This article examines the policies the Chinese state has taken towards the Uyghur Muslim community in Xinjiang since the Cultural Revolution and tries to analyse to what extent have these changed with time. The article argues that the Uyghur community has been seen as a threat to the stability of the state, which is why harsh measures have been directed towards this ethnic group. The party has tried to maintain control over these groups by force by attempting to confine all forms of religious activity and by suppressing any independent body.

• Kunal Mukherjee
• May 2010
• Strategic Analysis

President Barack Obama's foreign policy orientation towards East Asia seems to be characterised by continuity rather than change, and is not so very different from that of his predecessors. With Japan and South Korea, Obama is trying to revitalise bilateral alliances. With China, he continues on his predecessor's policy of greater engagement, though he has offered some concessions during his visit to Beijing in November 2009. However, North Korea remains a real and huge challenge for Obama to test his engagement in East Asia.

• Pranamita Baruah , Rajaram Panda , Shamshad A. Khan
• May 2010
• Strategic Analysis

This article argues that in contradiction to the conventional wisdom that the Sino-Indian rivalry is one-sided (with only India viewing China as a rival); China has always factored India in its strategic calculus. The Sino-Indian relationship is asymmetric only to the extent that while India regards China as its 'principal rival', China considers India as only one of its (many) 'strategic rivals' as opposed to the principal one. This article also analyses articles related to India published in English-language Chinese journals in recent years.

• Manjeet S Pardesi
• July 2010
• Strategic Analysis

The drivers for sustaining the decades-long growth of the Chinese economy are the subject of enduring conjecture, controversy and even wonder. From a US$1 trillion economy in the 1980s, China's GDP has crossed the US$4 trillion mark and is vying with Japan for the status of the number two economy in the world. China has now set itself the task of becoming a major research and development (R&D) power in the medium-term, signalling its ‘arrival’ as a major power.

• Smita Purushottam
• July 2010
• Strategic Analysis

Sixty years for a human being may mean looking back, 1 taking stock of things and preparing to retire from active life. But for a nation it means more than just looking back to the path traversed. It involves looking to the future with confidence. Sixty years of India–China relations raises the significant question whether the two Asian giants could look to their bilateral relations with confidence.

• Abanti Bhattacharya
• September 2010
• Strategic Analysis

• Jagannath P. Panda
• January 2009
• Strategic Analysis

The 12th Malaysian general elections have been significant in more ways than one. Most importantly, the opposition unity combined with the grievance vote of the ethnic minorities challenged the United Malays National Organisation hegemony long prevalent in Malaysian politics. The Bersih rally and Hindraf agitation that saw large-scale mobilisation before the elections also points to the active participation of civil society.

• Pankaj K Jha
• January 2009
• Strategic Analysis

• Abanti Bhattacharya
• March 2009
• Strategic Analysis

This article intends to examine the notion of 'Revolution in Military Affairs' (RMA) in China and how the People's Liberation Army (zhongguo renmin jiefangjun) is thrusting RMA initiatives on its modernization programme. It sheds light on the issue of China's 'RMA-Driven Military Modernization' programme and situates the effect of these initiatives in the Indian context.

• Jagannath P. Panda
• March 2009
• Strategic Analysis

From a geopolitical perspective, Central Asia is one of the most important regions of the world due to its impact over great powers. At the outset, it should be made clear that the Central Asian states are the host of this region, and that great powers cannot dominate the region. The relations of great powers, mentioned in this commentary, are just taken as an analytical frame.

• Zhao Huasheng
• July 2009
• Strategic Analysis

It will take some time before the PLA can claim to be a modern military, at par with Western armies, capable of undertaking extended global missions. But the PLA is poised for a “Giant Leap”, and that is bound to dramatically change the ‘balance of power’ dynamics.

• G.G. Dwivedi
• August 07, 2017
• IDSA Comments

India should take the lead in forming an overarching security quad along with Australia, Japan and the US in the Indo-Pacific region.

• Adarsha Verma
• July 18, 2017
• IDSA Comments

The vision document considers maritime security cooperation as a lynchpin in the MSR and attempts to redesign the existing maritime security architecture in the oceanic arena of MSR.

• Abhay Kumar Singh
• June 28, 2017
• Issue Brief

A rational decision maker in the White House does not have all options on the table and cannot start a war without South Korea’s consent. Diplomacy is the only option and this is as obvious as obvious can be.

• K. P. Fabian
• May 03, 2017
• IDSA Comments

The strategic dialogue should focus on the fundamentals of shared beliefs and political culture, and be supported by widespread engagement at the provincial, governmental and academic levels.

• M.S. Prathibha
• March 29, 2017
• IDSA Comments

It is time to engage in a dialogue process not just for enhancing strategic trust but also to think more cunningly about how to benefit from China’s riches by gaining access to Chinese credit and technology, and securing markets for Indian products.

• P. Stobdan
• March 21, 2017
• IDSA Comments

AIIB is a Chinese dominated bank and the Chinese excitement about AIIB is based on the control and strategic clout that Beijing, the bank’s main architect, wields over its functioning.

• Jagannath P. Panda
• March 21, 2017
• Issue Brief

India should seek to ‘redefine’ OROB to add a strong component for a ‘Digital Asia’, as that is where our comparative advantage lies, and for Asian connectivity to have two nodes, in China and in India, as has been the case throughout history.

• Mukul Sanwal
• September 29, 2016
• IDSA Comments

India needs to engage more pointedly with South Korea, Japan, the United States and even bilaterally with DPRK to convey its concerns regarding the latter’s strategic cooperation with Pakistan.

• Jagannath P. Panda
• September 27, 2016
• IDSA Comments

Furthering the premise of an increasingly severe security environment, Japan’s latest defence white paper has accorded relatively more space to its ‘strong concerns’ over China’s ‘active maritime expansion’ as well as progress in North Korea’s missile development programme.

• Titli Basu
• August 22, 2016
• IDSA Comments