Non-Traditional Security
About Centre
Members:
The Non-Traditional Security (NTS) Centre conducts critical research and analyses in wide-ranging areas like the SDGs, climate change, water, food and energy nexus, low-intensity conflict and the Arctic region. Challenging orthodox thinking and bringing in unconventional ideas, the Centre, has well-established experts with notable publications engaged in addressing the knowledge gaps, facilitating discussions, and interfacing with varied stakeholders. The Centre publishes the bi-monthly NTS Digest covering climate, food, energy and water issues. Members frequently lecture at military and training institutions and share their views at various national and international forums. As part of public awareness and sensitisation, they regularly contribute to mainstream newspapers and appear in media channels. The NTS Centre Coordinator served as Co-Chair of the Think20 Task Force of the G20 on ‘Accelerating SDGs: Exploring New Pathways to the 2030 Agenda’ during India’s G20 Presidency.
Current Projects
Centre members are working on inter-disciplinary projects like the ‘Indus Waters Treaty: Changing Dynamics and India’s Options’, ‘Human Security Policy for India’, and ‘Impacts of Climate Change in the Himalayan Region’. Areas of output include India’s SDGs targets, India-EU cooperation on climate change, India-Nepal cooperation on energy security, India’s climate adaptation and renewables approach, India-US maritime collaboration, and AFSPA and the Northeast region.
No posts of Books and Monograph.
That there is a freshwater crisis today is an irrefutable fact. That there is also a water policy that is in perpetual crisis is an equally undeniable fact. Continued population growth and the impact of global warming along with over-consumption, inadequate conservation, and wastage are putting enormous pressure on water resources. Water covers most of the planet but only 3 per cent is fresh water, of which a mere 1 per cent is readily accessible for human consumption. What it means is that less than 0.007 per cent of all the water on earth is available to drink.
The Road to Copenhagen in December 2009 has two visible signposts. One that reads, ‘The time for climate change action is now’, the other that warns, ‘The road is bumpy’. The first signpost expresses the apocalyptic language that the earth's rising temperatures are poised to set off irreversible consequences if concrete steps are not taken quickly. It suggests that the climate is nearing tipping point. The second signpost forewarns that arriving at a bold, equitable, and binding treaty will not be easy and that the politics of climate change will undermine the science of climate change.
Though global warming and climate change is a real concern and needs to be addressed, it is concerns over energy security that are driving the West's policy and debate on climate change. With the traditional oil and gas market changing in favour of the developing countries, the developed countries are concerned about retaining their preferential access to energy resources.
Climate change is hugely challenging. But there is an unmistakable straightforwardness to it – reduce emissions to reduce global warming. In many ways, this reflects the sum total of the paradoxes that define our reality and the contradictions and hypocrisy of coping and dealing with it. Climate change raises all the right concerns from effectively all the right quarters. But concerns require actions and that is where the debate starts, the positions get entrenched and more often than not words and gestures become hollow and empty.
Economic globalisation, coupled with geopolitical instability and international terrorism, has made it impossible for any single country to secure its energy supply entirely on its own. The urgent energy security issue has resulted in brisk energy diplomacy with aspirations for cooperation running high among both producing and consuming countries. The concept of energy security needs to be expanded, however, because the real risks are not 'below ground' (a lack of resources) but 'above ground' (political instability). We need a new energy security concept to ensure global energy security.
Tokyo looks at energy security differently than does Washington, or other major global capitals. This persistent and deepening reality—so incongruously at odds with the continual affirmations of solidarity and alliance in the US–Japan bilateral relationship—has substantial grounding in economics. Yet, the contrast in mindset between Japan and the broader world is sharply amplified by differences in domestic institutions and politics. This perceptual gap has major implications for East Asia's energy future and for global geopolitics as well.
The changing nature of geography plays a critical role in the planning and execution of military missions. Geography as a subject combines both the physical and human elements and the rapid transformation of the landscape owing to climate change, and the corresponding cultural impact has to be seriously considered in the environment-security link. Lessons from military history point to the fact that 'geographical ignorance' can be perilous.
With the price of oil crossing $110 a barrel, the oil-importing countries' concerns have been mounting. Not surprisingly, the issue of whether the time is now ripe for energy consuming countries to take measures to counter the producers' growing clout is being discussed, including the formation of a consumers' cartel, to force exporters to bring down prices.
Signing of the SAARC agreement is merely the first step in the process of regional energy cooperation. To make this initiative work, governments in the region need to synchronise their efforts on a range of technical, institutional and political issues.
Is India now looking at energy through the strategic prism? Its recent signing of the TAPI deal is certainly indicative of that.
The possible lifting of the sanctions on Iran will lead to a rush for a share of the lucrative Iranian energy pie similar to Myanmar’s opening up last year. India cannot afford to be left behind.
Given India’s vulnerability to a rise in global crude oil prices as a result of its 75-80 per cent of its crude import dependency, the Iraq crisis could widen its current account deficit, while putting pressure on exchange rate, impeding government’s fiscal consolidation goal and putting off any nudge on interest rates by the Reserve Bank of India.
India is trying to deal with its domestic energy concerns through various measures including reforming its New Exploration and Licensing Policy (NELP), intensifying its efforts in developing domestic unconventional energy resources and diversifying its crude imports. In this regard Japan’s support holds special importance.
Turkey’s natural gas reserves are 218 bcf and its production is roughly 27 bcf. It relies heavily on imports to meet its domestic demand. Additionally, Turkey positions itself as a gas transit hub – importing from Russia, Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan and Iran and re-exporting some of it to Europe.
As the ice thins in the Arctic, the commercial feasibility of the northern sea route is increasing rapidly. Five years ago there was no activity; this year about 1.5 million tonnes of cargo will be transported through the NSR.
The four upayas are not well studied by scholars and are often used in a casual manner, particularly misquoting Kautilya. It is important to locate the text of traditional indigenous knowledge in their correct context.
After years of political and economic isolation, Myanmar is opening up to investment particularly in the energy sector. There are however, accompanying uncertainties and risks.
Nawaz Sharif’s political comeback has resulted in a fresh sense of optimism within the Indian industry. But it has to be seen whether it will it help in normalizing relations and bringing people together.
