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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20050127T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20050127T053000
DTSTAMP:20261110T122520
CREATED:20231223T125058Z
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UID:62720-1106803800-1106803800@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Inaugural Address at the 7th Asian Security Conference
DESCRIPTION:Excellencies\, Distinguished Participants at the 7th Asian Security Conference\, Ladies and Gentlemen\, \nI feel privileged to be invited to deliver the Inaugural Address at the IDSA’s 7th Asian Security Conference. Since its inception in January 1999\, this Conference has provided a forum for Asian security issues to be viewed in the most holistic manner by experts drawn from all quarters. This year’s theme – Changing Security Dynamic in Eastern Asia – is particularly relevant. I commend the IDSA for their choice. \nWe are meeting here a month after the Tsunami disaster\, which perhaps offers a metaphor about the very nature of the concept of security and the manner in which we are all inter-connected. Distance and proximity are no longer the defining elements in our comprehension and response to security challenges. Vicissitudes of nature or technological changes are rapidly transcending or abolishing borders. \nMay I begin with a few broad observations that could perhaps generate fruitful discussion during the course of this three-day Conference. \nIndia’s geography imparts a unique position to her in the geo-politics of the Asian continent. Our interests lie not only in different sub-categories of Asia – East Asia\, West Asia\, Central Asia\, South Asia or South East Asia. Our development and security are also intertwined with that of each of these regions. India’s integrative bonds with her Asian neighbourhood are increasingly impacted by a positive combination of factors. The relatively rapid development since the early 1990s has set us among the world’s fastest growing economies. The new dynamics of economic liberalization and integration and the region’s overlapping security perspectives link this larger neighbourhood in one single continuum. India’s growing inter-dependence with East Asia\, which is both the driving force and the manifestation of our “Look East” policy\, brings East Asia even closer to us. Peace\, security and development of East Asia are\, therefore\, matters of great interest and direct relevance to us. \nAgainst this background let me now deal with India’s perceptions. \nIndia’s links with her extended Eastern neighbourhood go back many centuries. There is a distinctive character to this Indian impress. It was devoid of any military component. India’s links with the region were civilizational\, religious and cultural. The message of the Buddha emanated from here and spread to different corners of this region. Independent India exuded the same spirit of amity\, friendship and goodwill. Many of you may recall that Pandit Nehru was the visionary who outlined a framework of Asian solidarity and peaceful co-existence. I myself grew up in this ambiance as a young diplomat. Perhaps Nehru was ahead of his times. The world was not ready to share his high-minded vision. \nConsequently\, for many years India remained somewhat distant from its eastern neighbourhood. It was in 1992 that we embarked upon our “Look East” policy with renewed vigour. Gradually our links with the countries of the extended eastern Asian region have grown and are growing. This is at once gratifying and satisfying. India is getting increasingly networked with its eastern neighbours together with new opportunities\, common and novel challenges. More than a mere political slogan\, our “Look East” policy has a strong economic rationale. It is also sustained by our commitment to democracy and pluralism and is borne out of our desire for stability and security in our region. \nDevelopments in East Asia are of direct consequence to India’s security and development. We are therefore actively engaged in creating a bond of friendship and cooperation with East Asia that has a strong economic foundation and a cooperative paradigm of positive inter-connectedness of security interests. A common thread joins us. We stand to share the opportunities thrown open by the regions’ increasing economic integration\, just as we face the common threats of WMD proliferation\, terrorism\, energy shortage\, piracy and income inequity\, to name a few. The Tsunami disaster has also brought home the point\, in a tragic way though\, that we do not live in splendid isolation. We\, therefore\, believe that greater connectivity – physical\, economic and political – between India and East Asia will create strong links in our common endeavour for peace and prosperity. \nIt is with this vision that we are engaged with the countries of East Asia to build an edifice of mutually beneficial cooperation. Recent positive developments in India’s relations with China are a case in point. There are many who look at India-China relations with the old mindset of “balance of power” or “conflict of interests” and see East Asia as a theatre of competition between these two countries. Such theories are losing relevance in today’s fast-emerging dynamics of Asia’s quest for peace and prosperity. \nBoth India and China are aware that trust and cooperation between them are one of the most crucial elements that make our region and Asia a vibrant and energetic fulcrum for growth. We are engaged in positive ways to expand our commonalities\, while pro-actively addressing our differences\, including the boundary question. We are doing so in a purposive and mutually acceptable manner. Despite the differences on the boundary issue\, our 3\,400 km long land border with China has largely remained tranquil over the last twenty-five years. This is by no means a minor achievement and should be enough to silence those who look at India-China relations only from an adversarial prism. It is for everyone to see that we have not allowed our differences to hold development in our relations across an impressive range of areas. \nWhile there are differences between us\, there is also an increasingly greater realization that there is enough space and opportunity in the region for both India and China to prosper. We are not just passively embedded in our region bound by our common neighbourhood\, but are constantly interacting through endeavours which have brought huge dividends to both. Look at India’s trade with China. From a meagre few hundred million dollars in the beginning of the nineteen-nineties\, our trade has already crossed US$ 13 billion last year. We also look at our relations in a larger regional and global backdrop and realize the responsibility we both shoulder in contributing to the well being of humanity. We are mindful of the overarching importance of a peaceful surrounding environment for us to pursue our most fundamental task of national development. Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao’s visit to India later this year will offer another opportunity to us to add further substance to our relationship\, a relationship which both value. \nOur relationship with Japan is another important point of anchor in our extensive interaction with East Asia. As the second largest global economy\, Japan has an important role to play in Asia emerging as a key player in this century. We have traditionally viewed Japan in the perspective of our common Asian identity. In the last few years\, our bilateral relations with Japan have steadily progressed. The India-Japan Global Partnership\, launched four years ago\, has provided an opportunity to impart new direction and dynamism to our growing bilateral relationship. We are constantly endeavouring to add increasingly greater substance to this interaction. Economic partnership is an important dimension of our ties with Japan. Our relations are also based on the firmly shared recognition that both countries are legitimate candidates for the permanent membership of the UN Security Council. We are looking forward to Prime Minister Koizumi’s visit to India later in 2005 which will help us further upgrade and deepen our relations with Japan. \nThe Conference is looking at Japan in a focused manner – and the Japanese participation is noteworthy. I am also gratified to learn that Mr. Ishiba\, a senior Japanese parliamentarian and former Japanese Defence Minister will address you tomorrow. \nWith South Korea\, our traditional friendship is developing on the strong foundations of our shared commitment to democratic ideals and the common desire to consolidate and diversify our exchanges. The success of South Korean President Roh’s visit to India three months ago was a manifestation of this\, during which we decided to establish a “Long-term Cooperative Partnership for Peace and Prosperity” with the aim of fully utilizing the substantial potential and opportunities for deepening mutually beneficial cooperation by taking advantage of our economic complementarities and political convergences. My own visit to South Korea last month convinced me that our relations are poised for significant expansion. I returned immensely impressed by South Korea’s achievements in so many spheres. \nIndia has also consciously moved forward to re-establish its age-old ties with ASEAN countries. This has been duly reciprocated. The ASEAN countries also recognize the mutual advantage of a wide-ranging partnership with India. During the Third India-ASEAN Summit in November last year\, our Prime Minister emphasized that India’s “Look East” policy had acquired considerable substance and irreversible momentum and that relations with ASEAN\, based on mutual interest in shared peace and prosperity for the region\, constituted an important priority in India’s foreign policy. We signed an agreement on India-ASEAN Partnership for Peace\, Progress and Shared Prosperity\, which encapsulates our commitment for a long-term cooperative partnership based on our respective strengths and complementarities. \nToday\, as India strives to add greater substance and depth to her “Look East” policy\, she espouses a vision of an Asian Economic Community\, which encompasses ASEAN\, South Korea\, Japan\, China and India – the five pillars which may form the initial core to drive Asia’s emergence as the centre of gravity of the global economy. The idea of the Asian Economic Community is built on the fundamental realization of the new dynamics in Asia and existing synergies. This is bringing us closer together in search of greater prosperity and is based on our common aspirations. These are visions to secure a stable and peaceful environment and pursue the development objectives that would impart strength to Asia’s global standing. \nAs Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has declared\, this community of nations would constitute an “arc of advantage” which would act as an anchor of stability and prosperity for our region and beyond. In today’s global reality\, where regional trading blocs are gaining strength in terms of their political and economic clout\, we in Asia risk falling behind if we do not act in time. The prospects are positive\, as there is a broad recognition of the enormous benefits flowing from greater integration within this part of the world. We share the common emphasis that the economic dynamism of Asia can be strengthened and sustained by developing greater linkages between the nations and integration of their markets and society. How India and East Asia fashion their cooperation in response to this emerging need will be a crucial factor in deciding how successful will Asia’s success story be. \nThere is a general aspiration to evolve towards a more co-operative strategic and security paradigm – both globally and regionally. It is here that Asia as a whole and East Asia in a more specific sense will have to rise to the challenge. As I said\, we are bound together with the destiny of a common neighbourhood. We must also join our energies in overcoming challenges to our common security and pursuing our goal of common prosperity. The emergence of Asia is in reality the sum of the success of each of its parts and the strength of their inter-linkages. \nToday we stand at the cusp of exciting times\, which hold a bright promise for our future collaboration. We share the responsibility to shape our co-operation to liberate the creative energies of the entire region. We must put in place a political and economic architecture which is conducive to Asia’s emergence as a pre-eminent region of stability and prosperity. This can make the 21st century the Asian century in the truest sense. But this will need dedicated\, sustained hard work. And eternal vigilance. \nAt this moment in time\, the future looks promising. While we have a deficit of democracy in international relations\, there are also diverse challenges and new opportunities engendered by globalisation. The non-state entity has emerged as a potent actor and the spectrum ranges from the multinational corporation to the terrorist plague. Simultaneously there is no major contestation – ideological or otherwise – among the major powers. Perhaps we are in a domain where reality and empirical evidence has gone beyond any of the conventional theories that seek to explain international relations and security studies! The mindset is perhaps changing. \nHere\, then\, ladies and gentlemen is an intellectual challenge for all of you – as eminent academics and analysts. How does one square the circle of realpolitik with the normative values of equitable security? As a person who has some acquaintance with the Republic of letters\, I believe that the human mind\, imperfect though it is\, can come up with fresh and innovative ideas\, so sorely needed. \nI thank you for your attention. It is my privilege to inaugurate the IDSA’s 7th Asian Security Conference. I wish you all success in your deliberations.
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/inaugural-address-at-the-7th-asian-security-conference
CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES,Asian Security Conference,ASC Key Speeches
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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20050129T053000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20050129T053000
DTSTAMP:20261110T122520
CREATED:20231223T125058Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20240229T001936Z
UID:62719-1106976600-1106976600@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Concluding Address at the 7th Asian Security Conference
DESCRIPTION:Distinguished Scholars\, diplomats\, ladies and gentlemen\, \nAs the President of the IDSA\, it is indeed an honour and a privilege to address the distinguished delegates gathered for the Seventh Asian Security Conference. The deliberations over the last three days have been held against the backdrop of the Tsunami disaster which has claimed in excess of 200\,000 lives primarily across South and SE Asia\, caused wide spread destruction and extensive loss of livelihood and left millions homeless. The spiralling effect of this catastrophe\, including the number of fatalities\, internally displaced people\, impact on the Environment and health conditions\, has brought forth wide-ranging challenges to relief and rehabilitation operations. Never has a natural disaster struck over so vast and populous an area. \nOne significant lesson of the Tsunami disaster\, as indeed any natural disaster\, is that it transcends political ‘boundaries’. It has highlighted the lack of preparedness among nations to formulate integrated plans and synchronise their resources to meet both natural disasters and other security challenges – particularly those in the same neighbourhood. Seen from the above perspective\, and no matter how we define our security interests and concerns\, this disaster has proved that we need to evolve cooperative means to anticipate and work towards speedier and more effective pre-disaster warning system and post-disaster relief operations. The design of such arrangements and political sensitivities also need to be given due thought. \nOur experience of dealing with the tsunami catastrophe has highlighted the fact that today there is a need to carry transparency in intentions and motivations\, build common security perceptions\, respect religious and cultural differences\, reaffirm commitment to democratic and secular values and abide by the principle of non-interference in domestic conflicts. These were the broad principles when India despatched relief material to its neighbouring states – Sri Lanka\, Maldives and Indonesia\, while at the same time confronting the challenges of rescue and relief for the tsunami victims at home. \nAs we attempt to locate India’s security perspectives and linkages in Eastern Asia\, we witness two emerging trends. On one hand\, the region comprises some of the most dynamic and progressive economies\, with impressive economic growth rates in the backdrop of the overall global economic slow down. The region\, along with India\, is emerging as a natural hub for economic integration\, along with huge domestic markets. It holds over half the world’s foreign exchange reserves. Economically\, the ‘Pacific impulse’ is fast overtaking the ‘Atlantic impulse’. On the flip side\, the region continues to be in political flux\, defined by geo-political fault lines: Ironically\, in the aftermath of 9/11\, the fundamental issues influencing the region’s security dynamic have not undergone any significant positive change; some have taken a turn for the worse. \nWith the centre of gravity of the world’s economy shifting to the Asia-Pacific\, the region is witnessing a realignment of geo-strategic equations. Among the most significant developments are the rise of China\, and the political dimension of its increasing regional economic engagement. Not only is China growing as an economic power in the region\, but also it is also keen to ensure that the geo-political environment will enable its growth and consolidation. \nThe US role in the region remains significant. It has five mutual defence treaties with Asia-Pacific states. Its trade in the region accounts for over $500 billion per year\, which is approximately 35 per cent of the total US trade. The US also appears to be working steadily to preserve its vital security relationship with Japan and SE Asia by renewed engagement aimed at preserving its strategic space. Post 9/11\, the US is giving greater attention to the Eastern Asian region. It has supported the development of ASEAN as an institution\, contributed to the implementation of the ASEAN Cooperation Plan (ACP) and the Enterprise for ASEAN Initiative (EAI). The two fundamental aspects that will have a significant bearing on East Asian security are the degree of US regional commitment and the texture of its relations with China. \nSimilarly unresolved is the North Korean nuclear proliferation issue\, and its impact on regional dynamics is a cause for concern. We are hopeful that the New Year will provide the necessary impetus for tangible forward movement in the deadlocked six party process and that an amicable solution will be found. Concerted collective effort is called for to prevent the crisis from escalating lest there be serious regional and extra-regional consequences. \nGiven the foregoing broad perspective of the regional security grid\, it would not be invalid to suggest that the Eastern Asian strategic landscape represents a complex security arena\, which\, though freed from the confines of the Cold War\, continues to be in a state of flux. Unlike a greater part Europe\, which is progressing towards both political and economic consolidation\, Asia\, and in particular East Asia\, continues to be fettered by the history of the past and enduring regional rivalries. Added to the above are more immediate anxieties and concerns that plague the world such as competition for energy resources\, security of the sea-lines of communication\, rising incidence of piracy\, terrorism\, natural disasters and epidemics like SARS\, illicit trafficking of WMD and narco-crimes. \nIndia’s strategic perspective vis-à-vis East Asia is based on two fundamental principles. First\, the maintenance of an equitable strategic balance and prevention of regional rivalries from destabilising the region\, which are both economically and strategically vital for Indian security. Second and more importantly\, India would like to engage all players both bilaterally and collectively through institutions like the ASEAN Regional Forum. Towards this end\, India has initiated a security dialogue to constructively engage all the major players in the region. \nWith China today\, we share more common interests and areas of agreement\, than differences\, including a shared commitment to a multipolar world. Our security ties have undergone a change\, with resumption of military ties signified by joint exercises\, bilateral visits and sharing of information on military matters of joint interest. By institutionalising the Sino-Indian dialogue at a political level\, with regular exchanges between designated interlocutors\, the territorial and boundary differences between our two countries are being addressed purposefully. \nSimilarly\, Indo-Japan relations\, which plummeted after India’s 1998 nuclear tests\, are now positive and robust. The fillip to Indo-Japanese relations was provided by the August 2000 visit of Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori\, the first by a Japanese Prime Minister to South Asia in a decade. In his speech he declared\, “today Indo-Japanese relations also have a strategic importance\, which is quite obvious when we glance at the world atlas”. Despite the geographical distance between the two\, there is a growing acceptance that India and Japan share a certain affinity on a number of issues. India and Japan have a convergence on energy issues and have joint concerns about the security of sea-lines of communications and vital choke points in the Indian Ocean. We also share similar concerns about WMD proliferation. Concerns about WMD terrorism are also equally shared. India and Japan also have views about the restructuring of the UN and the Security Council in particular. \nWith South East Asia\, we share common security challenges in terms of the threat of transnational terrorism and religious radicalism with their internal and external ramifications. Several ASEAN countries are facing the threat of terrorism signified by activities of outfits like Jammah Islamiyah and Abu Sayyaf linked to Al Qaida; and separatist groups like Moro Islamic Liberation Front and Free Aceh Movement. Consequently\, ASEAN countries have prioritised terrorism and related crimes like money laundering and drug trafficking. Joint Indo-ASEAN initiatives can meet the challenges on this front. The ASEAN Regional Forum is emerging as a relevant platform for such a security dialogue. \nOn the issue of transnational terrorism\, however\, I want to re-state our position. We do not see terrorism in terms of the clash of civilisations. We do not link terrorism with any single religion and believe it will be a grievous error of understanding to do so. However\, we do recognise that there is need to forge a common front to deal with the scourge of terrorism. This requires the comprehensive use of diplomatic\, economic\, military\, financial and other instruments of national power such as law enforcement and intelligence. Common doctrinal understanding\, sharing of intelligence and coordination of national efforts has thus become imperative in dealing with this common threat. An issue that bears reiteration is that we must acknowledge the tenet that there cannot be double standards in the global fight against terrorism – a terrorist is a terrorist\, irrespective of cause and provenance. \nThe next common challenge that I wish to highlight is the security of sea-lines of communication. The Straits of Malacca\, which connect the South China Sea to the Indian Ocean and which have Singapore\, Malaysia and Indonesia as their littoral countries\, are critical to maritime trade. The sea-lines of communication that pass through the Straits are among the busiest ocean highways in the world. Over 60\,000 ships pass through the Straits each year – more than double the number that traverse the Suez Canal and nearly treble the number of ships that use the Panama Canal. Over 40 per cent of the world’s oil also passes through the straits. Its closure could generate a sudden increase in freight rates worldwide and hit bulk shipments the hardest. Ensuring that the Straits of Malacca do not fall into hostile hands that might choke the safe passage of maritime vessels is a nightmare that many countries are anxious to prevent. A major oil tanker sunk in these vital sea-lines could lead to untold disaster and cause great economic loss. \nThe related maritime determinant is the potential for WMD proliferation through the medium of the sea. As many of you are aware\, India interdicted a North Korean ship in 1999 that was carrying missile components to the neighbourhood. More recently\, the incident of a ship which was carrying WMD related inventory to Libya led to the eventual unravelling of a clandestine nuclear network led by individuals in the heart of the Pakistani nuclear establishment. The anxiety is that these instances could well be the tip of an iceberg. Some initiatives such as the PSI have been mooted. These need to be examined in greater detail. However\, the underlying need for a consensual multilateral effort cannot be denied. \nThe Eastern and Southern Asian regions are linked by the maritime medium and they straddle sea-lines of utmost strategic importance which need to be protected both from traditional and non-traditional security threats. While there is an immediate necessity to institutionalise regional mechanisms aimed at dealing with these threats\, the Indian Navy and Coast Guard with their current resources can play a modest but significant role in cooperation with other regional navies to deal with these threats. \nIn short\, there is a need for new security initiatives that will address exigencies of natural disasters and related humanitarian assistance and specific maritime/naval cooperation in both the Southern and Eastern Asian regions in a mutually acceptable manner. \nLadies and Gentlemen\, let me add in conclusion that the spectrum of emerging security challenges cannot be tackled within the confines of national boundaries. They have to be addressed through a cooperative approach\, both bilaterally and regionally. Towards this end\, your deliberations at the 7th Asian Security Conference will prove valuable in developing and illuminating our shared vision. \nAs President of the IDSA\, I would like to thank all of you particularly our foreign participants for making this three-day conference as vibrant and meaningful as it turned out to be. I gather some of you who have come from afar have witnessed our Republic Day Parade. I invite you to join us at the poignant Beating Retreat Ceremony later today. \nThank You\nJai Hind
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/concluding-address-at-the-7th-asian-security-conference
CATEGORIES:KEY SPEECHES,Asian Security Conference,ASC Key Speeches
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