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DTSTART:20100101T000000
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BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20110216T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20110218T053000
DTSTAMP:20261109T140608
CREATED:20231223T125723Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250120T223001Z
UID:62795-1297834200-1298007000@idsa.in
SUMMARY:13th Asian Security Conference on "Towards A New Asian Order"
DESCRIPTION:Concept Note\n\n\nThe onset of  the ‘Asian Century’ requires fresh thinking on regional architectures in Asia. Will these be able to deliver on the promise of the  future? What needs to be done\, and can be done\, to enable this? Given the  conflictual history attending the rise of powers in Europe\,  the timely development of pan-Asian frameworks could help in constructing a  different future. The conference aims to examine efficacy of existing  structures and probe Asian thinking on making the future benign for Asia and the world. The Conference would be a useful step  in conceptualising a new pan Asian order\, even as it\, in the main\, surveys  existing capacities against possibilities. The aim is to visualise a pan-Asian  framework for addressing security challenges and for facilitating cooperation.  \n                  The Conference  is designed to address both traditional and non-traditional security issues in  their political\, social and economic dimensions. It does so in five subthemes.  The first day will be devoted to geopolitical dynamics and associated  traditional security issues. The second day will focus on geo-economics and  non-traditional security themes. On the last day\, an attempt will be made to  ‘discover’ an ‘Asian Way’\,  drawing on Asian cultures and traditions while keeping world order imperatives  in mind. The subthemes are \n\n                      Subtheme 1: The Geopolitics of Asia                    \n                      Subtheme 2: Traditional Security Challenges                    \n        Subtheme 3:  Globalization and the Rise of Asia      \n                      Subtheme 4: Non-traditional Security Challenges            \n                Subtheme 5: Managing the Challenges         \n\nThe key questions  to form the backdrop of particular sessions are:                     \n\n    What are the implications of rising powers in Asia  for the powers themselves\, for external powers and for the region?             \nHow can the fruits of the economic miracles in Asia  be preserved?    \nWhat are the variants if any to the traditional security paradigm?       \nCan cooperative security deliver on non-traditional security challenges?  \nIs it premature to think of ‘One Asia’?\n\n                  A  detailed look at Asia and its potentiality  will be done in five separate sessions.  \n                  Subtheme 1: The Geopolitics of Asia \nAsian and External powers \n                  Asia\,  comprising as it does\, the regions of West Asia\, Central Asia\, South Asia\,  South East Asia and East Asia\, is at the  centre stage of global events and at the fulcrum of the global power shift. A  number of issue require attention: implications of the rise of China and India;  enduring conflicts in West Asia; the continuing military entanglements of the US; access and control of resources of Central Asia; expansion of security regimes in  Asia-Pacific. The questions for this subtheme are: \n\nCan the rise of Asian powers continue as ‘benign’ and ‘peaceful’?\nWhat are the prospects of cooperation and conflict?\nCan the current Asian architectures manage the future?\nWhat is the status and role of US\, Russia  and Australia  as ‘Asian powers’?\nHow can existing faultlines be managed\n\nSubtheme 2: Traditional Security Challenges\n                    Nuclear Proliferation\, Terrorism\,  Maritime Security \n                  The maturing  strictures against aggression\, nuclear backdrop to conflicts between major  powers\, lethality and costs of modern weapons\, and the spread of globalisation  have made military power usable mostly for purposes of deterrence. Threats  exist less from direct military confrontations between states than from  non-state actors acting either autonomously or under state sponsorship.  The traditional security domain has changed. Asia\, therefore\, needs to take note and reshape its  military profile accordingly.  The  questions for this session are: \n\nHow serious and urgent are traditional ‘threats’? \nWhat is the scope for cooperative security?\nWhat are the determinants of ‘freedom of the seas’?\nWhat is the scope for military diplomacy\, engagement and confidence  building?\nWhat are prospects for arms control and disarmament regimes?\nWhat is the continuing utility and future of nuclear weapons in Asia?\n\n Subtheme 3:  Globalization and the Rise of Asia Asia  and the World Economy           \n                  Can one  visualise a non-realist future for Asia\, one  based on growing interdependence? The capitalist model of consumption has its  perils in being unsustainable\, unless tempered by Asian traditions of  abnegation. The two continent-sized states\, China  and India\,  are justifiably catering to their growing populations. However\, they have to  face up to the limits of growth. Competition for access to resources and  markets in Asia and elsewhere has the  potential to disrupt relationships. The recent economic shocks indicate  inherent fragility of the global economic order. Can important lessons in  growth with equity be learnt from the ‘Asian Tigers’? The session will attempt  answer the following: \n\nHow central is China’s  economic growth the key to Asia’s economic  future?\nWhat are the roles of the Chinese\, Indian and Japanese economies in the  Asian and global economic order?\nCan the US-Chinese economic relationship be sustained indefintely?\nWhat is the role of regional organisations in the evolving Asian  economic order?\nHow can Asia cope with future economic  crises?\n\nSubtheme 4: Non-traditional Security ChallengesThe Asian Commons\,  Water\, Energy\, Technological Frontiers\, Democratisation \n                  Non-traditional  security thinking is displacing traditional modes given that these challenges  are both ubiquitous and more demanding. They have the potential to both  mitigate and aggravate depending on how they are approached. Given population  densities\, social disparities\, expanding urban clusters and the fragility of an  environment under assault from economic growth\, the future could be very bleak.  The opportunity for turning it around through enlightened moderation of  aspirations\, application of technology\, creating responsive policing  organisations and by democratisation\, is now. The conference will dwell on such  issues as: \n\nHow can the Himalayan ecosystem be managed better?\nWhat are ‘best practices’ in managing water conflicts?\nIs there a pan Asian solution to future energy security?\nWhat contribution can an Asian regional architecture make?\nHow can technology be harnessed for the new Asian century?\nWhat is the future of democracy and democratisation in Asia?\n\n                  Subtheme 5: Managing the ChallengesRegional Groupings\,  Intra- and Inter-Regional Linkages  \n                  Visualising a  benign future helps in the creation of structures to bring about more  cooperation in future. The ‘Asian’ input\, relying on a cultural legacy of  centuries\, needs expansion. The continent currently views itself in multiple  ‘regions’ that have regional structures of varying efficacy to integrate and  mellow nationalisms. It is an idea only geographically. In such a circumstance\,  would broaching a pan Asian concept be premature? The following questions will  animate this session: \n\nIs it possible to draw a normative ‘Asian Way’ from Asian cultural streams?\nWhat can be learnt from the European experience of political\, military  and economic integration? \nIs there a case for evolving a pan-Asian concept?\nIs a pan Asian political and economic order discernible?\nWhat are the prospects for greater economic integration across Asia?\nHow can existing structures be enhanced?\n\n\n\n\n\nProgramme Schedule\n\n\nDay 1 \n                  16 February  2011\n                  0915-1000h: Registration \n1000-1400hSession 1: The Geopolitics of Asia\n                  Chairperson – Mr. Siddharth Varadarajan \n                  1000-1100 (First half)  \n\nVincent Wang – The Rise of China\, the Rise of India\, and the Changing Geopolitics of Asia\nMasako Ikegami – Challenges of Rising China: A New Cold War or Neo-Imperialism? \n\n1100-1200h Keynote  Session\n                                      1100h-1105h –  Welcome of Hon’ble Minister of Defence\, Shri AK Antony\n                    1105-1110h – Welcome address by DG\, IDSA\, Mr.   NS Sisodia\n                    1110-1125h – Inaugural Address by Hon’ble Minister of Defence and President\,  IDSA\, Shri AK Antony\n                    1125-1130h – Vote of Thanks by Dr. Arvind Gupta\, Lal Bahadur Shastri Chair\, IDSA\n                    1130h-1200h – Tea  \n1200-1400 Session 1 continues   \n\nBakhtier Khakimov – Building of a new architecture of security and cooperation in Asia: Russian vision\nMumin Chen – Realist and Pragmatic Elements in China’s Grand Strategy: Assessments of China’s Relations with Japan\, Taiwan\, and India\nPrakash Menon – Indo-Pak relations and the Balance of Emotions\n\n                   1300h-1400h – Discussion/Q&A \n                  1400h-1500h – Lunch \n1500h-1730hSession 2: Traditional Security Challenges\n                                      Chairperson – Lt Gen (Retd) S Nambiar \n\nPaul Salem – Building Cooperation in West Asia (On Skype)\nJoseph Liow – The East Asia Summit and the Security Architecture in the Asia-Pacific\nTetsuo Kotani – Maritime Security in Asia\n                            V Gundlupet  – Nuclear Threats and Diplomacy: An Analysis of Indian\, Pakistani and Chinese Use of Nuclear Threats\nSaleem Shahzad – Lessons from Pakistan’s Counter -terrorism Policy for Asia\n\n                    1645h-1730h – Discussion/Q&A (Tea will be available in foyer 1630h-1700h) \n\nDay 2  \n                      17 February  2011\n0930h-1300hSession 3: Globalization and the Rise of Asia\n                                      Chairperson – Dr. Sanjaya Baru \n\nNiklas Swanström – Globalization and the rise of Asia \nSean M. Lynn-Jones – Globalization and Asian Security: Promise or Peril?\nSumit Ganguly – The Obama Administration and South Asia\nZhang Zhenjiang – West European Integration and East Asian Regionalism: What we can learn and what we cannot learn?\nArshin Adib-Moghaddam – Iranian-American relations and the future security architecture in western Asia\nAtul Aneja – Implications of Developments in the Arab World\n\n                  1130-1145h – Tea \n                  1145-1300h – Discussion/Q&A \n                  1300h-1400h – Lunch \n1400h-1715hSession 4: Non-traditional Security Challenges\n                                      Chairperson – Dr. Radha Kumar \n\nSyed Iqbal Hasnain – The Geopolitics of  Himalayan-Tibetan Glacier Melt\n Uttam Sinha – Himalayan Hydrology and the Hydropolitics \n Xia Liping – Energy security and Asian regional  architecture\nTai Ming Cheung – Economics\, Security and Technology in Northeast Asia: Maneuvering Between Nationalist and Globalist Forces\nYaacov Vertzberger – Towards an Architecture of a Global Disaster-Management-Regime A Roadmap\nIqbal Singh Sevea – ‘Regulating’ Islam in the Asian State\n\n                  1600-1615h Tea \n                   1615h-1715h – Discussion/Q&A \n\nDay 3  \n                    18 February  2011\n0930-1245hSession 5: Managing the Challenges\n                                      Chairperson – Amb. Leela K. Ponappa \n\nRobert Art – US-China Relations and Implications for India (On Skype)\nWilliam Thompson – Long Term Asian Patterns of Conflict\nAlexander Lukin – Russia  and Geopolitics of Asia\nMustafa Aydin – Developments and changes since the  end of the cold war: West Asia and Central Asia\n                      Arvind Gupta – How India is managing its Asian Challenge\n\n                  1130h-1145h – Tea\n                    1145h-1255h – Discussion/Q&A \n1300h-1330hClosing Session\n                  Chairperson: N. S. Sisodia                      Closing Address – Amb. Shivshankar Menon\, NSA \n                    Vote of Thanks\n                  1330h Group Photograph of participants\n                  Lunch  \n\n\n\n\nConference Booklet\nRapporteurs Report
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/13th-asian-security-conference-on-towards-a-new-asian-order
CATEGORIES:Asian Security Conference,Previous ASC,CONFERENCES
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BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20110218T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20110218T053000
DTSTAMP:20261109T140608
CREATED:20231223T124659Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20240229T001001Z
UID:62674-1298007000-1298007000@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Closing Remarks at the 13th Asian Security Conference
DESCRIPTION:Mr. NS Sisodia\, Director General IDSA\,\nDistinguished participants\,\nGuests. \nThank you for asking me to speak to the closing session of IDSA’s 13th Asian Security Conference\, “Towards a New Asian Order”. You have a very impressive list of participants and speakers\, and there would seem to be little that I can add to what has come before.  \nI must confess to some confusion when I first heard the title of your conference\, “Towards a New Asian Order”. I was not sure whether you meant a new world order that was Asian\, or whether you meant a new order in Asia; whether you meant new Asian rules of the game and stakes in the international order\, or a new ordering of the way things are done and managed in Asia. It took only a second’s thought to make it clear that the answer was the second choice\, especially as your conference is about Asian security. But the fact that the question even arose in my mind suggests how rapidly and how extensively world geopolitics has changed\, and how the centre of geopolitical gravity has moved to Asia. \nAt the risk of repeating what may have already been said\, I thought I would give you one Indian’s view on how Asia is changing\, on the new security challenges that result from these changes\, and on the sort of Asian order that might meet these new challenges. \nChanging Asia\nThere is no question that the rise of Asia\, with China as the most prominent example\, is the major geopolitical fact of our times. What Asia has achieved in the last three decades in terms of the rapid accretion of wealth to begin with\, and now power\, has never been done so fast in history by any other region.  Nor has any other power in history grown as rapidly as China in this period. The relative prominence and importance of Asia and China have been accelerated by the world economic crisis since 2008\, and a crisis of confidence in the Western developed world. We Asians are reminded nearly every day that Asia is now pivotal to global politics\, and urged to fulfil our responsibilities\, (which I sometimes suspect is merely a polite way of asking us to do what others find more convenient than our following our own interests.)  \nBut\, stupendous as the Asian achievement is\, we must remember that it has several unique characteristics. \n\nAsia has seen several powers rising simultaneously\, and has yet to find a new internal equilibrium of its own. Unlike what occurred when Japan rose in the thirties\, China is not the only rising Asian power today. Within Asia itself\, on China’s immediate periphery\, other powers like South Korea\, Vietnam\, Indonesia and India are also developing rapidly. We already see in Asia classical responses to the rapid rise of new powers in terms of internal and external balancing. We see increasing defence budgets throughout the region over the last two decades.\nThese growing Asian powers increasingly owe more and more of their economic growth to the links and interdependence among themselves. Several of them still have overwhelming domestic preoccupations and will therefore concentrate on those rather than on external entanglements. It would be natural to expect that these powers would concentrate on creating external environments conducive to their continued economic growth and social transformation rather than focussing purely on security aspects of their external environment. For quite some time to come Asia will see the development of powerful states whose citizenry as individuals will enjoy lower standards of living than those in the developed world. These states will therefore not replicate the behaviour of previous powers. The new equilibrium in Asia is likely to be as much a result of production chains and regional and global market integration as of purely security driven alliances or structures. \nAsia’s geopolitics are complicated by the presence of several global and extra-regional powers who are now integral to Asian security in this age of globalisation of economics\, security and technology. Powers such as the USA\, Russia and Japan are present and have long established interests of their own in Asia. An Asian order which ignores their interests is unlikely to be stable.\nAnd lastly\, Asia as a whole is and will remain dependent upon the rest of the world for its own continued growth and security\, whether in terms of energy security\, food security or\, in the more conventional calculation of the sources and providers of security capabilities and technologies. In several respects that matter\, (concepts\, technology\, security\, energy etc)\, Asia is still and will remain a net global consumer for some time to come. With younger populations\, and the task of maintaining the growth necessary to generate jobs for new entrants to the labour force\, this will remain true of the major Asian developing economies for the foreseeable future. (Historically speaking\, this is very different from the situation before the mid-eighteenth century when Asia last enjoyed relative global pre-eminence. Then Asia depended on itself for its needs and markets. Again\, the contrast with the Soviet Union’s autonomy from others could not be greater. So expect different behaviour from Asian powers.)\n\nIn other words we are speaking of an Asia that will be largely developing\, increasingly integrated within itself\, and simultaneously dependent upon the broader global community and environment\, — a powerful but poor Asia. \nNone of this is to say that the relative rise of Asia will not continue. I would expect it to over the medium term\, though straight line extrapolations have seldom worked in history. This is just to say that the issues that we face in dealing with the changes in Asia are different from those that we see in historical analogies of rising powers in the past. (This is not 19th century Europe\, amenable to balance of power solutions such as a “Concert of Asia”.) For the present\, Asia and the world have yet to work out a security architecture that accommodates the changes in Asia and the legitimate interests of all the countries concerned without reducing them to a zero sum game. Our preference is that the new architecture be open\, inclusive\, and flexible. But this still is a work in progress. \nThe Issues\nWhat are the new challenges that this situation in Asia throws up for us? To my mind three challenges stand out:\n1.	Connectivity domains like maritime security\, cyber space and outer space;\n2.	 The increasing security divide within Asia; and\,\n3.	The institutionalisation of security cooperation in Asia.  \nThe first probably explains itself. Asia’s pattern of growth and the fact that her physical and economic security will be linked to that of the rest of the world make her connectivity critical. Hence the need to assure security of maritime communications\, cyber space and outer space. Many of you know much more than I do about these domains\, but it is no accident that these are precisely the domains where Asia is witnessing latent and explicit competition and contention\, a build up of national offensive and defensive capabilities which in other areas would be called an arms race. \nYou might well ask why I also mentioned the security divide and a lack of institutions. Why not choose traditional security issues like border disputes or terrorism or inter-state conflict or nuclear proliferation? Because these problems\, though very real and worrying\, which exist in virulent forms in Asia\, have not prevented the stupendous transformation that has resulted in the accumulation of power and wealth in large parts of Asia that we spoke of. In other words\, so far Asia has successfully managed individual issues of nuclear balance and several conventional security threats\, and even the proliferation of WMD and missile technologies. These will require continued and considerable effort\, but increasingly these problems will occur in new forms. \nTake piracy\, for instance\, one of the oldest of all conventional security threats. Asia was successful in tackling it around the Straits of Malacca but the international community have been much less so off the Horn of Africa. Why is this so? To my mind this is largely because there are parts of Asia which have not been transformed or changed. While we were able to act on both land and sea near the Straits of Malacca\, we are unable to do so in the Horn. In those parts of Asia which are not developing as rapidly\, traditional security issues now affect Asian security differently. There is a growing security deficit or divide within Asia.  \nTo take another instance\, there is an increasing danger of terrorism spreading from those parts of Asia\, like Pakistan and Afghanistan\, which have not been part of the Asian economic miracle. The security of nuclear materials and weapons in those same parts of Asia is another example of the sort of problems that we face. These are the problems I mean when I speak of the increasing security divide within Asia. There are parts of Asia which are falling behind\, not just in economic terms but in terms of the normal security attributes of sovereignty that we take for granted. And the consequences for Asian security should concern all of us in Asia. \nThe New Asian Order\nSo what sort of new Asian order will meet the needs of these new challenges? Should we proceed in security as we did in the economy\, building block by building block? Or do we move to collective security in Asia\, something that each of the two super powers tried and failed to achieve during the Cold War? \nI do not claim to have answers to these questions\, but I can try to describe some of the desiderata of a new security order in Asia that should be part of our consideration of this problem.  \n\nIt should be inclusive. Given the diversity in Asia this is essential if the order is to work. And it must include all relevant powers\, including those geographically external but intrinsic to Asia’s security in practice and presence.\nIt should be extensive\, from Suez to the Pacific and including the entire Eurasian landmass. If not it will not be able to address the security consequences of the growing security divide within Asia.\nIt should be plural. No one-size solution or simplistic prescription will work.  We should learn from the failure of Cold War alliance systems in the area\, and of earlier Asian Collective Security proposals.\nIts institutions should be consultative\, respecting the Asian cultural bias towards consensual solutions. Centring the institutions on ASEAN would be logical and practical\, and the ASEAN Defence Ministers’ plus Eight Meeting offers a potentially very useful way forward.\n\nWhile these desiderata may sound utopian\, they are suggested in the hope that we will be able to apply them to the issues we face\, thus building habits of cooperation in security as we have already done in the economic sphere. \nAnd if we do succeed in the years ahead to build such a security order in Asia and successfully handle the multiple security challenges that we face\, I suppose the world order will indeed be “Asian” in character\, and the question I started with would have been answered.
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/closing-remarks-at-the-13th-asian-security-conference
CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES,Asian Security Conference,ASC Key Speeches
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