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SUMMARY:16th South Asia Conference –  SAGAR to MAHASAGAR: Strategic and Development Partnerships
DESCRIPTION:About SAC\nConcept Note\nProgramme\nBooklet\nTeam\nContact Us\nOnly By Invitation \n\nAbout SAC\nThe South Asia Conference is organized by the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA)\, New Delhi. \nMP-IDSA is a New Delhi based premier think tank of India. It has been engaged in research on defence and security related issues of south Asia in particular and world in general. Our yearly south Asia conference is an endeavour of the institute to bring together experts from all South Asian countries and discuss with them issues of contemporary relevance in an increasingly interdependent South Asia. \nThe 2026 South Asia Conference is being held on 24-25 February 2026 on the theme “Sagar to Mahasagar: Strategic and Development Partnership.” The conference aims to explore how India’s evolving maritime and regional frameworks. SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the Region) and MAHASAGAR (Mutual and Holistic Advancement for Security and Growth Across Regions) can shape new pathways for cooperation\, connectivity\, and collective growth in South Asia and the broader Indian Ocean Region (IOR). \nThe two-day conference will bring together scholars and analysts from SAARC member states\, Myanmar\, Mauritius\, Seychelles\, ASEAN\, and African IOR countries to discuss how India’s strategic visions—SAGAR\, MAHASAGAR\, and the Neighbourhood First Policy can be effectively operationalised. The key objectives include advancing economic\, cultural\, and maritime integration; exploring reforms to strengthen regional institutions such as SAARC\, BIMSTEC\, IORA\, IONS\, and the Colombo Security Conclave; and fostering cross-regional linkages connecting South Asia with Southeast Asia and Africa. \nThe conference aims to generate actionable policy recommendations to strengthen trade\, connectivity\, and maritime cooperation\, along with insights to enhance the effectiveness of regional organisations. The proceedings and research papers will be compiled into an edited volume by MP-IDSA\, enriching the discourse on India’s regional and maritime vision. By placing India’s SAGAR and MAHASAGAR initiatives within the Global South context\, the event envisions a cooperative regionalism that fosters mutual trust\, shared prosperity\, and sustainable development across South Asia\, Southeast Asia\, and the wider Indian Ocean Region. \n\n\nConcept Note\nIntroduction\nSouth Asia and the broader Indian Ocean Region stand at a critical juncture\, navigating complex challenges such as economic fragmentation\, geopolitical rivalries\, and escalating non-traditional security threats\, including climate change and maritime piracy. Amid these dynamics\, India’s strategic frameworks—SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the Region\, launched in 2015) and MAHASAGAR (Mutual and Holistic Advancement for Security and Growth Across Regions\, introduced in 2025)—offer a transformative vision for regional integration. These policies\, complemented by India’s Neighbourhood First approach\, seek to foster a cooperative ecosystem that transcends traditional regional boundaries\, extending beyond the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) and the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC). \nBy encompassing South Asia\, Southeast Asia\, and the African continent\, both SAGAR and MAHASAGAR aim to align policies across this extended region\, promoting economic prosperity through enhanced trade and strategic stability through cooperative security frameworks. The conference titled “SAGAR to MAHASAGAR: Strategic and Development Partnerships\,” scheduled for 24-25 February 2026\, hosted by MP-IDSA will convene leading scholars\, analysts\, and experts from SAARC countries (Afghanistan\, Bangladesh\, Bhutan\, India\, Maldives\, Nepal\, Sri Lanka)\, Myanmar\, Mauritius\, Seychelles\, ASEAN\, and African IOR partners to explore how a converging vision can drive greater integration at economic and strategic levels\, ensuring a secure and prosperous region. \nIndia’s SAGAR policy\, articulated by Prime Minister Narendra Modi in 2015\, reimagined the IOR as a shared space for collective security and economic growth. It emphasized maritime domain awareness\, anti-piracy measures\, and capacity-building initiatives\, such as India’s support for coastal surveillance systems in Maldives and Seychelles. SAGAR’s success is evident in projects like the SAGARMALA initiative\, which has enhanced port infrastructure\, and India’s role as a first responder in crises\, such as providing humanitarian aid during Cyclone Chido in 2024. However\, SAGAR’s scope was primarily regional\, focusing on South Asia and proximate IOR states. Recognizing the interconnectedness of global maritime and economic systems\, PM Modi articulated India’s vision of MAHASAGAR in 2025\, creating fresh scope for fostering cross-regional collaboration. \nMAHASAGAR builds on SAGAR by integrating South Asia with Southeast Asia and African countries\, as part of an extended neighbourhood\, promoting mutual advancement through white shipping agreements\, joint maritime exercises\, and blue economy initiatives. For instance\, India’s partnerships with Mauritius and Seychelles under MAHASAGAR would strengthen Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) security\, while deeper engagements with ASEAN nations via the Act East Policy would boost connectivity projects such as the India-Myanmar-Thailand Trilateral Highway. The African continent\, home to a large part of the Global South\, is a key fulcrum of the expanded MAHASAGAR vision. \nThe shift from SAGAR to MAHASAGAR reflects India’s ambition to overcome the limitations of existing regional frameworks like SAARC and BIMSTEC. SAARC\, established in 1985\, has been hamstrung by Pakistan’s recalcitrance\, stalling progress on intra-regional trade\, which remains a mere 5% of South Asia’s total trade\, compared to ASEAN’s 25%. BIMSTEC\, while more dynamic\, is constrained by its focus on Bay of Bengal states and slow implementation of connectivity projects. MAHASAGAR transcends these boundaries by fostering a broader Global South coalition\, inviting countries like Myanmar\, Mauritius\, Seychelles and other African countries to align their economic and security policies with India’s vision. \nThis approach offers opportunities for smaller states to participate in high-value trade networks and non-traditional security frameworks\, countering the dominance of external powers like China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). For example\, India’s free trade agreements with Sri Lanka and Bhutan\, combined with BIMSTEC’s 2024 Charter\, provide models for expanding trade linkages to Southeast Asia and African states\, potentially increasing regional trade flows. \nOn the economic front\, MAHASAGAR seeks to integrate South Asia’s 1.9 billion-strong market with Southeast Asia’s dynamic economies and Africa’s resource-rich states in India’s extended neighbourhood. Projects like the Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project and Chabahar Port development demonstrate India’s commitment to reducing trade barriers and enhancing connectivity. In a parallel effort\, India is considering another connectivity project linking Kolkata to Sittwe and thence via Paletwa and Kaletwa in Myanmar to Silchar and Shillong in North-East India. Strategically\, MAHASAGAR strengthens maritime security through initiatives like the Indian Ocean Naval Symposium (IONS)\, Colombo Security Conclave and Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative (IPOI) and joint patrols\, addressing threats such as illegal\, unreported\, and unregulated (IUU) fishing\, drugs and human trafficking and terrorism. By aligning policies across this extended region\, MAHASAGAR could enable countries to coordinate policies on climate-resilient infrastructure\, renewable energy\, and disaster response\, leveraging expertise for mutual benefit. For instance\, India’s COVID-19 vaccine diplomacy and technical training under the Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation (ITEC) program have built trust\, paving the way for deeper strategic alignment. \nThe conference will explore how MAHASAGAR’s inclusive framework can bridge South Asia\, Southeast Asia\, and the extended neighbourhood\, offering an alternative vision beyond binary choices\, focussed on a human centric path to development. It will address institutional weaknesses in SAARC and BIMSTEC\, proposing solutions to enhance economic cooperation and connectivity. By pooling together diverse expertise\, the event aims to generate policy recommendations that empower countries in the extended region to align with a wider vision\, fostering a cooperative framework that prioritizes mutual growth and progress in the extended neighbourhood. \nObjectives\nThe conference seeks to achieve the following objectives: \n\nAnalyse India’s Strategic Frameworks: Evaluate how SAGAR\, MAHASAGAR\, and Neighbourhood First policies can enhance economic\, security\, and cultural integration in South Asia and the extended neighbourhood\, building on initiatives like SAGARMALA\, BIMSTEC\, and IORA.\nAddress Geopolitical and Security Challenges: Assess strategies to counter non-traditional threats (terrorism\, climate change\, pandemics) and balance China’s BRI influence\, boosting regional economic cooperation.\nStrengthen Regional Institutions: Recommend reforms to revitalise SAARC\, enhance BIMSTEC’s role\, and bolster IONS\, IORA\, Colombo Security Conclave and IPOI overcoming institutional weaknesses and geopolitical divides.\nFoster Cross-Regional Linkages: Explore MAHASAGAR’s potential to bridge South Asia with Southeast Asia and African countries\, promoting Global South leadership through frameworks like BIMSTEC and India-Africa Forum Summit.\nIdentify Opportunities for Collaboration: Propose actionable mechanisms for intra-regional trade\, maritime security\, and cultural exchanges\, leveraging India’s free trade agreements (e.g.\, with Sri Lanka\, Bhutan) and connectivity projects (e.g.\, India-Myanmar-Thailand Trilateral Highway).\n\nParticipants: Scholars and analysts from SAARC\, Myanmar\, Mauritius\, Seychelles\, ASEAN\, and African countries\, ensuring diverse perspectives without high-level political figures to maintain academic focus. \nFormat: Hybrid (in-person and virtual) to maximize global participation\, reflecting post-COVID conference trends. \nExpected Outcomes \nThe conference aims to produce: \n\nRecommendations   for countries in South Asia and the extended neighbourhood on trade agreements\, maritime security frameworks\, and cultural exchange programs.\nStrengthen linkages  among scholars in India’s extended neighbourhood\, fostering collaborative research and policy advocacy.\nActionable Proposals Strategies to enhance intra-regional trade\, institutionalize disaster response\, and counter geopolitical challenges\, shared with regional organizations.\nThe conference papers will be published as a book\n\nRelevance\nSouth Asia’s strategic importance is underscored by its 1.9 billion population\, growing economies\, and its growing maritime significance. In this context\, India’s SAGAR and MAHASAGAR policies\, launched in 2015 and 2025 respectively\, reflect a shift from unilateral to cooperative regionalism\, addressing challenges like low trade\, climate vulnerabilities\, and China’s BRI. The conference seeks to bridge academic and policy discourses\, offering solutions to integrate South Asia and the extended region while navigating geopolitical complexities. \nThis conference will serve as a platform to reimagine regional integration leveraging India’s regional strategic vision. By addressing economic\, security\, cultural\, and institutional dimensions\, the proposed conference seeks to generate insights and recommendations to strengthen South Asia’s role in the Global South\, fostering resilience and cooperation in India’s extended neighbourhood. \n\n\nProgramme\n\nDay One: Tuesday\, 24 February 2026\n0900–0930: Registration \n0930–1030: Inaugural Session \n\nSpecial Address by Amb. Sujan R. Chinoy\, Director General\, MP-IDSA [Watch Video]\nRelease of MP-IDSA Books\nVote of Thanks by Dr. Smruti S. Pattanaik\, Research Fellow\, MP-IDSA [Watch Video]\n\n1030–1045: Tea \n1045–1245: Session I — Economic Integration: Connectivity and Trade [Watch Video]\nChair: Amb. Leela K. Ponappa\, Former Deputy National Security Advisor \n\nMr. Jayant Singh\, Chairman\, Land Ports Authority of India (LPAI) – “Land Ports as Anchors of Regional Integration in India’s Extended Neighbourhood”\nMr. Yubak Dangol\, Director\, Nepal Intermodal Transport Development Board – “Nepal and Regional Connectivity in South Asia”\nDr. Prabir De\, Professor\, Research and Information System for Developing Countries (RIS) – “Strengthening Regional Trade and Integration in South Asia: Role of Maritime Corridors”\nMs. Mandakini Kaul\, Regional Coordinator for South Asia\, World Bank – “Ports\, Borders\, and Investment: Integrating Finance\, Advisory\, and Private Participation”\nMr. Maiwand Safi\, Researcher\, South Asian University – “The Strategic Significance of Afghanistan in India’s MAHASAGAR Vision”\n\n1245–1345: Lunch \n1345–1545: Session II — MAHASAGAR for Development Cooperation in the Global South\nChair: Amb. Rajiv Bhatia\, Distinguished Fellow\, Gateway House \n\nRear Admiral Y. N. Jayarathna – “SAGAR to MAHASAGAR: A Concept in Need of Perpetual Changes”\nDr. Aly Shameem\, Maldives National University – “Prospects for the Maldives for Improved Security and Trade Relations through the Vision of MAHASAGAR”\nDr. Malshini Senaratne\, University of Seychelles – “Small States with Big Oceans: Seychelles’ Blue Economy Model”\nDr. Hiacinter Burchard Rwechungura\, Dares Salaam Maritime Institute – “Consolidating Maritime Partnerships: India and Tanzania as Development Partners in the Global South”\nDr. Abhishek Mishra\, Associate Fellow\, MP-IDSA – “Resilience\, Energy and Maritime Security in Mozambique”\n\n1545–1600: Tea \n1600–1800: Session III — Reconnecting History: Cultural Diplomacy in South Asia [Watch Video]\nChair: Amb. Veena Sikri\, Former High Commissioner of India to Bangladesh \n\nAmb. K. Nandini Singla\, Director General\, ICCR – “Cultural Diplomacy in India’s Foreign Policy”\nDr. Sandagomi Coperahewa\, University of Colombo – “Tagore’s Vision of India–Sri Lanka Cultural Dialogue”\nDr. Niloy Ranjan Biswas\, Dhaka University – “Reconnecting History: Cultural Diplomacy and the Global South”\nDr. Gaurav Bhattarai\, Tribhuvan University – “Nepal’s Cultural Ties with India through Transit Access and Open Borders”\nDr. Ashok Behuria\, Senior Fellow\, MP-IDSA – “Dharma Diplomacy: Reclaiming the Mandala in India’s Foreign Policy”\n\nDay Two: Wednesday\, 25 February 2026 [Watch Video]\n0900–0930: Registration and Tea \n0930–1130: Session IV — Addressing Non-Traditional Security Challenges\nChair: Prof. Sanjay Chaturvedi\, South Asian University \n\nMr. Dammu Ravi\, Former Secretary\, MEA – “Non-Traditional Security Issues” (Online)\nDr. Chido Mutangadura-Yeswa\, Nelson Mandela University – “Climate Sensitive Security Governance”\nMr. Ugyen Dorji\, Royal University of Bhutan – “Urban Freshwater Security in the Eastern Himalayas”\nMr. Kyaw Saw Han\, Independent Researcher – “Common Security Threats between India and Myanmar”\nDr. Uttam K. Sinha\, Senior Fellow\, MP-IDSA – “Food-Energy-Water Nexus”\n\n1130–1330: Session V — Navigating Geopolitical Dynamics in the Extended Region\nChair: Amb. Sujan R. Chinoy\, Director General\, MP-IDSA \n\nDr. Jabin T. Jacob\, Shiv Nadar University – “SAGAR to MAHASAGAR: China in the Way” (Online)\nProf. Shahab Enam Khan\, Jahangirnagar University – “Bangladesh’s Geo-economic Statecraft”\nDr. Juvence F. Ramasy\, University of Toamasina – “Madagascar and Indian Ocean Geopolitics”\nMr. Muhammad Waffa Kharisma\, CSIS Indonesia – “ASEAN–India Cooperation in a Fragmented Indo-Pacific”\nMr. Amara Thiha\, Stimson Center – “Myanmar’s Coastal Frontier and Indian Ocean Security”\n\n1330–1430: Lunch \n1430–1630: Session VI — Strengthening Regional Institutions\nChair: Amb. Riva Ganguly Das\, Former Secretary (East)\, MEA \n\nVice Admiral S.N. Ghormade – “Colombo Security Conclave”\nProf. Sanjay Chaturvedi – “Indian Ocean Regionalism at a Crossroads”\nDr. Athaulla Ahmed Rasheed – “Role of Small States in Indian Ocean Institutions”\nMs. Bineswaree Bolaky – “Linking MAHASAGAR to Africa”\nDr. Loitongbam Bishwanjit Singh – “Relooking BIMSTEC”\n\n1630–1645: Valedictory Session \n\nChair: Group Captain (Dr.) Ajey Lele\, Deputy Director General\, MP-IDSA\nVote of Thanks: Dr. Smruti S. Pattanaik\, Research Fellow & Conference Coordinator\, MP-IDSA\n\n\nDownload Programme {PDF}\n\n\nBooklet\n \n\n\nTeam\n\nDr. Smruti S. Pattanaik\, Research Fellow | smrutispattanaik[at]gmail[dot]com | +91 98109 91723\nMs Sneha M\, Research Analyst | msneha.mpidsa[at]gov[dot]in | +91 9740948298\nDr. Shayesta Ahmed\, Research Analyst | shayesta.mpidsa[at]nic[dot]in | +91 78271 10497\nDr. Hirak Jyoti Das\, Research Analyst | rahjd.mpidsa[at]gov[dot]in | 91 97173 02976\n\n\n\nContact Us\nConference Coordinator\nEmail: sac2026.mpidsa[at]gmail[dot]com \nConference Cell\nEmail: cc.idsa[at]nic[dot]in
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/16th-south-asia-conference-2026
CATEGORIES:South Asia Conference
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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20260225T080000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20260225T170000
DTSTAMP:20260404T030406
CREATED:20260225T101842Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20260227T065000Z
UID:95835-1772006400-1772038800@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Session III: Reconnecting History: Cultural Diplomacy in South Asia | 16th SOUTH ASIA CONFERENCE 2026
DESCRIPTION:Chair  \nAmb. Veena Sikri\, Former High Commissioner of India to Bangladesh \n\nIn the opening remarks the Chair emphasised on the importance of remembering shared historical narratives in South Asia\, akin to the collaborative efforts seen in Europe\, specifically between France and Germany post-World War II. This cooperation led to a common historical project to reconcile their past.\nSouth Asia’s rich civilizational history is often underrepresented in Western literature\, noting that significant archaeological findings extend back to 9000 BC rather than the commonly cited 3000 BC.\nNeed for historian to engage in cultural diplomacy in order to build a collective understanding on South Asia’s rich and diverse antiquity.\n\nSpeakers \nAmb. K. Nandini Singla\, Director General\, Indian Council for Cultural Relations \n– “Cultural Diplomacy in India’s Foreign Policy” \n\nThe concept of MAHASAGAR as a modern geopolitical idea is rooted in the historical and cultural connections between India and states in its extended neighbourhood over 2\,000 years. The Indian Ocean historically facilitated the exchange of not only goods but also ideas\, language\, and culture. MAHASAGAR symbolises a return to a time of inclusive cooperation that contributed to regional prosperity.\nIndia’s cultural influence is significant with its values\, deeply rooted in its civilization\, promote ideals like interconnectedness and environmental stewardship which resonates globally. India’s cultural diplomacy includes sending artists abroad and hosting international talent while promoting Indian values through education and cultural exchange programs.\nWith a long-standing democratic tradition\, India values pluralism and strategic autonomy\, maintaining good relations across the global landscape. India’s message of interconnectedness\, derived from the concept of Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam\, based on the belief that all entities are interconnected. This interconnectedness helps in fostering values important for global discourse\, such as democracy and human rights\, which are deeply rooted in India’s 5000-year-old civilization.\nNandini said that the Indian Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR) plays a significant role in promoting cultural ties through various programmes. ICCR further supports this outreach by providing scholarships to foreign students and fostering interest in Indian culture worldwide.\n\nDr. Sandagomi Coperahewa\, Professor & Head\, Dept. of Sinhala\, University of Colombo  \n“Beyond Political Boundaries: Tagore’s Vision of India–Sri Lanka Cultural Dialogue” \n\nCultural relations between India and Sri Lanka have a long history\, with significant influence from Gurudev Rabindranath Tagore in the 20th century. His travels to Sri Lanka in 1922\, 1928\, and 1934 exemplified his commitment to cultural diplomacy\, fostering exchanges based on shared civilizational values.\nTagore’s visits underscore Sri Lanka’s role as a vital link in his intellectual journey\, fostering friendships and shared values. Tagore’s optimism for cooperation and his engagement with Sri Lankan scholars reinforced a shared cultural consciousness\, viewing both nations as partners in a common heritage.\nTranslation has been a key tool in Tagore’s cultural diplomacy in Sri Lanka\, facilitating the spread of his ideas through Sinhala translations of various literary forms. This ongoing translation effort democratizes literary exchange and serves as a lasting source of soft power.\nTagore’s exchanges with local scholars and artists helped create a shared humanistic vision grounded in Asian cultural values.\n\nDr. Niloy Ranjan Biswas\, Professor\, Dept. of International Relations\, Dhaka University \n “Reconnecting History: Cultural Diplomacy\, MAHASAGAR\, and the Global South Reimagined from South Asia” \n\nSouth Asia is historically interconnected yet it remains strategically fragmented. The Bay of Bengal and Arabian Sea have long served as cultural channels that linked the subcontinent with Southeast Asia\, East Africa\, and the Middle East\, fostering shared traditions and cosmopolitan cultures. However\, post-colonial nationalism and hardened borders have prioritized rivalry over connectivity.\nThe interplay of culture\, diplomacy\, and regional order challenges the traditional emphasis on military strength and state-centric views within international relations. Increasingly\, cross-disciplinary research acknowledges culture as a crucial element in fostering cooperative frameworks. This is particularly relevant for South Asia\, where diverse civilizational influences have historically intersected.\nAlthough informal cultural connections thrived within diaspora communities\, they often lacked of admission by the state. In this context\, cultural diplomacy has emerged as a significant analytical and policy framework aimed at fostering trust and shared norms through cultural engagement\, as opposed to merely enhancing external state image. This approach is particularly relevant for South Asia\, where culture plays a critical role in shaping collective memory and interstate relations.\nThe strategic initiative MAHASAGAR embodies a major shift\, promoting comprehensive cooperation that includes economic and societal links\, thereby positioning cultural diplomacy as a fundamental element of regional connectivity rather than a secondary tool.\nNeed for a systematic approach to integrating culture within institutional frameworks\, to enhance collaboration and avoid bureaucratic delays. Bangladesh and South Asian nations to regard MAHASAGAR as a collaborative venture rooted in shared maritime history\, positioning Bangladesh as a pivotal state in promoting ecological and cultural links in the region.\n\nDr. Gaurav Bhattarai\, Assistant Professor\, Dept. of International Relations\, Tribhuvan University \n“From Himalaya to MAHASAGAR: Making Sense of Nepal’s Cultural Ties with India through Transit Access\, and Open Borders” \n\nNepal can only connect to the seas through India\, being landlocked. It is primarily dependent on Indian ports\, and uses Indian railways and cross-border roads for trade\, making India’s maritime activities crucial for its access to international markets.\nThe Indian Ocean holds a unique significance\, during the 19th century\, Jung Bahadur\, the first Rana Prime Minister\, crossed the ocean\, breaking societal taboos and stigmas associated with crossing the sea. Post-1950\, after the end of Rana rule\, new political leaders viewed the sea as a vital connectivity and development resource.\nNepal has experienced various political regimes since 1950\, all adopting a non-alignment foreign policy\, which is also enshrined in its 2015 Constitution. This stance allows Nepal to navigate pressure during geopolitical rivalries without forming military alliances.\nIndia faces challenges in the Indo-Pacific\, including geopolitical rivalry\, security issues\, and economic factors. Nepal’s ambition to connect with global markets through India may become entangled with India’s maritime priorities which could complicate and delay negotiations regarding transit agreements.\nNepal views the Indian Ocean primarily as a source of economic and trade benefits\, rather than a basis for military alignment. Instead of aligning with maritime security structures\, Nepal prefers to frame its role around economic connectivity\, preserving strategic independence. This enables Nepal to influence regional discourse\, promoting collaborative partnerships that extend from security to civilizational and developmental agendas\n\nDr. Ashok Behuria\, Senior Fellow\, MP-IDSA \n“Dharma Diplomacy: Reclaiming the Mandala in India’s Foreign Policy” \n\nHe focussed on India’s efforts to integrate its Buddhist heritage into foreign policy and held that the main aim has been to help foster mutual respect and understanding among nations\, leveraging teachings of compassion and non-violence.\nIndia employs a mandala model\, it contrasts with China’s more state-controlled approach in its Belt and Road Initiative. India is seeking to build soft power through Buddhist cultural exchanges and promoting a collaborative Pan-Asian identity instead of competing with China. This strategy reflects India’s commitment to utilising its cultural heritage in diplomacy and fostering grassroots goodwill throughout the region.\nIndia differentiates its approach by emphasising on compatibility of Buddhism with democracy beyond religious diplomacy. This comprehensive strategy reinforces India’s role in global cultural discourse and enhances its soft power by fostering deeper connections through spirituality and shared values.\n\nQ &A  \n\nThe rising anti-India sentiment whereby the role of cultural diplomacy could become a valuable tool. Deeper cultural integration would be important in addressing ongoing political tensions to help build trust.\nDuring the 1930s and 40s\, various Sri Lankan artists\, particularly musicians and writers\, began to incorporate Indian influences into their works\, notably through their encounters with Tagore. The poetry of this period\, reflected daily life in Sri Lanka\, infused with Tagore’s ideas\, illustrating a rich interplay between Indian and Sri Lankan artistic traditions.\n\nMajor Takeaways  \n\nIndia’s role as a civilizational partner is aimed at collective growth in the region through soft power\, leveraging cultural influences rather than military force. India’s post-independence leadership used Buddhism to establish a moral identity and position itself as a stabiliser in a shifting global landscape.\nTagore’s recognition as a prominent Indian poet and philosopher in Sri Lanka reflects the depth of this cultural engagement\, serving as a model for transcending political boundaries through dialogue and shared intellectual heritage in contemporary India-Sri Lanka relations.\nSouth Asia’s maritime history was characterised by interconnected trade and knowledge networks\, yet today’s regional dynamics are hampered by nationalism and rivalry. India’s shift from SAGAR to MAHASAGAR reflects a new strategic outlook that integrates South Asia within a Global South framework\, emphasising cultural diplomacy as essential for regional order.\nNeed for a shift from territorial to oceanic regionalism to facilitate cooperation among Global South countries\, acknowledging shared histories and ecological systems. This approach is a strategic necessity within a context of geopolitical fragmentation and ecological challenges.\nThe success of MAHASAGAR relies on reimagining South Asia’s political identity\, transforming collective memory into shared responsibility and fostering a sustainable regional order.
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/session-iii-reconnecting-history-cultural-diplomacy-in-south-asia
CATEGORIES:EVENT REPORT
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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20260225T080000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20260225T170000
DTSTAMP:20260404T030406
CREATED:20260227T064855Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20260227T064946Z
UID:95868-1772006400-1772038800@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Fifth Session: Navigating Geopolitical dynamic in the extended region | 16th SOUTH ASIA CONFERENCE 2026
DESCRIPTION:Amb. Sujan R. Chinoy\, Director General\, MP-IDSA\, chaired the session. Setting the tone of the session\, Amb. Chinoy in his opening remarks outlined a complex geopolitical landscape defined by “8 Ts”: trade\, technology\, terrorism\, territorial disputes\, transparency\, tenets\, trust\, and the influence of the Trump administration. He argued that while technology has “imploded” traditional geographic barriers\, it has also become a tool for containment and export controls\, particularly in the realm of Artificial Intelligence. The DG highlighted India’s leadership in advocating for “AI diffusion” to prevent a new form of “colonisation” of the Global South. On the security front\, he observed a shift towards deterrence through strength\, with the US seeking to limit China to the “first island chain” and a permanently altered status quo in the South China Sea due to militarisation. Regionally\, the DG noted a fractured ASEAN and significant friction between Pakistan and Afghanistan\, while positioning India as a “first responder” committed to the stability of maritime neighbours like Sri Lanka and the Maldives. Ultimately\, he maintained that in these “parlous and uncertain times\,” shared values and principles are becoming as important as geography in defining modern neighbourhoods. which are shaping the present geopolitics today. \nThe objective of the fifth session was to comprehend geopolitics in an around Indian Ocean region\, where five different speakers shared their thoughts. \nDr. Jabin Jacob\, Associate Professor\, Shiv Nadar University\, shared his thoughts on “Sagar to Mahasagar:  China in the way” by emphasising that China assertive foreign policy is driven mainly by the Communist Party for political survival. It discussed China’s cultural and educational investments around the world including language training and archaeological projects and its influence on political parties and governance practices in several countries. \n\nOn the concept of party-state\, he underscored that the communist party of China’s sole aim is survival. He outlined that for any country\, the standard concerns are: sovereignty and economic growth. But for China\, it is about political control\, where the Chinese government puts a lot of its effort to control its citizens\, expatriates and diaspora through political training and cultural hegemony.\nOn Chinese media and cultural hegemony\, Prof Jacob highlighted the extensive outreach of the Chinses media and publications in multiple languages and the Chinese government’s control over media content to ensure a sanitised portrayal of China outside.\nOn China’s interaction with political parties in other states\, Dr. Jacob underlined that the CCP has a dedicated department to deal with political parties in other countries.\nOn cultural and historical efforts\, China has made extensive investments in language training and cultural promotions in various countries and involved in archaeological projects and rewriting of history in South Asia.\nOn China’s global South rhetoric\, he said that although China supports the global south in multilateral forums\, there is discrepancy between what China states publicly and how it behaves in international organisations. Hence\, to understand Chinese influence and intentions better\, one needs to critically analyse China claims and actions.\n\nProf. Shahab Enam Khan\, spoke on “Beyond hedging and balancing: Bangladesh geo-economic statecraft in an era of transactional multiporlarity” where he argued that Bangladesh’s evolving foreign policy is a necessary structural adaptation to a transforming international and regional order\, driven by “economic necessity” and “regional institutional failure”\, rather than its strategic ambition or ideological choice. He posited that Bangladesh was moving towards ‘strategic autonomy’ through transactional relations in a post-liberal\, transactional multipolar environment. \n\nOn the shifting global and regional landscape\, Prof. Khan underlined the key drivers are: US\, China\, EU\, pursuit of strategic autonomy and the erosion of multilateral institutions like the WTO\, IMF\, World Bank and the rise of AIIB.\nSeveral reasons underpinned the reason for the Bangladesh to pursue transregional partnerships. The major factors include paralysis of SAARC\, underperformance of BIMSTC\, persistent Non-Tariff Barriers (NTBs) and geographical constraints. Hence\, due to institutional failure\, it necessitates Bangladesh to pursuit transregional partnerships e.g.\, RCEP\, BRICS\, QUAD\, and Africa.\nProf Khan also underscored the factors that Bangladesh economic growth can no longer insulated from security consideration. The three major factors are instability in India’s Northeast\, which is compounded by anti-Bangladesh narratives; Myanmar’s prolonged civil conflict and global geo-economics transformation which is mainly fuelled by unilateral imposition of tariffs by the United States.\nOn the implication of July Movement 2024\, Prof Khan termed it as a ‘watershed’ moment\, which ended the fifteen years of authoritarian governance and consequently altered Bangladesh’s political consciousness\, fostering a new national narrative centred on strategic autonomy and sovereign decision-making. However\, this shift has implication for bilateral relations\, especially with India\, Pakistan and Myanmar.\nThus\, Bangladesh’s foreign policy recalibration\, according to Prof. Khan\, is a rational structural adaptation to a post-liberal\, transactional multipolar order. Its “development-first” orientation now requires navigating a geo-economic landscape where security and economics are intrinsically intertwined. In fact\, the July Movement has reinforced popular demand for sovereign decision-making\, ensuring that future relations with all neighbours will be transactional and interest-based\, seeking mutual benefit rather than ideological alignment.\n\nDr. Juvence F. Ramsay\, Senior Lecturer\, the University of Toamasina in Madagascar\, shared his thoughts on Madagascar’s strategic position in the Indian Ocean. \n\nOn Madagascar’s diplomatic strategy and regional involvement\, Dr. Ramsay highlighted the conduct of its military and diplomatic strategies since 1970s. The ‘Fiavan’ Principle is an important feature for Madagascar policy which promotes solidarity unity and peace\, similar to Indian concept of ‘Vasudeva kutumbakam.\nHe also stated that Madagascar maintained a balanced relationship with regional and extra-regional partners like France\, US\, China and Russia\, in different areas of cooperation such as agriculture\, education\, culture energy and security.\nOn challenges and opportunities in Indian Ocean region\, he highlighted the importance of deep-sea bed resources and mining where multiple actors are involved. The impact of deep sea\, however\, cannot be ignored with potential risks to fish and other aquatic species.\nOn future prospects\, Dr. Ramsay underscored that Madagascar’s geopolitical balancing act is crucial for its energy security and development.\n\nMr. Muhammad Waffa Kharisma\, Centre for Strategic and international Studies\, Indonesia\, shared his thoughts on diversification of cooperation with reference to India and ASEAN relations in Indo-Pacific\, where he underlined that the Indo-Pacific is experiencing growing great power rivalry\, leading to fragmentation\, overlapping partnerships\, and challenges to the strategic autonomy of medium and smaller powers like ASEAN member states. In the backdrop of fragmentation in Indo-Pacific\, Mr. Kharisma argued the needs of strategic diversification to achieve strategic autonomy\, which involves widening strategic options and reducing over-dependence on any single power. \n\nOn ASEAN–India cooperation\, India’s engagement with ASEAN is characterised by a preference for functional\, issue-based cooperation over deep institutional embedding\, distinguishing it from partners like Japan\, the Republic of Korea\, and Australia\, who invest heavily in ASEAN’s institutional mechanisms.\nOn the potential areas of functional cooperation\, the key areas includes defence modernisation; maritime security; industrial diversification and energy transition in solar energy\, biofuels\, small modular reactors\, and critical minerals; Digital Public Infrastructure and Cybersecurity and Healthcare and Clinical Research Capacity.\nWhile cementing cooperation\, however\, he was cautious that relying too much on functionalism risks shallow cooperation and a fragmented regional architecture if it is not part of a clearer\, coherent ASEAN-wide strategy for managing external partnerships. Finally\, he said that ASEAN-India relations will be properly situated within their diversification strategy\, it can play a meaningful role in sustaining ASEAN’s strategic autonomy amid growing uncertainty in the Indo-Pacific.\n\nMr. Amara Thiha\, Non-resident Fellow\, China Program\, Stimson Center\, spoke on Myanmar’s coastal frontier and Indian Ocean security\, where profound strategic transformation in Myanmar’s civil war since the February 2021 military coup\, has shifted its center of gravity from traditional highland insurgency zones to the strategically significant coastal regions\, particularly Rakhine State and the Tanintharyi Region. \n\nFollowing the consolidation of power in Rankine state\, the Arakan Army (AA) have established a proto-state\, and by early 2026\, it controls 14 of Rakhine’s 17 townships and much of its coastline. Thus\, in the backdrop strategic transformation\, several seaports have become sites for geopolitical competition:\n\n(1). Sittwe: India’s Kaladana Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project gateway\, is now encircled by the AA\, creating a dilemma for New Delhi that balances its formal recognition of the junta with operational realities of AA control. \n(2). Kyaukphyu: China’s maritime gateway for the China–Myanmar Economic Corridor (CMEC)\, vital for energy security. The AA controls surrounding territory but refrains from direct capture\, while China has leveraged Myanmar’s Private Security Services Law (PSSL) 4/2025 to deploy armed foreign (Chinese) private security firms\, blurring lines of sovereignty. \n(3). Dawei: Russia’s emergent strategic anchor in the Andaman Sea\, supported by growing military cooperation\, arms transfers\, and joint naval exercises (Marumex-2025) aimed at establishing a sustained maritime presence\, despite persistent local insurgency. \n\nErosion of governance has enabled a rapid expansion of illicit maritime-centered economies. He talked about Methamphetamine ‘Golden Seaway’\, and said Myanmar was the global center of synthetic drug production\, with increasing reliance on maritime routes through the Bay of Bengal and Andaman Sea to reach markets in Asia and beyond\, driven by sheer volume and weak maritime enforcement. It has also given rise to cyber-scam\, where Industrial-scale cyber fraud operations (investment\, cryptocurrency scams) have been thrive in remote coastal areas\, protected by junta-aligned militias\, relying on trafficked labour and generating billions annually while posing severe humanitarian risks.\nOn the broader implication from such transformation of strategic shift\, he said it has fuelled humanitarian crisis\, where millions have been displaced and are in need of assistance\, exacerbated by natural disasters\, with aid access severely constrained by conflict and fragmented authority. It demands new approaches from regional and international policymakers (India\, China\, and ASEAN).\n\nQ&A session:\n\nOn China’s debt-trap\, its Global Initiatives and emphasis on people-to-people relations\, it was stated that on the issue of debt-trap and global initiatives\, maintaining accountability was vital. On the other hand\, legitimate interaction between people to people was essential to understand each other and this would contribute to cultural and economic development.\nOn India-Japan cooperation in ASEAN countries\, the potential area to enter cooperation includes oil and gas exploration and critical minerals.\nOn potential security cooperation in and around South East Asian Region\, cooperation on sea cable hold promise due to the increasing risk of state-sponsored attacks.\n\nTake away Points   \n\nChina’s foreign policy has been shaped by the ‘survival’ needs of the Chinese Communist Party.\nBangladesh’s evolving foreign policy is a necessary structural adaptation to a transforming international and regional order\, driven by “economic necessity” and “regional institutional failure”\, rather than strategic ambition or ideological choice.\nMadagascar’s geopolitical balancing act based on the principle of ‘Fiavan’ which promotes solidarity unity and peace is crucial for its strategic energy and development in the Indian Ocean region.\nConsolidation of power by the Arakan Army in the Rankine state of Myanmar has only fuelled geopolitical competition around the seaports in the Indian Ocean region.\n\nPrepared by: Dr. Opangmeren Jamir
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/fifth-session-navigating-geopolitical-dynamic-in-the-extended-region
CATEGORIES:EVENT REPORT
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DTSTART;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20260225T080000
DTEND;TZID=Asia/Kolkata:20260225T170000
DTSTAMP:20260404T030406
CREATED:20260302T120343Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20260302T120343Z
UID:95893-1772006400-1772038800@idsa.in
SUMMARY:Session VI: Strengthening Regional Institutions | 16th SOUTH ASIA CONFERENCE 2026
DESCRIPTION:Chair:             Amb. Riva Ganguly Das\, Former Secretary (East)\, Ministry of External Affairs\, Government of India \nSpeakers:        Vice Admiral SN Ghormade\, Former Vice Chief\, Indian Navy & Secretary General\, Colombo Security Conclave (CSC) on “Strengthening Regional Institutions: Colombo Security Conclave” \nProf. Sanjay Chaturvedi\, (IORA)\, Professor & Dean\, Faculty of International Studies (FIS)\, South Asian University on                                                           “Indian Ocean Regionalism at a Crossroads: IORA\, Interregnum\, and the Anthropocene” \nDr. Athaulla Ahmed Rasheed\, Head of Centre for Security and Strategic Studies\, Maldives National University on “Role of Small States in Shaping Indian Ocean Regional Institutions: Framing Maldives’ Security Narratives” \nMs. Bineswaree Aruna Bolaky\, Economic Affairs Officer\, UN Economic Commission for Africa on “Linking MAHASAGAR to Africa:  India’s role in the implementation of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) Agreement” \nDr. Loitongbam Bishwanjit Singh\, Assistant Professor\, Department of South East Asian Studies\, Manipur University on “Relooking BIMSTEC: Optimising Advantages and Dealing with the Disadvantages” \nThe sixth session discussed on the issue of “Strengthening Regional Institutions”. The session was chaired by Amb. Riva Ganguly Das\, Former Secretary (East)\, Ministry of External Affairs\, Government of India. The chair thanked the MP-IDSA for organising this conference and welcomed the presenters of this session. She introduced the theme of the session and said that the topic on the strengthening of regional institutions in the Indian Ocean region is an interesting issue\, particularly in the backdrop of the great power rivalry\, weaponisation of trade and the changing geopolitical situation in the region. According to Amb. Das\, MAHASAGAR is an idea to promote regionalism and inclusive development for the countries of the region. \nVice Admiral SN Ghormade\, Former Vice Chief\, Indian Navy & Secretary General\, Colombo Security Conclave (CSC) spoke on “Strengthening Regional Institutions: Colombo Security Conclave”. \n\nVice Admiral Ghormade began his presentation by outlining the significance of the Indian Ocean region. India Ocean is no longer merely a conduit of trade but has emerged as an arena of geopolitical rivalry\, economic fragmentation\, piracy\, international terrorism\, climate change\, human security and cyber security.\nVice Admiral Ghormade argued for the need to combine various regional institutions\, such as IORA\, IONS\, BIMSTEC\, and the CSC in the Indian Ocean region. This would create a synergy and integration among the different institutions would be beneficial to meet the challenges posed by complex geopolitical situation in the region.\nHe asserted that the major goals of the Colombo Security Conclave (CSC) is to provide  maritime safety and security\, strengthen the strategy to counter terrorist activities\, prevent radicalisation\, combat human trafficking and transnational organised crime\, increase cyber security and create mechanisms to protect critical infrastructure and technology. CSC also aims to provide humanitarian support and protection against natural disasters.\nA coherent strategy by linking the regional maritime institutions would develop mutual confidence and create more opportunities for the coming generations. Therefore\, the integration of various institutions would be beneficial for the nations in the region.\n\nProf. Sanjay Chaturvedi\, (IORA)\, Professor & Dean\, Faculty of International Studies (FIS)\, South Asian University spoke on “Indian Ocean Regionalism at a Crossroads: IORA\, Interregnum\, and the Anthropocene”. \n\nProf. Sanjay Chaturvedi focussed his presentation on the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA)\, which according to him is the only “pan-Indian Ocean” institution to promote regional connectivity and could play a significant role in the backdrop of the changing geopolitical situation in the world. The countries of the Indian Ocean region also needs to respond to the regional challenges.\nWhile “Indo-Pacific” represents a strategic geography\, Indian Ocean has a political\, economic and cultural geography.\nIORA emerged as a regional organisation in the post-Cold War period and aimed to deepen economic cooperation among the nations in the region with a guiding principle for “open regionalism”.\nIn the due course\, the IORA has evolved into several other domains\, such as to increase cooperation in the provision of maritime security\, disaster management\, blue economy\, and promote more inclusive and sustainable development in the region.\nThe emerging geopolitics\, geo-economics and big power rivalry in the Indo-Pacific region and challenges posed by the climate change have increased the need for regional cooperation and has enhanced the importance of IORA.\n\nDr. Athaulla Ahmed Rasheed\, Head of Centre for Security and Strategic Studies\, Maldives National University spoke on “Role of Small States in Shaping Indian Ocean Regional Institutions: Framing Maldives’ Security Narratives”. \n\nDr. Rasheed spoke on the importance and role of the small states in building various institutions with regards to the economic\, political and security in South Asia and the Indian Ocean region.\nIn his presentation\, he particularly focused on the role of Maldives in institution building in the region and its participation in the regional institutions like the IORA and the Colombo Security Conclave.\nThe recent shifts in the regional security dynamics in the Indian Ocean region and the new regional initiatives by New Delhi and Beijing have increased the importance of the small states like Maldives.\nMaldives has been adjusting to the new security challenges in the region and has been pursuing a more “development-oriented security” strategy which would be helpful for the regional security.\nDr. Rasheed asserted in his presentation that the “vulnerabilities can increase the bargaining power of the states”\, and particularly\, smaller states like Maldives could exercise meaningful agency in the Indian Ocean region.\n\nMs. Bineswaree Aruna Bolaky\, Economic Affairs Officer\, UN Economic Commission for Africa spoke on “Linking MAHASAGAR to Africa:  India’s role in the implementation of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) Agreement”. \n\nMs. Bolaky’s presentation focussed on the linking of the Indian initiative of MAHASAGAR (Mutual and Holistic Advancement for Security and Growth Across Regions) with Africa. The MAHSAGAR is a strategy to develop maritime connections\, particularly with regards to the countries of the Global South.\nIn this regard\, India could play a pivotal role in increasing trade\, peace\, security\, and sustainable development in the Indian Ocean region and other parts of the world.\nOn the other hand\, the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) Agreement is a notable strategy of some African nations to deepen the intraregional trade and economic development in the continent\, particularly in the eastern and southern Africa.\nMs. Bolaky asserted that there was a need to construct linkages between the MAHASAGAR and AfCFTA\, which would be helpful in building infrastructure facilities and strengthen trade in the entire Indian Ocean region. In this regard\, MAHASAGAR can positively contribute to the implementation of the AfCFTA.\n\nDr. Loitongbam Bishwanjit Singh\, Assistant Professor\, Department of South East Asian Studies\, Manipur University spoke on “Relooking BIMSTEC: Optimising Advantages and Dealing with the Disadvantages”. \n\nThe presentation by Dr. Singh provided an insight into the BIMSTEC as a regional institution which aims to enhance regional trade\, increase investment and development. This connectivity project has the potential to promote regional growth and could be a crucial maritime institution for the region.\nGeo-economics is the key variable in shaping the geopolitical situation in the Bay of Bengal region and BIMSTEC has emerged as an alternative to SAARC. But the weakness of the institutional framework and delays in the implementation of the policies have been hurdles in developing connectivity projects in the region.\nMistrust among the participating nations\, territorial disputes\, and China’s “Belt and Road Initiative” have also been the major challenges for the success of the BIMSTEC as a regional organisation.\nThere is a need to undertake reform measures to deepen cooperation among the member states of the BIMSTEC and promote regional integration. Sustainable peace is embedded in the creation of more economic opportunities.\n\nQ&A Session\nDuring the Q&A session\, participants raised a range of queries related to the perspectives presented by the presenters. Question was raised to the entire panel regarding the relevance of SAARC as a regional organisation in the midst of other regional institutions like BIMSTEC\, IORA and CSC. Prof. Sanjay Chaturvedi was asked about the purpose of India launching the MAHASAGAR initiative when New Delhi was already a part of the IORA. Also he was inquired as to how the landlocked states like Nepal and Afghanistan can become part of the MAHASAGAR initiative. Vice Admiral SN Ghormade was asked about the interoperability issue between the members of the CSC. A question was raised to Ms. Bineswaree Aruna Bolaky on the seriousness of the African countries in the success of the AfCFTA. Dr. Athaulla Ahmed Rasheed was asked a question on the issue of the Chagos Archipelago. \nKey Takeaways\n\nThe papers presented in this session highlighted the significance of the regional institutions in developing cooperation and promote sustainable development in the Indian Ocean region.\nThe papers also called for the need to link various regional institutions for enhancing trade\, peace and security\, developing infrastructure facilities and counter newly emerging threats and challenges.\nThe papers highlighted the role of the smaller states in the regional development and in the emerging geopolitical situation in the Indian Ocean region.\nThe newly emerging non-traditional threats such as climate change\, radicalisation\, terrorism\, natural disasters have also increased the need for more cooperation among the nations in the Indian Ocean region.\n\nThis report was prepared by Dr Ranjit Kumar Dhawan\, Associate Fellow in the East Asia Centre at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA).
URL:https://idsa.in/idsa-event/session-vi-strengthening-regional-institutions-16th-south-asia-conference-2026
CATEGORIES:EVENT REPORT
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