Brexit: Does it matter for India?
While Brexit would provide a fillip for an India-UK FTA, Britain staying on in the EU is also likely to be of value given its role as a gateway to Europe.
- Mathew Sinu Simon
- June 17, 2016
IDSA’s Europe and Eurasia Centre conducts its research both topically and regionally, focusing on the key strategic importance of Europe and the Eurasian region – covering Russia and the former Soviet Republics – to India’s security and foreign policy. While the European continent itself is no longer a major source of threats to India, European involvement and outreach on the global and regional arenas demand active attention to the security and defence policies of European countries and the efforts of major multilateral institutions such as NATO and EU. The Centre continues to host visiting European policy makers, academics, military personnel, diplomats and political leaders for conferences, seminars, lectures, workshops, and informal briefings.
In addition, the Centre focuses on the security and foreign policies of Russia as well as of the post-Soviet republics. India continues to depend on Russian defence supplies and benefits from Russian cooperation in the fields of hydrocarbon and nuclear energy. In the past, India and the erstwhile Soviet Union had invested heavily in a strategic relationship. That continues to be an important goal in official pronouncements. Russia is still politically, diplomatically and militarily important for India.
The Centre has published several books, reports, articles and policy papers on a wide variety of issues in the region. It has been conducting a series of security dialogues with the countries of the region at the bilateral and multilateral levels. The Centre also focuses on security and strategic issues in Central Asia that impact on India. Attention is also directed towards the energy security and economic linkages between India and Central Asian States.
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While Brexit would provide a fillip for an India-UK FTA, Britain staying on in the EU is also likely to be of value given its role as a gateway to Europe.
India cannot be taking other than a cooperative position if it wants to genuinely exploit opportunities that SCO processes may offer. Any policy on connectivity underpinned by a spirit of rivalry will make India an odd one out.
India’s objective lies not in offsetting the interests of either the US or China but to walk towards its own destiny of serving humanity and global peace.
India and Russia are natural allies. It is in the interest of both countries to have vibrant relations. The responsibility for this devolves upon Modi and Putin.
It is time to bring together the interests of the Indian and Chinese governments toward seeking the common goal of saving the Himalayas and the people living in the region.
India needs to start thinking about seeking a greater transformation in China from authoritarianism to embrace the culture of Buddhism and the impact such a change may entail for enduring relations between India and China.
Modi and Putin are all set not only to straighten the loose ends of existing projects but also bring new big items on the table.
Turkey’s unprecedented military action raises two questions: What is the likely impact on its ties with Russia? And, what are the dynamics of a ‘Russia-West’ collaboration over Syria?
It will take just a few deals to be sealed, especially of the co-development/co-production variety, for the present drift in relations being arrested and brought back on an even keel.
The air crash might prod the US and its allies to seek a political accommodation with Russia on Syria, and a grand coalition might emerge against the IS. But, even such a coalition will take long to dismantle the IS, assuming it were doable.