. \nI had the chance to go through some of the papers and listen to some of the presentations that have been webcast live. People want to understand India’s role in the emerging international order. The refrain of the discussion has been that India is passive even as the world is changing. Many analysts feel that India should take on greater regional and global responsibilities. This conference has deliberated over these and related questions. Some of the questions raised in the last three days of deliberations might be answered if we examine the emerging trends in India’s regional and global approach. Let me dwell upon a few of the recognizable trends. \n\n\n\nEngagement\n\n\n\nAny one would notice that in the last few months\, India’s engagement with the world has deepened further. Beginning with an unprecedented outreach to its neighbours\, India in the past few months\, has engaged with the major and significant powers across the geopolitical spectrum. Proactive engagement with the world is becoming a norm in Indian foreign policy. The process of engagement has just begun and will deepen in the future. \n\n\n\nShape of the world\n\n\n\nA second trend to be noticed is that India is making a realistic assessment of the world situation. The world is perceived as full of challenges and opportunities. It is trying to make proper assessment of the environment and evolve a balanced and calibrated approach. The challenges have to be met and the opportunities taken advantage of. The challenges of terrorism\, space\, cyber or energy security can be met only with international and regional cooperation. India has come up with a series of positive ideas on key issues. India is also willing to participate in regional and global projects which promote international peace and stability. \n\n\n\nNew thinking\n\n\n\nIndia is conscious that in this time of great flux and change\, the world is witnessing unprecedented tensions and turmoil. In West Asia\, extremism and fault lines are growing. Several flash points have reared their head in Asia. Violence and conflict has emerged right in the heart of Europe. Tensions among the major powers have increased. The threat of terrorism is taking new dimensions. Security of the oceans\, space and cyberspace have become of paramount importance. Stability and security in the Indian Ocean is vital for global and regional prosperity. Climate change is an existential threat. In order to meet with these challenges\, genuine international partnerships will be required. Prime Minister Modi\, in his speech at the UN last year emphasized that in view of rapid global change\, it is essential that “we change with the world and incorporate new thinking”. He pointed out that in the era of globalization\, new poles of growth and opportunities for employment have risen. At the same time\, inequality has also increased. In order to deal with these changes\, he emphasized three things; the developed countries should abide by their commitments to provide funding and technology to the developing countries; secondly\, national measures should be informed with creativity\, and thirdly\, there is also need to change lifestyles based on the efficient use of energy. This approach finds reflection in a number of joint statements and documents which India has signed in the recent past with other countries. \n\n\n\nDomestic priorities\n\n\n\nA third trend is the establishment of direct linkage between domestic priorities and the foreign policy. National interests are being defined more clearly. Indian policies are being tailored to achieve the national goals of economic growth\, development and security. The domestic agenda\, underlined by the overall theme of VIKAS or development\, has been populated with a large number of ambitious projects and schemes such as Digital India\, Make in India\, financial inclusion\, skill development\, infrastructure development\, investment promotion\, manufacturing\, smart cities\, connectivity and so on. Many countries have welcomed the opportunity to participate in India’s growth story. This has given a new meaning to bilateral and multilateral engagements. Realistic roadmaps are being set up to implement the various dimensions of a comprehensive engagement. \n\n\n\nTechnology\n\n\n\nThe fourth discernible trend is that in the new development model\, technology has been given a prominent place. India believes that technology can play a major role in resolving the problems of developing countries as well as global issues. A programme like Digital India touches every individual. India is keen to cooperate with other countries in technological sphere more productively. A number of technology partnerships have been forged with advanced countries. \n\n\n\nSub-Regional Engagement \n\n\n\nA fifth feature of India’s evolving approach is that it is increasingly involved in sub-regional cooperation with neighbours. There is emphasis on engagement through groupings like IORA and BIMSTEC. With Sri Lanka and Maldives\, we are involved in maritime cooperation in the trilateral format. Two weeks ago we held the second JWG meeting on sub-regional cooperation between Bangladesh\, Bhutan\, India and Nepal. India’s vital interests transcend the immediate neighbourhood and extend to strategic neighbourhoods in West Asia\, Central Asia and South East Asia. India is also trying to overcome constraints of geography. Better connectivity through Iran will improve access to Afghanistan and Central Asia. The International North South Transit Corridor through Iran and the Caucasus to Russia will reduce transit time and transport costs between Asia and Europe. \nNot a reluctant engager any more\nThe upshot of all this is that India is not a reluctant engager any more. In the last few months\, intense engagement have taken place with the US\, China\, Japan\, Russia\, Australia\, Nepal\, Bhutan\, etc. In addition\, the Indian PM has met a large number of his counterparts on the sidelines of important summits and conferences. The PM has travelled to Fiji and met several leaders of the Pacific island countries. PM has met with leaders of over forty countries including through bilateral interactions and on various multilateral foras such as UNGA\, G-20\, BRICS\, EAS\, ASEAN and SAARC. PM has interacted on four occasions with the Russian President and on three occasions each with the US President and Chinese President. In the neighbourhood\, PM has interacted thrice with leaders of SAARC countries and five times with the Bhutanese Prime Minister. He has also interacted twice each with leaders of Japan\, Australia\, Vietnam and Singapore. The Indian diaspora now occupies a key role in India’s foreign policy priorities. India has participated fully in global and regional institutions including the UN\, SAARC\, East-Asia Summit\, Russia-India-China trilateral format\, BRICS\, G-20\, etc. The declaration by the UN of June 21\, as the International Yoga Day is a recognition of India’s soft power. India’s approach to global and regional issues is neither reluctant nor a zero-sum game. The articulation Vasudhaiv Kutumbakam\, the world is a family and Vishwa-Bandhutva\, the brotherhood of the world\, by the PM is reflection of the fact that India’s approach will be marked by a desire to work with all and to resolve global problems in a cooperative spirit. \nIndia is becoming increasingly active at the global and regional fora and making contributions to the strengthening of the multilateral and regional institutions\, building connectivities\, forging international cooperation to deal with terrorism\, building human resource capacities in India and abroad. India’s contribution to UN peacekeeping is a huge factor of stability in the world. A special focus has been on maritime security\, cyber security and energy security. Defence cooperation is emerging as a key focus in India’s foreign policy. The joint statements issued during the important visits contain extensive roadmaps as to how to take the cooperation forward. \nI would like to draw your attention to some of the important take-aways from India’s engagement with different countries: \n\nUS: The issue of operationalisation of the Indo-US nuclear deal has been addressed in the recent summit meeting. The signing of Indo-US Joint Strategic Vision for Asia-Pacific and Indian Ocean Region was a major development which helps the two countries to promote regional cooperation within the framework of the US Pivot to Asia and India’s act East policy.\nJapan: The upgradation of the strategic partnership with Japan will further deepen India’s Act East policy. Indo-Japan relationship also complements the emerging trend of greater global engagement visible in Japan’s foreign policy.\nChina: Relationship with China is complex. Its rise has had global and regional consequences. No country remains unaffected. It is interesting that the Indian economy is beginning to grow while that of China is slowing down. These developments will have geo-political consequences. On the one hand\, there is a great deal of untapped potential in Sino-Indian relations\, on the other\, unresolved problems\, particularly the border issue\, persist. The Sino-Indian joint statement identified many areas of cooperation. China has committed itself to invest $20 bn in India’s infrastructure. It will set up industrial parks and manufacturing facilities in India. There was also progress in railways cooperation. The message to China is clear. India will like to have an early settlement of the border issue but in the meanwhile it would engage with it in realizing the economic potential of the relationship.\nRussia: A lot has been written on the significance of Russia in India’s foreign policy as the latter begins to build partnerships with US\, Japan and other countries. The joint statement signed during the visit of President Putin’s visit to India recently\, “Druzhba-Dosti – a Vision for Strengthening Indo-Russian Partnerships over the Next Decade” shows that despite the skepticism\, Indo-Russia partnerships remain relevant to each other and to the world. The Indian side “deeply values the monumental contributions made by Russia to India’s developmental and defence needs”. The two sides have deep cooperation in the field of energy\, defence\, technology and innovation. This is likely to deepen further. They also have a role to play in global order and world peace.\nRIC: The Russia-India-China trilateral\, one of the oldest geometries\, has taken an added meaning as Russia’s relations with the West come under strain. Foreign Ministers of Russia\, India and China meeting in Beijing at a time of great international flux have come up with innovative ideas. They have agreed on early conclusion of negotiations on Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism\, a first. They agreed to set up a trilateral consultation mechanism on Asia Pacific Affairs\, again a first of its kind. Russia and China welcomed India’s participation in APEC. This indicates that consensus is now forming on India’s engagement with Asia Pacific region.\nMaritime Security: The emphasis on maritime security has been discernible. India has agreed to work with like-minded partners to preserve the integrity of these global commons and reiterated commitment of freedom of navigation and over-flight. Joint exercises between the Navies and Coast Guards have been encouraged. India is working with its maritime neighbours\, Sri Lanka and Maldives in the trilateral format to improve Maritime Domain Awareness and cooperation in maritime oil pollution response\, search and rescue\, etc. India has also launched project Mausam to improve India’s traditional and historical linkages with countries with whom it has shared maritime connectivity.\nCyber Security: Cyber Security is emerging as one of the key areas in international security. Three set is issues which deserve attention are those relating to internet governance\, norms of state behavior in cyber space and CBMs as well as technical cooperation. India being one of the largest users of cyberspace and with huge technical capabilities is naturally an important player in cyber security discussions. A large number of countries are willing to engage with India on these issues. A series of cyber security dialogues have been held in the recent past. Make in India gives an opportunity to develop ICT as well as cyber security products and services in India. Cyber security will remain a major area of engagement for India with the rest of the world.\n\nIndia is indeed aware of the challenges that it faces. The growing schism between the great powers can undermine international security. The critical security issues like terrorism\, maritime security or cyber security can undermine not only global security but also affect the individual. Multilateralism\, particularly the UNSC\, the IMF\, the World Bank is in need of reforms. Since these are difficult issues\, international cooperation becomes that much more important. \nOften India is criticized for not being proactive enough in global norm setting and in regional and global fora. It needs to be appreciated that to be counted\, India will need to build its own capacities. A return to high economic growth trajectory will help India play a proactive global and regional role. India will also need to build its own technological and human resource capacities to deal with these challenges. A synergized whole-of-government approach will be essential to support India’s diplomatic efforts. \nConclusion\nTo conclude\, the recent trends in Indian foreign policy clearly show that India is poised to play a leading role in global affairs. India’s approach is calibrated. Undoubtedly the needed capacities will have to be built. Implementation will be a challenge. But\, the conditions are favourable. In the recently concluded Conference of the Heads of Missions\, the Prime Minister articulated his world view clearly and asked the Indian diplomats to take advantage of the current global environment to position India in a “leading role”. This gives an insight into India’s approach to the engagement with the world.\nThank you. URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/valedictory-address-at-the-17th-asian-security-conference-on-asian-security-comprehending-the-indian-approach CATEGORIES:Asian Security Conference,ASC Key Speeches ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20150211T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20150213T053000 DTSTAMP:20261108T012629 CREATED:20231223T125503Z LAST-MODIFIED:20240221T063219Z UID:62767-1423632600-1423805400@idsa.in SUMMARY:17th Asian Security Conference: Asian Security: Comprehending the Indian Approach DESCRIPTION:Concept Note\n\n\nThe shift of power to Asia in the 21st century with its imminent economic rise has amplified the security challenges that the continent faces within the larger rubric of international relations. Key concerns include major power rivalries\, tensions over disputed territories\, freedom of Sea Lanes of Communications (SLOCs)\, security dilemmas connected to military modernization\, the robustness of regional institutional mechanisms\, intra-state conflicts and last but not the least\, the perspectives of major actors like Russia\, China and India on Asian regional order: whether they view it as purely competitive or cooperative-competitive. Historically\, Asia has been an important geographical cusp in the pathway of civilizations. Arabia\, the Ottoman Empire\, the Mongols\, the Chinese empires\, India\, Ceylon\, etc\, have played major roles in the fight for territory\, resources and the spread of ideas and religion. Hinduism\, Buddhism\, Islam\, Confucianism\, Zoroastrianism\, etc.\, have been major religious influences\, while mathematics\, science\, astronomy\, the printing press\, gun powder\, the wheel\, etc.\, draws their origin to Asia. Asian cultures and civilizations have been instrumental in the conceptualization and operationalization of the strategic cultures and military modernizations of other civilizations. The extreme forms of competition that precluded the colonial period\, and the meeting of Asia and the West led loose new forces of military modernizations\, especially naval technologies with faster ships\, and the idea of sea dominance. The colonial period was critical for the formation of an Asian idea of difference as most of the countries were either colonized or suffered from deep seated anxieties due to their contact with the West\, memories that continue to shape ideas and foreign policies to this day. \nIndia emerged from colonialism with a solid sense of national identity. The leaders of the Indian freedom movement expressed attractive visions of the kind of state India should become. Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi was a firm believer in the universal principle of global interconnectedness\, and saw India as deeply rooted in this sense of universalism\, both ideationally and physically. Jawaharlal Nehru\, while supportive of Gandhian universalism\, chose to carve a path of non-alignment\, as a direct response to the systemic distribution of power at that time\, the US and the USSR\, though ideationally\, he was drawn to Soviet socialism rather than American capitalism. Nehru aspired to carve a unique foreign policy for India\, where as a proponent of non-alignment\, India would establish its own foreign policy priorities and agendas\, devoid of super-power structural rivalry. Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel\, India’s first Deputy Prime Minister and Home Minister\, firmly advocated a strong Indian state duly based on defence of its own borders with a keen strategic sense of its neighbours\, especially China. \nIndia’s approach to foreign policy and international relations has\, over the years\, been propelled by ideas drawn from the leaders of the Indian freedom movement\, their aspirations for India\, as well as its own experiences and engagements with the world since its independence. While many strategic analysts\, both in India and abroad\, accuse India of lacking a strategic culture or strategic thinking\, a deep foray into Indian foreign policy behavior reveals that India does have a strategic culture where it closely monitors the external environment and debates on the efficacy of the use of military power in addressing external threats. Over the years\, some of the major developments in India’s economic and foreign policy have been the 1991 economic reforms that opened up the Indian economy to globalization\, the 1998 nuclear tests\, its space program\, and its growing role in Asian multilateralism. Areas that have emerged as of priority to India are its strategic partnerships with major powers\, cyber\, space and energy security\, terrorism\, nuclear safety and security\, the Indian Ocean region\, the US ‘pivot’ and the rise of China. In this backdrop\, it is critical to discuss and assess whether India has reached a stage of power acquisition that equips it with system ‘shaping capabilities and intentions’. This discussion should emerge from the fact that India has showed the potential to shape and mould the international system\, and it aspires to a larger system shaping role in the future. \nBased on this conceptual prop\, the 17th Asian Security Conference will focus on the theme\, “Asian Security: Comprehending the Indian Approach”. Given the overall focus on Asia with its increased prosperity\, and the rise of major Asian powers in the context of decreasing resources\, naval competition\, American presence\, and quest for prestige\, the conference will deliberate on India’s strategic role and preferences in shaping Asian Security. The conference will focus not only on what India’s approach has been but also what should be India’s future proactive approach towards shaping Asian security. \nThe key thematic questions that will weave together the multiple interactive sessions of the conference are:- \n\nWhat role can India play in shaping the structural and normative parameters for Asian security?\n\nWhat are India’s strategic preferences and choices for Asia’s security future?\n\nHow do the major powers of Asia and the United States view India’s role towards cementing Asian security?\n\nHas India transcended its regional role as a South Asian power to the broader regional context of Asia?\n\nWhat are the key scenarios that emerge from the 17th Asian security conference that India will have to respond to in the next 10 to 15 years?\n\n\nThe conference will be divided into nine interactive sessions \nThematic Sessions\nSession I: Asian Regional Order \nSession II: India and Strategic Partnerships: Impact on Asian Security \nSession III: Asian Economies and Resource Competition \nSession IV: The Rise of China \nSession V: Maritime Security in Asia \nSession VI: Nuclear\, Biological\, Chemical\, Cyber and Space Security in Asia \nSession VII: Major Strategic Regions of Asia \nSession VIII: Future trends and Scenarios emerging from the 17th Asian Security Conference \nConcluding Valedictory Session \nTheme Elaboration\nSession I: Asian Regional Order\nThis session will critically analyze whether India possesses a systemic set of ideas\, both practical and theoretical\, that articulate its national interests. Most importantly\, this session will identify the strategic vision/visions that India aspires to in projecting itself onto the Asian stage. This will involve factors like national identity\, power\, sovereignty\, norm building\, and multilateralism. Based on this\, the session will discuss India’s approach to Asian regional order\, whether India is an observer of that order or aspires to be a key actor in the management of the regional order. The session will deliberate on whether it is possible for India and other major powers of Asia to create a collective security framework which would assume responsibility for Asian security. \nKey Questions to be addressed in this session are:- \n\nWhat are the major Indian strategic approaches to Asian regional order?\n\nDoes India have the ambition and/or capacity to shape Asian regional order?\n\nWhat role has India played in building norms that could mitigate some of the security challenges that Asia faces?\n\n\nSession II: India and Strategic Partnerships: Impact on Asian Security\nOne of the major foreign policy mechanisms that India has adopted over the years is to cement strategic partnerships with major countries to work towards international security. Countries with whom India has strategic partnerships include US\, China\, Russia\, Indonesia\, Japan\, Australia\, Vietnam\, South Korea\, Iran\, Afghanistan\, ASEAN\, to name but a few. According to a report by the Foundation for National Security Research\, New Delhi\, India has a priority listing in strategic partnerships\, scored in 90 points\, with Russia coming on top\, followed by US\, France\, UK\, Germany and Japan.1 The key questions that these strategic partnerships raise are the following:- \n\nHow does India define strategic partnerships?\n\nWhat are the key issues that India’s strategic partnerships deal with?\n\nIs there a priority listing with regard to countries and issues that informs India’s strategic partnerships?\n\nWhat impact do India’s strategic partnerships have on Asian security?\n\n\nSession III: Asian Economies and Resource Competition\nAsia has emerged as one of the most economically vibrant regions on the global economic stage. The economic rise of China\, Japan\, India\, ASEAN\, etc\, is driving global economic growth. China\, India and Japan are the world’s second\, third and fourth largest economies predicted to grow further by 2050. The G-20 has emerged as one of the largest economic blocs with a capacity to fund economic development across the world. With the economic rise of Asian countries\, there are simultaneous challenges. The momentum for Asian economic integration is rather slow with challenges remaining for the emergence of common visa regime\, currency and trade policies. Security challenges like transnational crime (drugs and small arms)\, terrorism\, resource competition\, tensions in the high seas and territorial disputes could dampen robust economic cooperation. The key questions that emerge for India in this context are the following:- \n\nWhat role can Indian play to strengthen Asian economic integration?\n\nWhat are the key security challenges faced by India in its rise to economic prosperity?\n\nAre Asian economic institutions robust enough to sustain the momentum for Asian economic integration?\n\n\nSession IV: The Rise of China\nThe rise of China has changed the geopolitics of Asia. It has created both opportunities and challenges. China’s economic growth is driving economic and infrastructural developments in Asia. Simultaneously\, its military modernization\, growing assertiveness over disputed territories\, competition over resources\, etc\, is posing a security challenge to countries in Asia. On the one hand\, India aspires to deeper engagement with China\, both politically and economically. On the other hand\, China’s assertiveness over its border dispute with India and territorial claim on one of the Indian states in the Northeast is posing a major security challenge. This session will deliberate on these issues and aim to find answers to the following key questions. \n\nWhat are the major priorities in the China-India strategic partnership?\n\nCan China and India establish a cooperative security mechanism in Asia?\n\nHow is China’s assertiveness over its territorial disputes impacting not only China-India relationship but the growing security dilemma in Asia?\n\n\nSession V: Maritime Security in Asia\nWhen one talks about maritime security in Asia\, the Indian Ocean comes to the fore given the rise of the Asian economies\, their demand for raw imports\, and the export of the finished products. Moreover\, given the American military engagements in Afghanistan and Iraq\, the Indian Ocean has taken centre stage for Western military supplies. Increasing importance of choke points such as the Straits of Hormuz\, the Malacca Straits\, the Bab-el-Mandep in the Persian Gulf\, etc.\, calls for a larger Indian role as a regional security provider. Maritime security in this regard would mean ensuring freedom of the SLOCs: a global public good\, managing naval competition\, and fighting piracy near the coast of Somalia. \nThe key questions that this session will deal with are:- \n\nWhat are the key parameters of the Indian maritime doctrine vis-à-vis Asian security?\n\nDoes India possess the maritime capability to deal with security challenges in the Indian Ocean in order to function as a regional security provider?\n\nAre the oceans and seas of Asia compounded by strategic naval competition between China\, India and the US?\n\nIs there a regional architecture in place to deal with naval competition?\n\n\nSession VI: Nuclear\, Biological\, Chemical\, Cyber and Space Security in Asia\nOne of the foremost quests by Asian powers is to establish and strengthen Asian security mechanisms in order to deal with nuclear\, cyber and space issues. The perils of nuclear terrorism\, safety of nuclear weapon sites\, cyber-terrorism and cyber-hacking and a militarized space have grave implications for Asia with five nuclear weapons states (China\, India\, Russia\, Pakistan\, North Korea) and two with overt/covert nuclear weapons capability (Iran and Israel). This posits the nuclear security threshold and the much repeated stability/instability paradox. China\, Japan\, Russia and India are key actors in space. Space is and will emerge as one the most vital global commons. With cyber emerging as the critical means of communication\, thereby compressing space and time\, and with it\, creating security challenges like cyber terrorism and hacking\, Asia is vulnerable as one of the biggest users of cyber space. \nThe key questions that this session will deal with are:- \n\nWhat is the emerging nuclear environment in Asia? Is the Asian nuclear order changing?\n\nWhat effective role has India played in the nuclear non-proliferation regime?\n\nDoes India have a concrete well-crafted cyber policy with regard to Asian security?\n\nWhat are the points of convergence/divergence in India’s space policy with other Asian countries? Is there a common Asian space code?\n\n\nSession VII: Major Strategic Regions of Asia\nGeo-politics\, as ever before\, has proved hard to be precisely defined. Yet\, as the term has been revisited and refined over the years\, geo-politics has much to do with the relation of politics (power) to geography. Geo-politics assumes the primacy of states\, existing military-economic competition\, and ways to cement interest based cooperation. To operationalize this\, strategy is the key factor\, thereby bringing in the element of ‘geo-strategy’ implying the strategic significance of a particular region to a state’s strategic interests. Moreover\, it is pertinent to underlie the tendencies of cooperation/competition that reverberate between China and India in the various Asian strategic regions. \nIn light of this\, this session will deal with the following critical questions:- \n\nWhat are the critical components of India’s geo-strategic approach to the major strategic regions of Asia?\n\nIs there a priority of strategic regions in India’s conceptualization of geo-strategy?\n\nWhat are the components and challenges of the Indian approach to major strategic regions of Asia? How can India refine its strategy towards Asian geopolitics?\n\n\nSession VIII: Future trends and Scenarios emerging from the 17th Asian Security Conference\nBased on the papers presented in the 17th ASC\, as well as the main speeches\, the last session will identify the key trends from each session\, and then focus on three or four main drivers that could impact Asian security and India’s approach in the next few years (2015-2030). It will creatively formulate three or four plausible scenarios and present the findings in this last session. \nValedictory Session\n\n1. Satish Kumar\, et. al.\, “India’s Strategic Partners: A Comparative Assessment”\, Foundation for National Security Research\, New Delhi\, November 2011 at http://fnsr.org/files/Indias_Strategic.pdf(Accessed on June 16\, 2014). \n2. Department of Defense\, “Sustaining U.S. Global Leadership: Priorities for 21st Century Defense”\, January 2012 at http://www.defense.gov/news/defense_strategic_guidance.pdf (Accessed on June 20\, 2014). \n\n\n\n\nProgramme Schedule\n\n\nProgramme\n\n\n\n\nDay One: (February 11\, 2015)\n\n\n\n \n \n\n\n0930h-1000h\nRegistration & Tea\n\n\n \n \n\n\n1000-1045h\nInaugural Session\n\n\n \nWelcome Remarks: Deputy Director General\, Brig Rumel Dahiya (Retd)\, IDSA\n\n\n \nInaugural Address: Chief of Naval Staff\, Admiral R K Dhowan\, PVSM\, AVSM\, YSM\n\n\n \nVote of Thanks: Deputy Director General\, Brig Rumel Dahiya (Retd)\, IDSA\n\n\n \n \n\n\n1045h-1115h\nTea\n\n\n \n \n\n\n1115h-1315h\nSession I: Asian Regional Order\n\n\n \nChair: Nalin Surie \n\nNamrata Goswami: India’s Strategic Approach to Asia: The Key Questions for the Conference Discourse\nArndt Michael: Panchsheel-Multilateralism and Competing Regionalism – The Indian Approach towards Regional Cooperation and Regional Order in South Asia\, the Indian Ocean\, the Bay of Bengal\, and the Mekong-Ganga\nSantishree Pandit: India as the norm-builder and norm contributor of Asia and the World\nS D Muni: How India is viewed as a regional actor in Asia\n\n\n\n\n \n \n\n\n1315h-1400h\nLunch\n\n\n \n \n\n\n1400h-1600h\nSession II: India and Strategic Partnerships: Impact on Asian Security\n\n\n \nChair: Kanwal Sibal \n\nPhunchok Stobdan: Geopolitics and India-Russia Strategic Partnership\nHolli Semetko: Framing U.S.-India Relations\nVo Xuan Vinh: India’s Strategic Partnership with Vietnam A Perspective from Vietnam\nSatoru Nagao: The Japan-India Strategic Partnership will be New Hope for Asia\n\n\n\n\n \n \n\n\n1600h-1615h\nTea\n\n\n \n \n\n\n1615h-1800h\nSession III: Asian Economies and Resource Competition\n\n\n \nChair: Charan Wadhva \n\nRajat M. Nag: Development through Connectivity\nSinderpal Singh: Debating Physical Connectivity between India and ASEAN: Economics vs Security\nPrem Mahadevan: The Impact of Terrorism and Organized Crime on Asian Economies: Implications for India\nBrahma Chellany: Sharpening Competition over Natural Resources in Asia\n\n\n\n\n \n \n\n\n\nDay Two: (February 12\, 2015)\n\n\n\n \n \n\n\n \n \n\n\n0930h-1030h\nSpecial Address\n\n\n \nBarry Gordon Buzan – Rising Powers in the Emerging World Order: An Overview\, with a Reflection on the Consequences for India \n Chair: Amitabh Mattoo\n\n\n \n \n\n\n1030h-1045h\nTea\n\n\n \n \n\n\n1045h-1300h\nSession IV: The Rise of China\n\n\n \nChair: Chandrasekhar Dasgupta \n\nMadhu Bhalla: India-China relations: the return of the sub-region\nPang Zhongying: China-India relations: Objectives and Future Priorities\nGordon Chang: China’s Military Modernization and Impact on India\nD S Rajan:China and its Territorial Disputes: Increasing the Security Dilemma.\n\n\n\n\n \n \n\n\n1300h-1400h\nLunch\n\n\n \n \n\n\n1400h-1600h\nSession V: Maritime Security in Asia\n\n\n \nChair: Anup Singh \n\nGurpreet Khurana: Indian Maritime Doctrine and Asian Security: Intentions and Challenges\nDavid Brewster: The Bay of Bengal: the Indo-Pacific’s New Zone of Strategic Competition\nAbhijit Singh: India’s Security Role in Maritime-Asia\nFrancis Kornegay:  Deciphering Oriental Mysteries of Silk\, Pearls & Diamonds: Maritime Dimensions of India’s Strategic Dilemmas in the Changing Asian Power Balance\n\n\n\n\n \n \n\n\n1600h-1615h\nTea\n\n\n \n \n\n\n1615h-1815h\nSession VI: Space\, Cyber\, Biological\, Chemical\, and Nuclear Security in Asia\n\n\n \nChair: V. Siddhartha \n\nSean Costigan: Emerging Risks in Cybersecurity: Anticipating Change and Building Resilience\nRanjana Kaul: India’s Approach to Space Security\nAnimesh Roul: Chemical and Biological Dimension of Jihadi Terrorism\nRajiv Nayan: The Emerging Asian Nuclear Order\n\n\n\n\n \n \n\n\n\nDay Three: (February 13\, 2015)\n\n\n\n \n \n\n\n0930-0945h\nTea\n\n\n \n \n\n\n0945-1300h\nSession VII: Major Strategic Regions of Asia\n\n\n \nChair: C. Uday Bhaskar \n\nAshok Behuria and Smruti Pattanaik: India’s Regional Strategy: Balancing Geopolitics with Geoeconomics in South Asia\nMicha’el Tanchum: India in the new Central Asian Strategic Landscape: Opportunities for Deeper Partnerships and New Alliance Formations\nSimon Xu Hui Shen: East Asian Scenarios\nShankari Sundararaman: Dynamics of Change in India- Southeast Relations: Beyond Economics to Strategic Partnership\n\n\n\n\n \n \n\n\n1300h-1400h\nLunch\n\n\n \n \n\n\n1400h-1545h\nSession VIII: Future trends and Scenarios\n\n\n \nChair: B K Sharma \n\nBoris Volkhonsky: Strategic Trends in Asia: Future Directions\nSamuel Rajiv: Strategic Trends and Scenarios 2025: Policy Options for India\nShruti Pandalai: Decoding India’s Agenda: New Ideas and Emerging Trends in Asian Security\n\n\n\n\n \n \n\n\n1545-1600h\nTea\n\n\n \n \n\n\n1600h-1645h\nValedictory Session\n\n\n \nValedictory Address by Deputy National Security Advisor India\, Dr. Arvind Gupta\n\n\n \nVote of thanks by Conference Coordinator\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nConference Booklet\nRapporteurs Report URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/17th-asian-security-conference-asian-security-comprehending-the-indian-approach CATEGORIES:Asian Security Conference,Previous ASC,CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20150211T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20150211T053000 DTSTAMP:20261108T012629 CREATED:20231223T124148Z LAST-MODIFIED:20240229T000444Z UID:62632-1423632600-1423632600@idsa.in SUMMARY:Inaugural Address at the 17th Asian Security Conference on “Asian Security: Comprehending the Indian Approach” DESCRIPTION: URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/inaugural-address-at-the-17th-asian-security-conference-on-asian-security-comprehending-the-indian-approach CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES,Asian Security Conference,ASC Key Speeches ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20141028T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20151029T053000 DTSTAMP:20261108T012629 CREATED:20231223T125503Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250328T004529Z UID:62768-1414474200-1446096600@idsa.in SUMMARY:8th South Asia Conference: The Role of Media in Promoting Regional Understanding in South Asia DESCRIPTION:Concept Note\n\nMedia plays a very important role in generating public awareness and shaping public opinion. It is regarded as the fourth estate and an important pillar of democracy. With the mushrooming of media around the world– print\, audio-visual and social– its role has become even more significant. The manner in which reports are filed and news is disseminated have their impact on public opinion. In an interconnected world\, the role of media in influencing foreign policy of states can hardly be ignored.In South Asia\, a region where inter-state relations are held hostage to zero-sum politics\, media has a big responsibility in creating an environment of trust and understanding Since the states of the region are socially\, historically\, culturally and economically interconnected\, the role of media assumes even more significance. However\, unfortunately\, the media in different states of South Asia are yet to show necessary maturity and wisdom in enabling an environment of mutual trust and confidence. The discourses in media are often mired in narrowly conceived nationalist templates which far from bridging differences escalate them causing irreparable harm to regional understanding. While tension and conflict among states and communities find more news space\, shared history and culture are conveniently ignored. All this results in media adding to interstate conflicts and increasing the political temperature rather than acting as an agent of change and reconciliation. With the proliferation of audio-visual media in the region and the competition among channels for better TRP ratings\, there is often a temptation to sensationalise issues through select reporting. \nThis is not to say that there is a complete absence of responsible media in the region. Joint media initiatives like the one between the Jang group of Pakistan and the Times group in India to launch Aman ki Asha (Hope for Peace) did try to create an environment of trust to contribute to India-Pakistan peace process. Similarly\, the Statesman from India and Prathom Alo from Bangladesh also tried to replicate this exerciseto promote India-Bangladesh relationship. Groups like South Asia Free Media Association (SAFMA) have also tried to bring together scholars\, retired bureaucrats\, politicians and media person together in South Asia to promote people to people contact. \nMedia cannot be looked at as a monolithic entity. There are several layers to it. Moreover\, the media is facing several restrictions. There is the issue of media censorship and media freedom. There is also the issue of media ownership— by political parties\, interest groups and business houses. With their vested interests the owners sometimes dictate the line a media group would take at the expense of neutrality. The influence of certain institutions on media begs close scrutiny in view of their impact on foreign and security policies of some states. The differences in approach between vernacular and English media and their influence on society and politics is also another area which has not received much critical attention. The social media is assuming importance in most of these countries with the penetration of internet and wider use of mobile phones especially among the youth who constitute a critical mass in South Asia. \nWhether it was the case of showing doctored images about fictitious attack on Rohingyas as attack on Muslims in North East; the picture of Shivaji and Ambedkar\, which led to violence in Pune in India; or the derogatory message against the Prophet\, maliciously circulated in the social media attributing the act to a Buddhist\, which led to violence in Ramu in Bangladesh — the social media is playing a disproportionate role in spawning insecurity and violence in the multicultural setting in South Asia. \nGiven the increasingly significant role played by the media\, the 8th South Asian Dialogue being organized by the IDSA seeks to explore the following. \n\nWhat role media is playing in shaping public opinion in different countries?\nHow does media influence foreign and security policies of states? Is there any difference between the vernacular and English language media in this regard?\nWhat are the forces influencing media and its approach to regional issues?\nHow does media ownership impact reporting by different media houses?\nDoes media play a role in promoting jingoistic nationalism in the region? How does it interfere with the process of regional unity and integration?\nCan media play a role in promoting regional understanding and contribute to regional peace and amity?\n\n\n\n\n\nProgramme Schedule\n\n\nDAY ONE: October 28\, 2014\n09:30-10:00 hours: Registration\n10:00-10:30 hours: Inaugural Session\nWelcome Address by Brigadier Rumel Dahiya (Retd.)\, DDG\, IDSA [Read the address] \nKeynote address by Shri Prakash Javadekar\, Minister of State for Information and Broadcasting (Independent Charge) MOS(IC) for Environment\, Forest and Climate Change and MOS for Parliamentary Affairs [Watch Video] \nVote of Thanks \n10:30-11:00 hrs Tea /Coffee \n11:00–13:00 hrs – Session I: The Role of Media in Shaping Public Discourse in South Asia\nModerator: Professor S D Muni \nSpeakers: \n\nAshok K. Behuria & Smruti Pattanaik – Media in South Asia: A Panoramic View\nRasul Bakhsh Rais – The Media and Foreign Policy Discourses in Pakistan\nSyed Badrul Ahsan – Impact of Media Ownership on Reporting\nAmrullah Saleh – Media in Post 9/11 Afghanistan\nSiddharth Varadarajan – Can Media Play a Role in Promoting Regional Understanding\nKunda Dixit – Media in the Age of Intolerance and Terrorism\n\n13:00 – 14:00 hrs Lunch \n14:00-15:30 hours – Session II: State of Media in South Asia: Country Perspectives\nModerator: Mr Prem Shankar Jha \nSpeakers: \n\nSaleem K. Safi– State of Pakistani Media: Does it Play its Due Role?\nDilrukshi Handunetti– Promotion of Jingoism in the Region by the Media: The Case of Sri Lanka\nIbrahim Waheed– Maldivian Media: Ownership and Orientation\nKaberi Gayen – Does Media Ownership Really Matter?\nTenzing Lamsang– The Role of the Bhutanese Media in Bhutan’s Democratic Evolution and Governance.\n\n15:30-15:45 hours Tea/Coffee \n15:45-17:30 hrs – Session III State of Media in South Asia: Country Perspectives (contd.)\nModerator: Mr Vinod Sharma \nSpeakers: \n\nMyo Lwin – The State of Media in Myanmar\nDanish Kharokhel – Role of Afghan Media in Promoting Regional Understanding\nAhmed Zahir Mohamed– The State of Media: A Maldivian Perspective\nShruti Pandalai – Truth vs Hype: Media\, Hyper-nationalism and Impact on Perceptions in India-South Asia Relations\n\nDAY TWO: October 29\, 2014 \n10:00-11:30 hrs – Session IV: Influence of Media on Foreign and Security Policies of States\nModerator: Commodore C. Uday Bhaskar (Retd.) \nSpeakers: \n\nLakshman F.B. Gunasekara– News Media Re-Presentation and Agenda-Setting in Public Discourse on Foreign Relations: The Case of Sri Lankan Popular Attitudes Towards India\nKhin Maung Soe– The Role of Media in Shaping Foreign Policy Discourse in Myanmar\nDawa Penjor– The Role of Bhutanese Media in Amalgamating South Asia: Media’s Quest For a Happy South Asia Society\nDeepak Adhikari– The Role of Media in Shaping Foreign Policy Discourse in Nepal\n\n11:45-13:30 hrs – Session V: Can Media Play a Role in Promoting Regional Understanding? (Panel Discussion)\nModerator: Dr Chandan Mitra\, Hon’ble Member of Parliament \nPanelists: \n\nS D Muni\nSiddhartha Varadarajan\nNitin Gokhale\nSaleem K. Safi\nDilrukshi Handunetti\nAmrullah Saleh\nSuhasini Haider\nSyed Badrul Ahsan\nIbrahim Waheed\nKunda Dixit\nMyo Lwin\nDawa Penjor\n\n13:30–13:35 hrs Vote of Thanks \n13:35 – 14:30 hrs Lunch \n\n\n\n\nConference Booklet\nRapporteurs Report URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/8th-south-asia-conference-the-role-of-media-in-promoting-regional-understanding-in-south-asia CATEGORIES:Previous South Asia conference,South Asia Conference,CONFERENCES ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20141028T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20141028T053000 DTSTAMP:20261108T012629 CREATED:20231223T124257Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250224T054102Z UID:62637-1414474200-1414474200@idsa.in SUMMARY:Keynote Address at 8th South Asia Dialogue on "The Role of Media in Promoting Regional Understanding in South Asia" DESCRIPTION: URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/keynote-address-at-8th-south-asia-dialogue-on-the-role-of-media-in-promoting-regional-understanding-in-south-asia CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES,SAC Key Speeches ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20140910T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20140911T053000 DTSTAMP:20261108T012629 CREATED:20231223T125508Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250404T005730Z UID:62769-1410327000-1410413400@idsa.in SUMMARY:1st West Asia Conference - Geopolitical Shifts in West Asia: Trends and Implications DESCRIPTION:Concept Note The West Asian region continues its struggle to establish a stable political order. As the popular protests removed many longstanding authoritarian regimes throughout West Asia and North Africa in 2011\, the contemporary geo-political situation seems to be getting more complex day by day. The hoped-for transition from authoritarianism to democratisation has been rather painful and convulsive\, and has a long way to go. Tunisia is the only success story. The situations in Libya\, Egypt and Yemen are still evolving and these countries are yet to find a viable future political roadmap for themselves. Besides\, the deteriorating situation in Syria provides a geo-political challenge for peace and stability throughout the region. The region is experiencing rapid destabilising societal and political changes and\, thus\, the fundamental challenge is to envision ways to achieve ordered change for West Asia. There has been much speculation amongst scholars regarding the future trajectory of the so-called Arab Spring; whether this tumultuous upsurge will peter out remaining an isolated event in contemporary history or will the chain of events translate into a movement leaving behind a significant mark throughout the Arab world and West Asia. Particularly disturbing not only for the region but for the immediate neighbourhoods as well is that the continuing uncertainty is creating expanding spaces for extremist and terrorist elements to entrench themselves in the region. Their increasing activities are evident on a daily basis in Iraq\, Libya\, Somalia\, Syria and Yemen manifested in a growing number of attacks. Sectarian politics in the region has also further contributed to the growth of such radical ideologies among the people. Iran has been the most important player throwing its weight behind various Shia groups. Saudi Arabia has been known for supporting the Salafists throughout the region while Qatar supports the Muslim Brotherhood. The growing Shia-Sunni dimension of the conflict has severe implications for regional security throughout West Asia. The P5+1 interim agreement with Iran in November 2013 over Iranian nuclear programme has added yet another dimension to the complex geopolitics in the region. As per the interim agreement\, Iran has agreed to freeze parts of its nuclear programme\, provide access to the international inspectors as well as provide additional information about its nuclear programme. In return\, the P5+1 has agreed to partially lift sanctions on Iran. As further negotiations continue to reach a possible final deal\, countries like Saudi Arabia and Israel have expressed concerns regarding the West’s rapprochement with Iran. Saudi Arabia believes that Iran has been able to buy time by signing the interim deal with the P5+1. Similarly\, Israel is also concerned about the future of the agreement and its implications for regional security in West Asia. The region has a history of external influence and even intervention in the past. Among several stakeholders\, the US remains the most prominent one despite undoubted loss of influence in the region. Its attitude towards the Arab Spring and it policy of ‘rebalancing towards Asia Pacific’ has drawn criticism from its regional allies. At the same time\, Russia is emerging as a major player in the region with its support for Iran\, stance on Syria and ongoing efforts to cultivate stronger ties with Egypt\, it could emerge as an important player. Recent developments in Ukraine and Russia’s role therein exhibit increasing Russian assertiveness in the world affairs and it may have an impact on the developments in West Asia. China\, meanwhile\, has continued to strengthen its economic leverage in the region and is a major player in the energy scenario as well. Continuing regional instability also raises increasing concerns related to issues of energy security. The emergence of protests led to rise in international oil prices and created apprehensions regarding uninterrupted production and supply. Since the economy of many countries in the region is primarily dependent upon the hydrocarbon sector\, any disruption in production and supply of oil may have serious impact not only regionally but much further beyond on countries dependent on oil supply from the region. India has been following West Asian developments very closely. India has important political\, economic and security stakes in the peace and stability of West Asia. In the light of the emerging political situation\, the challenge facing India is to balance its political equations and economic interests with major regional and external players in the region. India is heavily dependent on energy supplies from the Gulf region. Energy imports from the region constituted around 63 percent of India’s total oil imports in 2012-13. The region is the leading trading partner for India with a total trade of around US$ 200 billion in the same year. Around 7 million Indian passport holders live in the region and they form another important symbiotic link between India and the region. The importance of stability is therefore of paramount importance for India. Absence of a robust security architecture and deep rooted intra-regional conflicts raises concerns about the viability of regional security in West Asia. There is a realisation in some quarters that India should start getting involved in the regional security of West Asia. As India maintains warm ties with all the major countries in the region and is non-interfering in the internal affairs of these countries\, it can be an important player in talking to various countries to discuss about regional security in the region. Realising the importance of the developments taking place in the region and huge Indian stakes involved in the regional stability\, the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA)\, New Delhi\, has taken a decision to hold an annual West Asia conference beginning this year\, and in this regard\, the first conference will be held on September 10-11\, 2014. This year’s conference will deliberate on geo-political\, security\, economic and strategic issues unfolding in the West Asian region. Scholars from India\, West Asia and other countries will participate in the conference to discuss in greater details the evolving trends and its implications for the regional peace and stability in West Asia. Programme Schedule Programme ScheduleDay – 1\, September 10\, 2014Registration: 09:30-10:00Session I: 10:00 – 10:30 Introductory Remarks by Brig. Rumel Dahiya (Retd.)\, Deputy Director General\, IDSA. Keynote Address by General Vijay Kumar Singh (Retd)\, Minister of State for External Affairs\, Government of India Tea Break: 10:30 – 10:45 Session II: 10:45 – 13:00: Current Geopolitical Situation in West Asia Chair: Amb. Chinmaya R. Gharekhan Speakers: A New Paradigm in Understanding the Current Developments in the Middle East\, Dr. Mostafa Torkzahrani\, Director General\, Institute for Political and International Studies (IPIS)\, Tehran. The Arab Uprisings: The More Things Changed\, the More They Stayed the Same\, Prof. Gencer Özcan\, Istanbul Bilgi University\, Istanbul. (via Skype\, TBC) Egypt and Geopolitics in West Asia\, Amb. Mohamed Fathy Abdel Hamid El Shazly\, National Project Director\, Executive Secretariat for the De-mining and Development of the North West Coast\, Ministry of International Cooperation\, Cairo. Regional Geopolitical Situation in the Middle East\, Amb. Ahmed Salem Saleh Al-Wahishi\, Director\, Yemeni International Affairs’ Center\, Sanaa. Arab Uprisings and Changing Geopolitical Trends in West Asia\, Dr. N. Janardhan\, Dubai based Political Analyst. Lunch Break: 13:00-14:00 Session III: 14:00 – 16:00: Sectarianism\, Extremism and Regional Security Chair: Amb. S K Bhutani Speakers: Regional Security in the Gulf: A GCC Perspective\, Dr. Muhammad Abdul Ghaffar\, Advisor to HM the King for Diplomatic Affairs\, Chairman\, Board of Trustees\, Bahrain Center for Strategic\, International and Energy Studies\, Manama. Sectarianism and Regional Security in West Asia\, Amb. Talmiz Ahmad\, Former Indian Ambassador to Saudi Arabia\, Oman and the UAE. Recent Developments in Iraq and its Regional Implications\, Dr. Abdulwahab Al-Qassab\, Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies\, Doha. GCC and Gulf Security: Time to Shed Past Baggage and Evolve Anew\, Col. Rajeev Agarwal\, Research Fellow\, Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\, New Delhi. Session IV: 16:15 – 18:00: External Interventions and its long term consequences Chair: Amb. Sanjay Singh Speakers: Russian Perspective of the External Intervention in West Asia\, Dr. Veniamin Popov\, Director\, Civilizations’ Partnership Centre\, Institute of Oriental Studies\, Moscow.How to deal with West Asia? Commonalities and Differences in the European and German Approaches\, Prof. Henner Fürtig\, Acting Vice-President\, German Institute of Global and Area Studies\, Hamburg. (via Skype\, TBC) The Love-Hate Relationship: External Interventions and the Region\, Prof. P. R. Kumaraswamy\, School of International Studies\, Jawaharlal Nehru University\, New Delhi. External Intervention in West Asia: Regional and Global Implications\, Dr. Waiel Awwad\, New Delhi based independent journalist. Perils of External Intervention in West Asia and Ramifications for India\, Dr. Meena Singh Roy\, Research Fellow\, Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\, New Delhi. Day – 2\, September 11\, 2014Session V: 09:30 to 13:00: Impact of Regional Instability on Energy Security Chair: Amb. Ranjit Gupta The Other Side of the World\, Dr.Jon B. Alterman\, Senior Vice President\, Brzezinski Chair in Global Security and Director\, Middle East Program\, Center for Strategic and International Studies\, Washington\, DC. Strategic Transformation in the West Asia and China’s Policy Choices\, Dr. Niu Xinchun\, Director\, Institute of Middle East Studies\, China Institutes of Contemporary International Studies\, Beijing. (via Skype\, TBC) The Impact of the Regional Instability in West Asia (Middle East) on Energy Security: The Cases of Japan and Asia\, Prof. Toshitaka Takeuchi\, Osaka School of International Public Policy\, Osaka. (via Skype\, TBC) A Korean Perspective of the Impact of Regional Instability on Energy Security\, Prof. Jeongmin Seo\, Department of Middle East and Africa Studies\, Graduate School of International and Area Studies\, Seoul. Tea Break: 11:00 – 11:30 Energy and Geopolitics of West Asia: Changing Dynamics\, Prof. Girijesh Pant\, School of International Studies\, Jawaharlal Nehru University\, New Delhi. West Asian Turmoil and the Future of the Regional Gas Sector: Implications for India\, Ms. Shebonti Ray Dadwal\, Research Fellow\, Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses\, New Delhi. Lunch Break: 13:00 – 14:00 Session VI: 14:00 – 16:00: Panel Discussion: India and the West Asian Region Chair: Dr. Arvind Gupta Panelists: Dr. Muhammad Abdul Ghaffar\, Chairman\, Board of Trustees\, DERASAT Dr. Mostafa Torkzahrani\, Director General\, IPIS Amb. Arundhati Ghose\, Former Indian Diplomat Shri Sandeep Kumar\, Joint Secretary (WANA)\, MEA Prof. A. K. Pasha\, Jawaharlal Nehru University Brig. Rumel Dahiya (Retd.)\, Deputy Director General\, IDSA Prof. Gulshan Dietl\, ICSSR Senior Fellow affiliated to IDSA \n\nConference Booklet\nRapporteurs Report URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/1st-west-asia-conference-geopolitical-shifts-in-west-asia-trends-and-implications CATEGORIES:Previous West Asia Conference,CONFERENCES,West Asia Conference ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20140221T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20140221T053000 DTSTAMP:20261108T012629 CREATED:20231223T124305Z LAST-MODIFIED:20250311T075527Z UID:62642-1392960600-1392960600@idsa.in SUMMARY:Speaking Notes at the 16th Asian Security Conference on "Emerging Strategic Trends in Asia and India’s Response" DESCRIPTION:Watch Video\nDr. Arvind Gupta\, Director\, IDSA\,\nLadies and Gentlemen. \nThank you for asking me to speak to your conference. The IDSA Asian Security Con-ference has become an annual event that we look forward to as an occasion to review Asian issues and to learn from each other. As usual you have an impressive list of participants and a full and topical agenda. \nI thought I would briefly describe a few salient aspects of the present situation in the Asia-Pacific and what we might do about it. \nThe Present Situation in the Asia-Pacific\nFrom an Indian point of view\, located as we are at the intersection of West Asia and what is now called the Asia-Pacific\, until recently Asia appeared to be heading in dif-ferent directions\, depending on whether one looked East or West. But today\, in 2014\, whichever way one looks\, the factors of uncertainty have increased manifold\, as has a sense of insecurity. \nThe reasons why this is so to our west are well known. The turmoil in West Asia has been well analysed\, perhaps over-analysed; we know of the multiple transitions in Af-ghanistan this year\, of the situation in Syria\, Iraq\, Libya\, and so on and so forth. \nBut it is less obvious why there should be increased instability to our east in the Asia-Pacific\, why East Asia is much less harmonious than it was until a few years ago. \nOne reason could be that the Asia-Pacific is a crowded geopolitical space\, with the active involvement in its affairs of several established and of rising or re-emerging powers\, some external and some intrinsic to the region. But it has been so since the beginning of the nineteenth century. So what has changed to increase insecurity and uncertainty? I can think of four immediate reasons: \n\nFor one\, it is not just that the Asia-Pacific is getting even more crowded as China and several other powers re-emerge on the geopolitical stage. It is the simultane-ous emergence of several powers that has built pressure for a new equilibrium and balance. That new equilibrium has not emerged because the pace of change in the balance of power is so rapid.\nSecondly\, rapid economic growth in the last few decades has given several states in the region the means to militarily strengthen themselves. East Asia has seen the most rapid accumulation of economic power in world history. It is now seeing the same in terms of military power. The Asia-Pacific as a whole is witnessing the greatest peacetime arms buildup in its history\, possibly in world history.\nTechnology and politics have eliminated distance and separation between powers. We now speak of the Asia-Pacific as a geopolitical unit\, and not of East Asia\, South East Asia and South Asia separately. What happens in the South China Sea or the East China Sea concerns and affects the entire region\, if not the world. ICT and weapons technologies have eliminated the separations that existed between powers in the region.\nWe take for granted the removal of ideological restraints on the use of force or the threat of its use\, even though it is a recent phenomenon. The absence of ideology has resulted in renewed internal debates and political arguments in several major Asia-Pacific countries. (You see this in China and Japan. India is no exception.) At the risk of oversimplifying\, the debate is between liberal internationalists/reformers on the one hand\, and ultra-nationalists/conservatives on the other. The reformers seek more international cooperation and are committed to international values and solutions. The conservatives seek to recover lost territory and status\, (imagined or real)\, and seek a position of regional dominance\, or hegemony\, or in some cases as a superpower. The ultra-nationalists use a narrative of humiliation\, pride\, and re-sentment against limitations of capacity and reality to achieve their purposes. An essential part of this narrative is a threat inflation industry. And in many countries it is the conservatives with their emotional appeal who are the loudest in public dis-course\, not the cool reason and compromise of the reformers.\n\nEach of these phenomena individually might not have been a cause for worry. Even taken together they could have been manageable. But they come at a time of doubt about the security architecture in the Asia-Pacific and just when a new balance of power is emerging. For forty years\, since the US opening to China and the Vietnam War\, the Asia-Pacific has known relative stability under a security order in which the US provided security guarantees for the status quo. Today the US itself is rebalanc-ing back to the region and there is heightened uncertainty in the region. \nWhat should we do?\nContinued uncertainty or confrontation in the Asia-Pacific is clearly in no one’s inter-est as it will affect major powers’ attempts to restructure their economies and revive growth. Conflict would roll back the gains to each of our countries of forty years of stability and peace. \nWhat is the answer?\nClearly we need to act upon repeated statements by all the countries in the region and build an open\, inclusive security architecture in the region\, adding content to the concept and implementing it as soon as possible. We are only at the inception of this process with the ARF\, the ASEAN Defence Ministers’ Plus dialogue\, and the East Asia Summit. \nIt will\, of course\, be a security architecture with Asian characteristics\, the political-military equivalent of the open interlinked economic order that has so benefitted the region\, taking into account the primarily maritime nature of many regional security issues and disputes amenable to collective solutions. \nIn building the order we should concentrate on the security essentials that made the region’s phenomenal economic growth possible. The commons\, on the high seas\, in air space\, and in cyber space should be safe and open to all lawful civilian users. That is why maritime security and freedom of navigation is so important and should be one of the first orders of business. \nOpenness about doctrines and defence\, and increased military contacts\, would also take some of the edge off uncertainty although confidence building can only hold the ring until the hard work of solving disputes and agreeing a rule based legal order is done. \nThank you for the patient hearing. I do hope that your deliberations will result in more clarity on strategic trends in Asia and on the security architecture and topics that we should work on to ensure the peace and security that is so essential to Asia’s com-mon future. \nWatch Video URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/speaking-notes-at-the-16th-asian-security-conference-on-emerging-strategic-trends-in-asia-and-indias-response CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES,Asian Security Conference,ASC Key Speeches ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT BEGIN:VEVENT DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20140220T053000 DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20140220T053000 DTSTAMP:20261108T012629 CREATED:20231223T124309Z LAST-MODIFIED:20240229T000612Z UID:62643-1392874200-1392874200@idsa.in SUMMARY:Keynote Address at the 16th Asian Security Conference on "Emerging Strategic Trends in Asia and India’s Response" DESCRIPTION:Watch Video\nI am grateful for the privilege afforded\, to deliver the Keynote Address at the 16th Asian Security Conference on Emerging Strategic Trends in Asia – India’s Response\, which is being organized by the Institute of Defence Studies and Analysis. The IDSA is one of India’s leading think tanks\, and its Conferences attract many eminent experts and scholars. The opinions expressed\, and the outcomes\, have proved useful in shaping India’s policies in many areas. \nI. Introduction\n Today’s topic is of contemporary relevance given the fast changing developments taking place across Asia. There exist two Asias today – both competing for space and attention. Economically we have a dynamic\, and to an extent integrated Asia. The Asian Development Bank anticipates that by 2050 or even earlier\, Asia will nearly double its share of global GDP to 52%. 53% of Asia’s trade is now conducted within the region itself. The over USD 19 Trillion economy has today become an engine of global growth. While Asian economies are vital for each other\, economic ties with Asia have become critically important for the West following the global economic meltdown. \n There is\, however\, another Asia\, which in security terms appears dysfunctional\, buffeted by powerful nationalisms\, and prone to irredentism. This is an Asia where multiple strands of thought\, multiple perspectives\, and multiple courses of action\, intersect with fragile states already wracked by grave internal conflicts. Asia-Security\, thus\, appears anachronistic compared to Asia-Economic. Even regions that share commonalities of history\, geographies and cultures\, are often seen to be in conflict. \nII. Asian security dynamics: \nAsian security dynamics are an amalgam of issues such as: \n\noutstanding territorial disputes on land – the border dispute between India and China is perhaps the most longstanding\, but there are others which expose the fault lines in Asia\, and are potential flash points; \nmounting territorial tensions among India’s East Asian neighbours – which largely centre round contested claims regarding the sea\, spurred in part by China’s ever widening maritime claims in the South China and East China seas\, for which there are multiple claimants; \ntensions between China on the one hand\, and Vietnam\, the Philippines\, South Korea and Japan on the other;\nthe intense India-Pakistan rivalry\, that stems only in part from the unresolved issue of Jammu and Kashmir;\n\nNot to be ignored also\, are the differing perceptions among countries in the region of many of their neighbours\, and specially of the two largest countries of Asia\, all of which have tended to aggravate the divide across the continent. \nIII. Regional Stability Issues\nFor long\, South Asia had the unenviable reputation of being one of the most volatile regions in the world. Even today\, the situation in South Asia remains highly problematical\, but prevailing conditions in regions such as West\, South East and East Asia bring them also into similar reckoning. \nIn particular\, it needs to be recognized that fundamentalist\, extremist and radical ideas and beliefs\, are gaining ground faster in Asia than anywhere else; also that there is a resurgence of new radical outfits; and\, in turn\, religious extremism is aggravating existing turmoils. \nIn West Asia this is leading to an intensification of sectarian conflicts among disparate Islamist forces. Several West Asian nations like Egypt\, Syria\, Tunisia and the Gulf kingdoms\, are all wrestling with the problem of containing hard line Islamist groups. Opposing forces in the region are seeking asymmetrical support from the Hizbullah or Al-Quaeda\, depending on their predilections. Even Saudi Arabia feels highly vulnerable following the latest turn of events in Egypt\, Syria\, Iran and Iraq. \nSyria perhaps is an extreme case. An ‘alphabetic soup’ of elements – from the crumbling Free Syrian Army to the Islamic State of Iraq and Al-Shams (ISIS) to Jabhat-Al-Musra and Ahrar-al-Sham to Zehran Allosush’s Army of Islam – are all battling for control. The spectre of Iran\, the rise of pro-Al Quaeda elements and the ‘terrorist narrative’\, as also the possibility of an enlarged Sunni-Shia conflict also hovers in the background. \nSouth Asia is not insulated from these winds sweeping across much of West Asia. Afghanistan\, Pakistan and Bangladesh\, for instance\, are facing intense pressure from radicals in their midst. The situation in both Afghanistan and Pakistan\, is additionally complicated by a combination of perceived State weakness and the presence of myriad terrorist groups\, which pose a threat of asymmetric warfare and terrorism to the countries themselves\, and to the region and beyond. \nMeantime\, extremist forces like the Taliban are gaining ground in both Afghanistan and Pakistan. In Afghanistan\, the possibility of the Taliban gaining ascendancy seems very real. In Pakistan\, the willingness of the present regime to hold talks with the Tehreek-e-Taliban posits a grave threat to neighbouring countries like India. Not to be ignored is Pakistan’s policy of continuing support to terrorist groups like the LeT\, and employ them as strategic instrumentalities against India. \nUnsettled conditions\, and a new cycle of conflict affect Myanmar\, Indonesia and Sri Lanka today. These involve religion\, ethnicity and politics; a special feature being the growing conflict between Buddhism and Islam. Thailand is embroiled in a fresh round of agitations\, though the colour of the present conflict is\, as yet\, unclear. The outlook in both Maldives and Nepal\, where Democratic governments have established a tenuous toehold for the present is uncertain. Sri Lanka confronts both a political as well as an ethnic crisis. \nChina-Japan differences are meantime getting further exacerbated. A more determined Japan under PM Shinzo Abe is unlikely\, and unwilling\, to accede or cede ground\, to China’s demands. China’s relations with Vietnam and some of the other ASEAN nations also lack warmth. Issues relating to North Korea and Taiwan add to existing complications. \nIV. Emerging Strategic Trends\nFrom the perspective of a Conference of this kind\, strategic experts would\, no doubt\, have us believe that it is the outcome of the two long standing conflicts in Asia viz.\, that of India and China\, and India and Pakistan\, and additionally China’s ‘rise’\, that will determine the end-situation in Asia. \nTalk of Indo-China rivalry in geopolitical and strategic matters is not new (though both countries discount such rivalry.) China and India clearly have different approaches to Asian security and regional stability and the situation calls for deft management having regard to the consequences. It does have the potential to test the established order in Asia and\, hence\, merits careful delineation. \nFor example\, China is accepted as a power economically\, but one which is also perceived by many Asian nations today as seeking to establish its strategic hegemony over the entire region and specially in its periphery. The assertion of China’s right to its ‘historic waters’ (confined within the nine dash lines of the Chinese claim line) and its announcement of an Air Identification Zone in the East China Sea\, are viewed as indices of its desire to achieve preeminence in the region. This is further buttressed by China’s growing interest in areas to its South\, and with which it shares a common border. China’s refrain of ‘continued competition’ in the military domain has only added to such concerns about China’s true intentions. \nIn comparison\, India’s priorities appear more limited\, largely restricted to maintaining its strategic autonomy even while trying to sustain higher economic growth. Its preference is for multilateral pluralist groupings and economic cooperation\, rather than for a policy based on power relations. This should be evident from its dealings with the Sunni-Arab world and Shia Iran\, as also Central Asian countries and Afghanistan. With countries of South East Asia\, India’s efforts have been mainly directed towards contributing to the creation of a mutually acceptable economic architecture. \nIn the case of the other longstanding conflict between India and Pakistan\, it must be acknowledged that it shows few signs of abating. In dealing with Pakistan\, however\, the challenge India faces is different from the one it faces in dealing with China. Part of the problem is Pakistan’s ‘propensity for perilous risk taking and a penchant for sub-state violence’ as a Western analyst puts it. \nThe growing influence and role of organizations like the Tehreek-e-Taliban\, Pakistan\, in determining key strategic decisions\, vis-à-vis India is exacerbating the problem. The Pakistan-Taliban is no longer confined to tribal areas straddling the Pak-Afghan border\, its influence is sizeable even in a city like Karachi. Its viewpoint\, at least as far as India is concerned\, could shape Pakistan’s policy in the coming period\, since there are influential elements today within the Pakistani Government who are anxious to co-opt\, rather than confront\, the Taliban. Consequently\, not every conciliatory gambit on India’s part is likely to produce a countervailing response. \nPakistan also possesses of one of the world’s biggest Armies – one that is equipped with a rapidly growing nuclear arsenal. The close support afforded by China to Pakistan in strategic matters – including that of assistance in nuclear matters – are all aspects that cannot be ignored. \nChina’s rise – peaceful or otherwise – is equally a vital factor in assessing emerging strategic trends in the region. Chinese nationalism is widely seen today as the main driver of China’s foreign and defence policies. Many strategic analysts believe that this is also one of those periods in Chinese history in which both Chinese nationalism and Chinese exceptionalism are on the ascendant. This will\, in turn\, have a direct impact on its external policies. The geo-political and geo-strategic fallout of this will require to be carefully considered. \nV. Strategic Threats\nThere are certain other aspects that will need to be taken into account. First and foremost\, is the expanding Terrorist dynamic in the Asian region. The reality is that global terrorism is expanding rapidly\, specially in Asia. The Syrian imbroglio is the most recent example. \nThe rise of the Taliban in Afghanistan-Pakistan\, and the situation in Syria and West Asia\, for instance\, are likely to exacerbate the tendency to pursue ‘high risk strategies.’ Viewed against the reality that terrorism has mutated into global franchise\, as also the existence of close coordination in operational matters among terrorist outfits such as the Al Quaeda in the Arabian Peninsula\, the Al Shabab\, the ISIS\, the LeT and the HuJI\, the terrorist threat has become very real. The advent of ‘leaderless jihad’ of the Abu Musab-al-Suri variety will aggravate an already difficult situation. Beset with other internal problems\, Asian nations would find themselves greatly stretched in dealing with such situations. \nNext\, is the Maritime Dimension. Sea lanes of communication have become critically important for Asian nations as the region contains several of the world’s most important choke points for global commerce. Many inter-state disputes are currently maritime in nature – including of late over Deep Seabed mining. Unsettled maritime boundaries and the tendency towards unrestricted exploitation of maritime resources with little regard for territorial jurisdiction – in the absence of a legal framework and multilateral agreements could become a flashpoint for conflict. \nAs Asian nations become conscious of the strategic potential of the Oceans many\, if not all\, of them are suitably positioning themselves by building their Blue Water capabilities. India and China – the two largest nations – are intent on expanding their Navies\, and both are in a race to enlarge the size of their surface and submarine fleets. The risk of unintended consequences has hence become considerable. \nA Third aspect is the Cyber Threat\, with strategic experts envisaging cyber space as the 21st Century battlefield\, and the Fifth Domain of Warfare. The cyber threat being intangible in nature\, with no borders\, and involving unseen armies targeting symbols of national security and data/information of security value\, poses a graver danger than many existing strategic threats. \nAmong the more vulnerable targets of cyber attacks\, are the military – including the nuclear and missile components – apart from national security targets and intelligence agencies. Across the world and not only in Asia\, attacks on military\, nuclear and financial systems have gone up almost two thousand percent over the past decade. Protecting a country’s critical infrastructure from crippling cyber attacks will\, hence\, prove increasingly difficult. As it is\, penetration modules like the STUXNET Worm (employed to attack closed systems such as Iran’s nuclear facility) are already passé. Highly sophisticated malicious malware to steal sensitive data are being evolved almost on a daily basis; even the Malware FLAME which only a few months ago was seen as the most sophisticated ever\, has been overtaken by later ones. \nThe grave nature of the cyber threat strengthens the case for erecting better firewalls and hardening of systems to withstand attacks. Advances in science are now being sought in this context\, and hopes have been raised that quantum mechanics could be the answer in the future. Meanwhile\, countries including India\, have\, of necessity\, be putting emphasis on evolving coordinated defence systems against cyber attacks – the National Critical Information Infrastructure Protection Centre is India’s new hope in this respect. \nNuclear Asia represents yet another dimension of the strategic threat. In the contested geopolitics of Asia\, marked by enduring rivalries\, politically unstable regimes\, and concerns about conventional military inferiority\, the presence of many Nuclear States adds to prevailing security concerns. Some States do not have a well-defined nuclear doctrine or effective safety procedures; some like Pakistan are enlarging the scope of their nuclear weapons and experimenting with tactical nuclear missiles – Pakistan’s revelations of the existence of its Hatf-9 Nasr\, short range surface to surface missile with an operational range of 60 kms capable of carrying a nuclear warhead\, has raised the possibility of predelegation of nuclear weapons to battlefield commanders in case of a conflict. \nThe likelihood of Saudi Arabia intensifying its efforts to acquire nuclear weapons in response to a possible Iran-West deal on Nuclear Weapons is also real. It will further reinforce belief in nuclear superiority as a key determinant in resolving crises between nations that are otherwise perceived as unequal – militarily and economically. \nVI. India’s Response\nIndia’s response will be dictated by the perception of India – primarily in its immediate neighbourhood\, and to an extent in its extended neighbourhood and beyond. This perception would also be dependent on how China defines its national interests in the coming years. Will China opt for an aggressive or assertive policy in Asia? Or would it opt for a more cooperative and collaborative stance? As of now\, the former seems more likely. \nThe actions of the US in Asia – its withdrawal from Afghanistan; the blurring of lines (despite its rhetoric) as far as West Asia is concerned\, notably in the context of Syria and Iran; the policy shift from that of a pivot in Asia to ‘rebalancing of forces’ in the Indo-Pacific\, has greatly diminished its image. Most Asian nations will find US assurances as less than reliable\, and may be compelled to make other choices. Strategic thinkers in the West will\, as a result\, have to seriously rework and rethink their ideas on how to increase their geopolitical maneuverability in the Indo-Pacific; strengthening the natural capabilities of Beijing’s Asian neighbours and siding with them so as to balance China\, may no longer be a reliable option. \nHow nations would realign themselves would depend on whether they see the US as a recessed or receding major power\, China an aggressive one\, and India as a reluctant power. It is not without significance that Liu Yazhou\, Political Commissar at PLA’s National Defence University\, recently talked of the strategic opportunity that the PLA had to boost its military capability to defend China’s sovereignty where China is involved in territorial disputes (he had in mind the territorial disputes in the East and South China Seas\, but it could extend to other frontiers as well.) One must not also ignore the fact that aggressive nationalism often tends to spur a hawkish military. \nThe situation in Asia is such that it does open up opportunities as far as India is concerned. Equally\, if not more so\, it provides China with a strategic opening. Many Asian strategic analysts recommend that India should resist the temptation to be a part of US-led efforts to contain China; instead it should forge closer ties with Beijing and ensure proper management of its border tensions. This is also implicit in the advice proferred recently by State Counsellor PRC\, Yang Jiechi\, (while in India) when he observed that the growth of the China-India strategic and cooperative partnership serves the fundamental interests of the two countries…and the two countries must work to increase strategic mutual trust. \nAsia’s geopolitical future\, hence\, hangs in the balance. China’s real strength lies in its sustained economic growth. An issue that many Asian nations may\, hence\, have to ponder over in the near future is whether they should remain content being part of an economic partnership dominated by China in Asia\, or whether they should try and set up new fora where China’s economic dominance is less obvious. \nAgain\, military trends in Asia seem heavily slanted in China’s favour. Apart from India\, there is no country in Asia which can hope to match China’s military strength. While countries like Japan appear to be moving towards stronger defence mechanisms and forces\, there is little possibility that any of them could become a counterweight to China. Japan’s PM Shinjo Abe’s ‘democratic security diamond’ – a coalition among Japan\, India\, US and Australia – is a remake of the old Quadrilateral\, but dependence on the US tends to be highly problematic\, as allies such as Saudi Arabia are learning to their cost. \nThe two largest nations in Asia – China and India – also have their own Achilles Heel\, viz.\, the resource crunch they face. China has a clear headstart over India in tying up scarce resources with countries across the globe\, but the availability of resources is nevertheless a problem for both. The importance of ensuring that the Indo-Pacific remains peaceful cannot\, hence\, be denied. \nChina’s answer has been to draw up a viable Ocean strategy in its own image. At its 18th Party Congress\, China proclaimed the need to protect its overseas interests\, and underscored the centrality of maritime security in ensuring China’s economic progress and national well being. It also mentioned the need to set up ‘expeditionary forces’ to conduct military operations in distant lands and seas. This must serve as a wakeup call for China’s Asian neighbours – India in particular. \nVII. Conclusion\nRegional trajectories over the next 10 years are possibly not too difficult to predict. The outcome is\, however\, uncertain. China will almost certainly continue to make every effort to enlarge its influence across Asia\, and dominate its periphery. The absence of a Concert of Asia\, on the lines of the Concert of Europe of the 19th Century\, will\, hence\, have adverse consequences for many nations in Asia. Yet\, there does not appear to be any possibility of this happening\, in the absence of an Asian Metternich or a Bismarck. \nWatch Video URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/keynote-address-at-the-16th-asian-security-conference-on-emerging-strategic-trends-in-asia-and-indias-response CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES,Asian Security Conference,ASC Key Speeches ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://idsa.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/no_photo-200x150-2.jpg END:VEVENT END:VCALENDAR