It would appear that India accorded preponderance to the broader interests of national sovereignty before its final stand on the UNHRC resolution. But it also cannot be oblivious to the likelihood of parallels being drawn in the future by some countries inimical to India.
De-militarisation per se is a sensitive issue, however, it is of essence that the Sri Lanka armed forces` role vis-à-vis the provincial administrations or even in the larger island-nation context be re-defined. It be a good idea to engage the SLA in project activities and relocate the army throughout the country and not be exclusively entrenched in the northern province.
The recent violent incidents carried out by the Kamtapur Liberation Organisation (KLO) in the sensitive eastern and north-eastern parts India have serious security implications. Conscious intervention of the centre in concert with the state governments of West Bengal and Assam and even Sikkim, as well as with cooperation of the Bhutan government is required at the earliest.
It is essential to codify the executive instructions for administering the northern province under some statutory rules issued at the provincial level with concurrence of the central government. The statutory rules should not leave any scope for cognizance of directives or advice from the provincial governor to the provincial officials.
India may have to maintain a two-pronged approach. At the governmental level, it will have to offer economic benefits and cooperation. However, a regime which is communally oriented may have to be dealt on a reciprocal basis.
The importance of the road network in the north-east needs no emphasis. India is now raising the 17 Mountain Corps to augment its strategic strike capability vis-à-vis China. The BRO is the key instrument to realise the road network objective and provide the required logistical capability to this Corps.
The State hardly has any `balance from its current revenues` to take on additional internal security expenditure or fund its own development activities. In this backdrop, the State has perforce to depend on the Centre to maintain a security establishment and sustain it on a long-term basis.
A solution to the Syrian crisis is unlikely to emerge with either Assad in power or in the existing circumstances of the military stand-off. A political solution will have to be imposed from outside, possibly an understanding between the US and Russia with tacit consent of China.
Post-elections, one can now expect a meaningful political dialogue between the Sri Lankan government and the TNA on the feasible interpretation and application of the autonomy measures under the 13th Amendment.
Creation of new states is likely to undermine India’s polity and governance and consequently the socio-economic progress. Cost-benefit analysis suggests that only in some respects the newly-created states have performed better.